Les enfants constituent la valeur primordiale dans les mécanismes de reproduction de la société. C’est pourquoi les groupes ont cherché à s’emparer du «choix» des acteurs sociaux avant qu’ils n’accèdent à la capacité de décision. Pourtant du fait de la progression de la subjectivation et des droits individuels, les mariages d’enfants constituent de plus en plus un problème social dans les mondes sociaux à la fois traditionnels et modernes, notamment en Turquie. L’objectif de cette thèse a pour objet d’apporter un regard critique mais compréhensif sur les mariages d’enfants de sexe féminin en Turquie, d’en comprendre les causes et conséquences et de révéler les expériences des femmes s’étant mariées avant l’âge mineur (18 ans) et de voir comment elles perçoivent la question du mariage d’enfants. Deuxièmement, nous avons cherché à analyser les articles parus à ce propos, dans la presse écrite turque et les messages Twitter afin de constater comment les médias choisissent de refléter ce problème et de comprendre si le discours adopté au cours de ces articles de presse et messages Twitter correspondent au discours adopté par les femmes en question. La thèse mobilise deux types de sources : un travail sur le terrain et une analyse d’un corpus de journaux. Dans une première étape, des entretiens face-à-face, semi-structurés ont été réalisés avec des femmes s’étant mariées avant l’âge de 18 ans. Dans une seconde étape, des articles parus dans la presse écrite et les messages sur Twitter ont été étudiés. Finalement, les données obtenues lors de ces deux recherches ont été comparées. Cette thèse, inspirée par la théorie du féministe est composée de cinq chapitres principaux qui déclinent une démonstration révélant la complexité d’un phénomène où les acteurs sociaux dévoilent une multiplicité de représentations et de trajectoires. / Children are the most important value and future of a society. However, today, one of the important societal problems in Turkey as well as in the problem of marriage of underage girls. The aim of this thesis is firstly to look critically at the marriages of underage girls in Turkey to find out its reasons and results and reveal the experiences of women who married before age of 18 and how these women perceive the child marriage problem. Secondly, it is aimed to analyze related news in Turkish print media and across Twitter posts and to find out how the media reflects this problem and if these news reports and Twitter posts’ discourses correspond to the discourses of the women in question. The thesis consists of two types of field research. In the first stage of the research, a face-to-face, semi-structured interview is conducted with the women who married before their age of 18. In the second research, related news reports in Turkish print media and posts on Twitter are examined. Finally, the findings of two types of research are compared. This thesis, which is based on feminist framework theoretically, consists of five main chapters. In this study, the relation between the way that these underage married women identified themselves and statements of media are investigated. In this regard, the study aims to make a contribution to the literature in terms of discussing the problem from the sociological perspective and it is hoped to make contribution to the solution of the problem to decrease the number of underage married girls in Turkey.

Esta dissertação propõe-se a analisar a mídia impressa, enfocando as revistas Época e IstoÉ e sua cobertura sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e de 2014 no Brasil, a partir de uma perspectiva de gênero. Buscou-se identificar como foram construídas as figuras políticas das candidatas Dilma Rousseff (PT), Marina Silva (PV e PSB) em relação ao candidato José Serra (PSDB) e Aécio Neves (PSDB) nesses pleitos. A hipótese levantada é que esses semanários promoveram uma representação diferenciada com base no gênero das candidatas/os à presidência da República, a partir de narrativas que reforçam a associação socialmente aceita do feminino com a esfera privada e do masculino com a esfera pública. Considerando que a política e a mídia são campos em constante interação, e que os fatos ocorridos em um terão repercussão no outro, entende-se a mídia como um ator central do jogo político contemporâneo. Em ambos os campos a participação das mulheres é assimétrica e diferenciada em relação aos homens. Deste modo, torna-se importante questionar como a mídia impressa contribui para a manutenção do cenário de baixa representação feminina na política institucional e quais narrativas são construídas sobre as mulheres que disputam importantes cargos eletivos. A abordagem dos 194 textos selecionados deu-se através do uso da técnica de análise de conteúdo e tendo como suporte a Teoria política feminista e seu debate em torno da díade esfera pública e esfera privada. A partir da análise empreendida conclui-se que em ambas as revistas investigadas a representação das candidatas Dilma e Marina foi diferenciada de seus concorrentes homens. O gênero foi um marcador importante na narrativa construída pela mídia impressa sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e 2014, em que as candidatas têm seus corpos, personalidade e vida pessoal e afetiva mais exploradas nos textos jornalísticos do que seus concorrentes homens. Também foi constatada a reprodução e reforço de estereótipos socialmente associados às mulheres, bem como uma desqualificação sistemática da figura de Dilma Rousseff e uma interseção entre classe e gênero na representação de Marina Silva. / This dissertation aims to analyse print media, focusing on the magazines Época and IstoÉ and their reporting of the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, from a gender perspective. The goal was to identify how the political figures of the candidates Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Marina Silva (PV and PSB) were constructed, in comparison to the candidates José Serra (PSDB) and Aécio Neves (PSDB) during the referred litigations. The hypothesis brought up is that these weekly publications promoted a distinct representation based on the gender of the presidency candidates, starting from the narratives that reinforce the socially accepted association of the feminine to the private sphere and the masculine to the public sphere. Considering that politics and the mass media are fields in constant interaction, that the events transpired in one will echo on the other, the mass media is understood to be a primal player in the contemporary political scenario. In both fields women’s participation is asymmetric and differentiated if compared to men. Thus, it’s relevant to question how the print media contributes to maintain the scenario of low feminine representation in institutional politics, as well as which narratives are constructed regarding women who compete for important elective positions. The approach of the 194 selected texts was made using the technique of content analysis, having as support the political feminist theory and it’s debate on the dyade public sphere/private sphere. Through the performed analysis it was made clear that in both magazines investigated the representation of the candidates Dilma and Marina was essentially different than that of their male competitors. Gender was a relevant topic in the narrative constructed by the print media regarding the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, in which the feminine candidates have their bodies, personality, as well as personal and affective lives more exploited in journalistic texts then their male competitors. It was also verified the reproduction and reinforcement of stereotypes socially associated to women, as well as a systematic disqualification of Dilma Rousseff’s figure and an intersection between class and gender in the representation of Marina Silva.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T16:59:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 elisangela.pdf: 1549525 bytes, checksum: 822d979dfaa0ffc42079d1fa75f77336 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Na sociedade brasileira, a infância pobre tornou-se, ao longo do século XX, alvo de um processo de normalização. O discurso médico, pedagógico, psicológico, jurídico e midiático lançou luz sobre este problema social. A instauração do Código de Menores, em 1927, pode ser interpretada como possibilidade de reposta a questão que desde então se considerava problema. Foi nesse movimento em busca por uma definição da infância que o termo menor foi sendo construído, tendo como baliza fatores de ordem social, econômica, moral e não apenas o quesito idade. A segregação entre ser criança e ser menor perdurou até o segundo Código de Menores, sancionado em 1979. Nem termo nem segregação foram substituídos. Na década de 1980, marcada por movimentos sociais, a legislação "menorista" foi alvo de críticas, juntamente com outros fatores que levaram à inclusão de artigos destinados especificamente ao público infanto-juvenil na Constituição Federal de 1988. Na década de 1990, com o advento do Estatuto da Criança e Adolescente, rompeu-se definitivamente com o estereótipo do menor. Tendo em vista este processo histórico, a proposta desta pesquisa consistiu em destacar permanências e rupturas no discurso jornalístico na questão infanto-juvenil na cidade de Criciúma/SC, tomando como fonte dois periódicos específicos: o Jornal da Manhã e o jornal Tribuna Criciumense. O recorte temporal compreendido entre 1970 e 1990 foi articulado para incluir as três legislações destinadas ao problema criança-adolescente. O discurso da imprensa, compreendido como uma construção realizada por sujeitos inseridos em determinado contexto temporal e territorial, faz uso de representações sociais em torno do assunto. Deste modo, através das peças jornalísticas selecionadas e os discursos por elas produzidos e divulgados constituem a fonte para o estudo e a reflexão da questão a respeito, procurando distinguir o dilema ou ambiguidade entre ser criança e ser menor, ou ser um perigo e estar em perigo

Esta dissertação propõe-se a analisar a mídia impressa, enfocando as revistas Época e IstoÉ e sua cobertura sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e de 2014 no Brasil, a partir de uma perspectiva de gênero. Buscou-se identificar como foram construídas as figuras políticas das candidatas Dilma Rousseff (PT), Marina Silva (PV e PSB) em relação ao candidato José Serra (PSDB) e Aécio Neves (PSDB) nesses pleitos. A hipótese levantada é que esses semanários promoveram uma representação diferenciada com base no gênero das candidatas/os à presidência da República, a partir de narrativas que reforçam a associação socialmente aceita do feminino com a esfera privada e do masculino com a esfera pública. Considerando que a política e a mídia são campos em constante interação, e que os fatos ocorridos em um terão repercussão no outro, entende-se a mídia como um ator central do jogo político contemporâneo. Em ambos os campos a participação das mulheres é assimétrica e diferenciada em relação aos homens. Deste modo, torna-se importante questionar como a mídia impressa contribui para a manutenção do cenário de baixa representação feminina na política institucional e quais narrativas são construídas sobre as mulheres que disputam importantes cargos eletivos. A abordagem dos 194 textos selecionados deu-se através do uso da técnica de análise de conteúdo e tendo como suporte a Teoria política feminista e seu debate em torno da díade esfera pública e esfera privada. A partir da análise empreendida conclui-se que em ambas as revistas investigadas a representação das candidatas Dilma e Marina foi diferenciada de seus concorrentes homens. O gênero foi um marcador importante na narrativa construída pela mídia impressa sobre as eleições presidenciais de 2010 e 2014, em que as candidatas têm seus corpos, personalidade e vida pessoal e afetiva mais exploradas nos textos jornalísticos do que seus concorrentes homens. Também foi constatada a reprodução e reforço de estereótipos socialmente associados às mulheres, bem como uma desqualificação sistemática da figura de Dilma Rousseff e uma interseção entre classe e gênero na representação de Marina Silva. / This dissertation aims to analyse print media, focusing on the magazines Época and IstoÉ and their reporting of the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, from a gender perspective. The goal was to identify how the political figures of the candidates Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Marina Silva (PV and PSB) were constructed, in comparison to the candidates José Serra (PSDB) and Aécio Neves (PSDB) during the referred litigations. The hypothesis brought up is that these weekly publications promoted a distinct representation based on the gender of the presidency candidates, starting from the narratives that reinforce the socially accepted association of the feminine to the private sphere and the masculine to the public sphere. Considering that politics and the mass media are fields in constant interaction, that the events transpired in one will echo on the other, the mass media is understood to be a primal player in the contemporary political scenario. In both fields women’s participation is asymmetric and differentiated if compared to men. Thus, it’s relevant to question how the print media contributes to maintain the scenario of low feminine representation in institutional politics, as well as which narratives are constructed regarding women who compete for important elective positions. The approach of the 194 selected texts was made using the technique of content analysis, having as support the political feminist theory and it’s debate on the dyade public sphere/private sphere. Through the performed analysis it was made clear that in both magazines investigated the representation of the candidates Dilma and Marina was essentially different than that of their male competitors. Gender was a relevant topic in the narrative constructed by the print media regarding the presidential elections of 2010 and 2014, in which the feminine candidates have their bodies, personality, as well as personal and affective lives more exploited in journalistic texts then their male competitors. It was also verified the reproduction and reinforcement of stereotypes socially associated to women, as well as a systematic disqualification of Dilma Rousseff’s figure and an intersection between class and gender in the representation of Marina Silva.

La violencia sexual es un tipo de violencia considerada como centro focal de la narrativa mediática, ya que tiende a ser disociada de la violencia en general y es integrada a una categoría propia e individual. La presencia de elementos afectivos o sexuales dentro de la violencia sexual genera una mayor repercusión mediática y capta con mayor facilidad el interés del lector. Es aquella constante inserción de la sexualidad en los medios la cual mantiene las estructuras sociales que reproducen estereotipos. En los discursos mediáticos, existe una asociación tácita entre el allanamiento corporal y el intercambio sexual, que permite insertar el lenguaje de medios judiciales para alimentar el contenido discursivo de la prensa. En el presente trabajo, se entiende la violencia o agresión sexual como cualquier intercambio carnal sin el consentimiento de ambas partes. (Fernández Díaz, 2003, pág. 24) Existe un límite entre la sexualidad y un acto de agresión sexual; no obstante, este tiende a ser desdibujado por la perpetuación de un discurso que asocia e intercambia ambos términos. Aquel límite es el referente a la voluntad y el deseo de la víctima. Pero existen dificultades al evaluar la presencia de la voluntad en casos de incidentes violentos y en el proceso se niega el deseo de la mujer o se le distorsiona mediante la presencia de la seducción o la provocación. Frente a la negación del deseo, la condescendencia o la entrega se convierten en sustitutos para éste en los discursos actuales. ¿Cuáles son los discursos presentes en la cobertura de prensa escrita peruana en relación a casos de violencia sexual y cómo se relacionan con la fabricación de estereotipos y el fenómeno de victimización? El objetivo de la presente investigación es analizar cómo el uso del lenguaje y la comunicación, empleada en la cobertura de prensa escrita peruana en relación a casos de violencia sexual, forjan la base de estereotipos y reflejan y reproducen las relaciones de poder y el proceso de victimización. Específicamente, se busca identificar la presencia de mitos y estereotipos a través de su lenguaje y el planteamiento del juicio mediático, al igual que analizar el manejo del poder simbólico y el proceso de victimización de la prensa escrita peruana y su dimensión persuasiva en relación a la comunicación de ideologías patriarcales. / Trabajo de investigación

This thesis examines the influence of advertisers on the content of printed motoring magazines through the method of quantitative content analysis. The thesis asks whether an increasement of advertising can or can not influence media's reporting on advertisers' products. The thesis examines three Czech printed motoring magazines: Svět motorů, Automobil revue and auto motor a sport. The theoretical part deals with the dual-market topic, in other words the theory of two types of media's customers: paying readers and paying advertisers. They can - and according to the theory they often do - differ in their interests. The advertiser is interested in showing his products in the media in the best possible light, on the contrary, the reader is interested in being informed as objectively as possible. The theoretical part is based mainly on McQuail (2009) and Jirák and Köpplová (2015), who deal, inter alia, with the dilemma of two customers. Part of the theory is devoted to several other research which have examined the same topic; e. g. in the context of Italian fashion magazines. The work itself is based on research questions that ask about a correlation between the amount of advertising and amount (and tonality) of editorial content devoted to the advertisers as well as a possible influence of...

This diploma thesis deals with the penetration of discourse of Communist power into the society through content of (women's) magazine Žena a móda within 50s and 60s. The aim of this thesis is to point out that the elements of communist ideology appeared also in media such as fashion magazine. First chapters of this thesis deal with socialism and its ideological propaganda and represent the importance of ideological symbols, propaganda and manipulation through the media. In connection with this the thesis represents also the political-economic situation in the textile and clothing industry and also uses the facts about the media control by the communist regime. On this basis the thesis presents an analysis of 240 issues of the Žena a móda magazine and focuses on selected ideological symbols such as socialist fashion, working clothes, relationship between the East and the West, ideological leaders and personalities, the Soviet Union as ideal, conceptualization of the "Great History" and the image of socialistic woman. The method of discourse analysis thus allowed to introduce the symbols in different historical and social contexts and also to point to their changes in time, specifically in the context of comparing their likeness in the 50s and 60s of 20th century. The content of Žena a móda magazine...

Ce mémoire propose l’étude de l’exposition universelle de Paris 1900 par l’analyse discursive des articles de journaux, de La Presse et de La Patrie qui se penchent sur l’évènement. En ce sens, notre étude se situe au croisement de différents champs historiographiques. Le milieu de la presse imprimée subit d’importants changements dans la seconde moitié du 19e siècle autant en ce qui concerne le contenu des journaux que les planches en elles-mêmes. Les expositions universelles, ces « lieux-moments », évoluent également et culminent en cette célébration du 19e siècle se déroulant à Paris en 1900. Plusieurs questions de recherche animent ce mémoire, notamment : quel traitement la presse réserve-t-elle au Québec et au Canada français à l’exposition? Quelle est la place de l’Autre dans les articles? Y a-t-il des différences dans le contenu des articles qui portent sur les nations européennes et ceux qui se penchent sur la présence, à l’exposition, des colonies et des pays de ce qu’on appelait l’Orient? Dans un premier temps, le corpus de sources médiatiques est sujet à une rapide analyse quantitative qui nous permet de classer les articles dans différentes catégories soit, publicités, articles politiques, articles de divertissement et chroniques. Cette première étape de l’analyse nous permet de prendre le pouls du poids qu’occupe l’exposition universelle dans les quotidiens étudiés. L’analyse discursive de ces articles de journaux nous permet, dans un second temps, de relever certains aspects de la présence canadienne à l’exposition. Ils nous éclairent sur le contenu de l’exposition ainsi que sur l’image que le Canada cherche à projeter de lui- même sur la scène internationale. Le discours de presse témoigne ainsi de la volonté du Canada de s’élever au niveau des autres nations euroaméricaines « civilisées », comme la France, l’Allemagne ou encore les États-Unis. D’un autre côté, il éclaire également sur la perception que le Canada se fait de l’Autre racialisé puisqu’il rend compte de l’exposition des populations colonisées, régulièrement tenu pendant les expositions universelles du tournant du 20e siècle. En ce sens, le discours de presse entretient des relations de pouvoir inégal fondées sur une justification de la domination coloniale ancrée dans un racialisme scientifique européen. / This M.A thesis studies the Paris 1900 World’s Fair through the analysis of newspaper articles in La Presse and La Patrie. In doing so, this research situates itself at the crossroads of numerous historiographical fields. In the second half of the 19th century, both the press and the World’s Fair undergo significant changes. These changes affects newspapers in the way they look and are printed, but also in their content. For the World’s Fair, they evolve and culminate in the celebration of the 19th century in Paris in 1900. The changes affecting the press and the World’s Fair beg questions such as : How is the press talking about the presence of Quebec and French Canada at the Fair? What place do the Others take in the press discourse regarding the Fair? Is there a difference between the discourse surrounding the European nations, and those that are viewed as « Oriental » nations at the Fair? Firstly the newspaper articles that make up our body of sources are separated into four different categories: advertising, political articles, entertainment articles and chronicles. This analysis, though not exhaustive, will examine the significance that the Paris 1900 Wold’s Fair had in the La Presse and La Patrie newspapers. Secondly, the discursive analysis of these articles helps us understand the way Canada presents itself at the Fair. The press reveals how the Canadian exhibits were displayed, and consequently how the country tried to present itself on the international stage. The newspaper’s discourse also illustrates Canada’s will to appear on the same level as other euroamerican « civilized » nations, such as France, Germany or even the United- States, both culturally and economically. Also, the newspaper exposes how Canada perceived the Occident and it’s racialized view of other races. The later are often exhibited during the Fair in « human spectacles » that occasionally take place throughout the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. Canada’s presentation of itself at the World’s Fair and the broad strokes of Canada’s ideals at the time, as shown through the newspaper articles, demonstrates unequal racial power relationships stemming from the justification of Occident’s colonial domination grounded in a European scientific racialism.

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Dans ce mémoire, je défends l’idée que le magazine contribue à l’aménagement des lieux qui constituent l’espace public urbain et qu’il fait partie intégrante de « textures » (Adams et Jansson, 2012) qui construisent socialement et culturellement les lieux. J’étudie le magazine imprimé comme un objet physique et situé et m’intéresse aux infrastructures qui le rendent visible. Par une écologie médiatique urbaine, je propose d’ériger un pont entre l’objet médiatique « exceptionnel » (Abrahamson, 2007) qu’est le magazine imprimé et ses lieux afin de considérer le magazine autrement que par les analyses de contenu qui ont dominé les études sur le magazine. En déambulant dans les rues de Montréal, je suis allé à la recherche du magazine pour témoigner de sa présence continue à l’ère du numérique. / In this thesis, I argue that the printed magazine contributes to the planning of the places that make up urban public space and that it is an integral part of the 'textures' (Adams and Jansson, 2012) that socially and culturally construct places. I study the printed magazine as a physical and situated object and I am interested in the infrastructures that make it visible. Through an urban media ecology, I propose to build a bridge between the 'exceptional' (Abrahamson, 2007) media object that is the printed magazine and its places in order to consider the media differently from the content analyses that have long dominated magazine studies. Wandering the streets of Montreal, I went in search of the magazine to highlight its continued presence in the digital age.