Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-03-24T17:37:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tiago Nilo.pdf: 765193 bytes, checksum: e198d16f3845fce249b8fc35b08fcc41 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-24T17:37:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tiago Nilo.pdf: 765193 bytes, checksum: e198d16f3845fce249b8fc35b08fcc41 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-01-31 / Nenhuma / Este trabalho tem o objetivo de investigar a critica arendtiana referente ao conceito de trabalho de Karl Marx. Segundo Arendt, Marx não faz qualquer distinção entre as atividades do trabalho labor - e da fabricação - work. Isto propiciou uma alteração na quantidade dos produtos fabricados, na natureza do processo de produção e, finalmente, na natureza dos bens produzidos. Nosso intuito consiste, portanto, em investigar como Arendt interpreta a categoria marxiana de trabalho, assim como a maneira pela qual se organiza a sua crítica a este conceito que se encontra no terceiro capitulo de sua obra A condição Humana (1958). / This work aims to investigate the critical Arendt on the concept of work of Karl Marx. According to Arendt, Marx makes no distinction between the activities of labor and work. This provided a change in the quantity of manufactured products, nature of production and, finally, the nature of objects produced. Our aims is thus to investigate how Arendt interprets the Marxian category of labor, as well as the away it organizes its criticism of this concept which is the third chapter of his book The human condition (1958).

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-08-08T12:18:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro Jaskulskii_.pdf: 10180514 bytes, checksum: 5fe92aa54c270b84ce82c90e29b0433d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T12:18:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro Jaskulskii_.pdf: 10180514 bytes, checksum: 5fe92aa54c270b84ce82c90e29b0433d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-20 / Nenhuma / Esta dissertação trata da aplicação dos elementos da Indústria 4.0, na realidade do setor industrial metalmecânico brasileiro de 2018. O conceito da Indústria 4.0 foi elaborado objetivando a melhoria de produtividade e da qualidade através da aplicação de recursos digitais, economicamente viáveis nos sistemas empresariais. O Brasil, que neste momento passa por um processo de desindustrialização, pode abordar esta nova realidade de duas formas: abrir mão desta nova tendência, de maneira passiva, devido a sua condição econômica e estrutural; ou, por outro lado, ativamente adaptar os recursos viáveis de maneira a coletar o melhor retorno sobre investimento da digitalização na indústria. A metodologia utilizada para realização do trabalho foi a Design Science Reseach. Na busca do equacionamento do problema de pesquisa, criou-se um método para realizar um diagnóstico da situação atual da empresa estudada, e formatar um plano de implementação dos elementos da Indústria 4.0 viáveis, que priorize os melhores retornos sobre investimento na condição situacional, levando-se em conta o atual ambiente interno e externo da fábrica estudada. Para construção da proposta inicial do método, versão M0, foi feito um amplo levantamento bibliográfico. Uma vez sugerido, o M0 foi ajustado utilizando-se de especialistas em um grupo focal, gerando o método a ser aplicado em uma empresa pertencente à indústria metalmecânica brasileira. Ao final da aplicação M0, foi elaborado um plano de implementação processual dos elementos da Indústria 4.0 adaptado a realidade da empresa em questão. Realizou-se então uma avaliação crítica desta aplicação, para medir a validade do Modelo e seus pontos de melhoria, visando enriquecer e gerar uma versão final intitulada de M1. / This master thesis presents the application of Industry 4.0 elements into 2018 reality of Brazilian metalworking industry. Industry 4.0 concept was created targeting productivity and quality improvements, through digital resources, economically feasible in corporate systems. Brazil, that is under a deindustrialization process, can face this new reality in two ways: given up of new tendency, being passive due to its economic and structural condition; or, by the other hand, adapting in an active way its feasible resources, to collect the digital best return on investments in the industry. The methodology applied was the Design Science Research. To answer the research problem, a diagnosis and implementation plan method were arranged, to apply viable Industry 4.0 elements, prioritizing the best return of investments of factual internal and external ambient of situated factory. To build up the M0 version method, it was made a wide bibliographic study. Once suggested, M0 was adjusted by specialists into a focal group generating the method to be applied into a Brazilian metalworking industry company. By the end of M0 application, a processual action plan was raised, shaped to the studied company atmosphere. Then, an evaluation analysis of this application was made, to validate the model and its improvement points, to generate a final version termed M1.

L’histoire du développement a été marquée par deux grandes révolutions. La révolution néolithique a fait passer l’humanité d’une économie paléolithique organisée autour de la chasse, de la pêche et de la cueillette à une économie néolithique basée sur l’agriculture et l’élevage. Cette première révolution planétaire est caractérisée par le passage d’un mode de vie nomade à un mode de vie sédentaire; lui-même conduisant à terme à la naissance des premières civilisations de l’Antiquité. La révolution industrielle, deuxième révolution planétaire, constitue une seconde rupture. Cette révolution se caractérise par le passage d'une société à dominance agraire à une société à dominance industrielle et urbaine.Dans un contexte de crise globale, qui s’apprécie notamment à l’aune de l’échec patent desOMD, nous posons l’hypothèse d’une troisième révolution planétaire en devenir dont l’ampleur pourrait être comparable aux deux précédentes. Depuis la révolution industrielle, lemonde a connu une croissance économique et démographique sans précédent; entraînant certes des progrès notoires, mais aussi un accroissement exponentiel de son empreinteécologique. À travers l’étude des principaux paradigmes contemporains du développement,nous avons décidé de revisiter prospectivement le modèle onusien. Au carrefour des divers modèles nationaux, l’ONU constitue, nous semble-t-il, le lieu le plus approprié pour aborder cette question. Enfin, dans la mesure où derrière la présente crise globale se cache une crise écologique profonde, nous considérons que le prochain paradigme qui émergera sera, pour les raisons que nous exposons, le fruit d’une dialectique entre les modèles anthropocentriste et biocentriste. / The history of development was marked by two great revolutions. The Neolithic revolution has seen humanity passed of an economy organized around Paleolithic hunting, fishing andgathering to a Neolithic economy based mainly on agriculture and livestock. The first planetary revolution is characterized by the transition from a nomadic to a sedentary lifestyle;himself eventually leading to the birth of the first civilizations of antiquity. The Industrialrevolution, the second planetary revolution, is a second major break in development history.This revolution is essentially characterized by the transition from a predominantly agrariansociety to a predominantly industrial and urban.Against a backdrop of global crisis, including appreciating in terms of the obvious failure ofthe MDGs, we hypothesize a third planetary revolution with a magnitude that could becomparable to the previous two. Since the beginning of industrial revolution, the world hasexperienced an economic and population growth unprecedented, certainly at the origin ofsignificant progress, but also an exponential increase of its ecological footprint. Through thestudy of major contemporary paradigms of development, we prospectively decided to revisitthe UN model and framework. At the crossroads of different national models, the UN is themost appropriate place to address this issue. Finally, since behind this global crisis lies aprofound ecological crisis, we believe that the next paradigm that will emerge, for reasonsthat are set, is going to be the result of a dialectic between anthropocentric models, on onehand, and biocentric models, on the other hand.

Les révolutions industrielles ont été caractérisées par un rôle des banques joué en premier via le capital circulant, plus que via le financement du capital fixe. Le poids du commerce extérieur dans l’économie Britannique du dix-neuvième siècle pose la question de l’importance d’une catégorie de crédits, les crédits à l’exportation. Le dix-neuvième a vu la croissance des financements des exportations par prêts, ces prêts rencontrant l’engouement aussi bien des banques que des entreprises. A partir de la mi-dix-neuvième siècle, le role historiquement joué par l’escompte connait un déclin relatif, concrétisé par un financement des exportations par prêts devenant dominant dans l’actif des banques. La prolifération des banques, malgré les crises récurrentes, et la concurrence interbancaire qui en a découlé, ont joué dans le sens d’une réduction du rationnement au niveau du financement des exportations. La pression sur le rationnement est d’autant plus notable que les structures de l’assurance-crédit à l’exportation n’ont commencé à s’affirmer qu’en fin de dix-neuvième siècle, et n’ont commencé à bénéficier du soutien de l’Etat qu’après la première guerre mondiale. Malgré cela, les marchés proches des pays d’Europe continentale ont été dépassés en direction des marchés géographiquement éloignés, en principe caractérisés par un niveau de risque plus élevé. L’interaction entre l’élargissement des débouchés à l’exportation et la croissance de la production a bénéficié de l’appui d’une offre de crédits à l’exportation relativement peu sensible au risque. D’où la possibilité de parler de révolutions industrielle, financière, et commerciale. Du point de vue institutionnel, si l’Etat a essentiellement agi dans le sens de l’élargissement de l’accès aux marchés pour les exportations Britanniques, la banque d’Angleterre a, pour sa part, rempli le rôle vital de préteur ultime, permettant de maintenir le flux de financement en direction des entreprises, via le refinancement des banques. / The industrial revolutions were characterized by a role of banks played mainly via the circulating capital, rather than via the financing of fixed capital. The weight of the foreign trade in the nineteenth century British economy raises the question of the importance of a category of credits, the export credits. The nineteenth century saw the growth of loan-financed exports, these loans meeting the craze of banks as well as that of companies. From the mid-nineteenth century, the role historically played by the discount witnessed a relative decline, concretized by a financing of the exports by loans which became dominant among bank activities. The proliferation of banks, in spite of the recurring crises and the interbank competition which ensued from it, resulted in a reduction of the rationing at the level of exports financing. The pressure on the rationing is more considerable than the structures of export credit-insurance began to assert themselves only at the end of nineteenth century, and began to benefit from state support only after World War I. Nevertheless, markets close to countries of continental Europe were exceeded in the direction of geographically remote markets, usually characterized by a level of higher risk. The interaction between export outlets extension and production growth benefited from the support of an export credits offer relatively less risk sensitive. Hence the possibility to speak about industrial, financial and commercial revolutions. From an institutional point of view, if the state has essentially acted in favor of the extension of access to markets for the British exports, the Bank Of England has played, for its part, the vital role of ultimate lender, allowing to maintain the flow of financing in the direction of companies, via the refinancing of banks.

The main research questions for this local study of Tarkett AB, a floor manufacturer, are based on the central characteristics of the third industrial revolution: globalization, technological development, and organizational change. As a background to the local development and change towards the end of the twentieth century, I have chosen to emphasize, on the one hand, the increasing need of the industry for internationalization, rationalization, and productivity development after fordism and the demise of the regulated “real wages capitalism” in the middle of the 1970s, and, on the other, the work rights offensive of the labor movement in the 1970s and its continued struggle for economic and industrial authority. The method to analyze the essential traits of the organizational change process has aimed to construe a field of organizational change whose ideal types are based on taylorism, toyotism, flexible specialization, just-in-time, and lean production. Methods used to analyze change from the perspective of social structuration are also related to the theories of dynamic contradictory class locations, local hegemony, and gender. Apart from traditional source material and interviews, the study builds on the results from a study group consisting of a number of factory workers from Tarkett. Technological change and development (IT) of the work process on the factory floor has been analyzed as technological rationalization, quality development, work environment improvement, and as issues of gender relations and class positions at the work place. As regards the management process, leadership and control, centralization and decentralization concepts are vital. In matters concerning working conditions, including salaries, working hours, and job profiles (qualifications required for employment) are central. The management process was subject to changes that entailed deviations from the principles of traditional tayloristic management philosophy. Instead a participant change strategy implemented decentralized leadership functions in the shape of management by objectives via autonomous groups according to principles of ”responsible autonomy”. The investigation shows that computer-aided centralized control functions, competence improvement, and intensified ideological control worked together to change the management process. Decentralization of responsibility, the integration of white-collar like duties, the general competence development, and the higher demands on job qualifications, combined to render workers’ class locations more contradictory. This, together with ideological control and change, contributed to consolidate local hegemony.

Gaslight, an Industrial Revolution technology, developed in the period 1780–1820. The foundations for the technology are partly found in the pneumatic chemistry of the eighteenth century, both in terms of the knowledge of gases and their properties, and the instruments used to manipulate them, such as the gasometer, making gaslight one of the earliest instances of a technology heavily based on science. Although many people experimented with lighting with gases in the late eighteenth century, the move to a commercial technology began with Philippe Lebon and William Murdock who had a clear commercial purpose in mind. The technology in its early phases was found everywhere in Europe, but it was at Boulton & Watt in Birmingham that it was first successfully applied. As Boulton & Watt developed the technology they identified many and solved some of the problems associated with scaling up the technology. They were not, however, very interested in gaslight and only sporadically gave attention to it, before effectively abandoning it around 1812. They nevertheless had an important role to play in its development not only because if their technical work, but also because they demonstrated the technology’s viability to the broad public, and by giving people experience in gas engineering. The technology's final form as a network utility was partly as a result of a battle fought between Boulton & Watt and Frederick Winsor's Gas Light and Coke Company in London during 1807–1810. Boutlon & Watt did not want a large limited-liability corporation as a competitor, and the contest in Parliament between the two groups resulted in a negotiated compromise where the Gas Light and Coke Company gave up all rights to manufacture apparatus, and focused exclusively on gas provision, effectively making it a utility. The years from 1812–1820 saw the technology mature into a large network which included not only technical development, such as the pressure balancing with valves and regulators, but also political and social elements, such as the control of user expectations through education and usage enforcement through inspectors. By 1820, the technology was sufficiently developed to be transferred to the Continent.

Gaslight, an Industrial Revolution technology, developed in the period 1780–1820. The foundations for the technology are partly found in the pneumatic chemistry of the eighteenth century, both in terms of the knowledge of gases and their properties, and the instruments used to manipulate them, such as the gasometer, making gaslight one of the earliest instances of a technology heavily based on science. Although many people experimented with lighting with gases in the late eighteenth century, the move to a commercial technology began with Philippe Lebon and William Murdock who had a clear commercial purpose in mind. The technology in its early phases was found everywhere in Europe, but it was at Boulton & Watt in Birmingham that it was first successfully applied. As Boulton & Watt developed the technology they identified many and solved some of the problems associated with scaling up the technology. They were not, however, very interested in gaslight and only sporadically gave attention to it, before effectively abandoning it around 1812. They nevertheless had an important role to play in its development not only because if their technical work, but also because they demonstrated the technology’s viability to the broad public, and by giving people experience in gas engineering. The technology's final form as a network utility was partly as a result of a battle fought between Boulton & Watt and Frederick Winsor's Gas Light and Coke Company in London during 1807–1810. Boutlon & Watt did not want a large limited-liability corporation as a competitor, and the contest in Parliament between the two groups resulted in a negotiated compromise where the Gas Light and Coke Company gave up all rights to manufacture apparatus, and focused exclusively on gas provision, effectively making it a utility. The years from 1812–1820 saw the technology mature into a large network which included not only technical development, such as the pressure balancing with valves and regulators, but also political and social elements, such as the control of user expectations through education and usage enforcement through inspectors. By 1820, the technology was sufficiently developed to be transferred to the Continent.

This thesis is an attempt to reassess the long debated issues of economic history from the perspective of institutional economics. Besides examining different approaches to technology and its impact on economic and social life, it analyzes the role of institutions in history. It discusses the institutional interpretations of the critical developments of economic history such as, the Industrial Revolution and the Great Divergence, with an emphasis on differences between the two scholarly traditions, namely, the Original Institutional Economics and the New Institutional Economics. Although the arguments of New Institutionalists concerning the role of technology in history have been effectively incorporated into the economic history research, the potential contributions of the Original Institutional Economics to the study of economic history have remained for the most part unexplored. The aim of this thesis is to demonstrate the relevance and importance of original institutional analysis with respect to technology and economic history.

Existing criticism that addresses the concept of Englishness in Elizabeth Gaskell’s writing is sparse and confined to a small part of her oeuvre, and, furthermore, has, in the main, placed Englishness (and England) in Gaskell’s fiction either within a Derridian paradigm of endless signifiers or in the realm of metaphor. I place Gaskell’s Englishness within its socio-historical milieu, and argue that, for Gaskell, England is primarily literal, her green and pleasant land, and that, in her writing, she envisages a slowly evolving and flatter English social system incorporating a wider selection of the English population than was the norm in the mid-nineteenth century. She wrestles with the place of the ‘other’ within English society. Indeed, as a female and as a Unitarian, Gaskell is herself ‘other,’ outside of hegemonic Englishness, and her outsider status had a marked influence on her Englishness. I argue that there are ambiguities in Gaskell’s vision for a more egalitarian Englishness. Her Englishness is couched in middle-class terms, in which, for Gaskell, the entry requirement into the ‘in group’ of Englishness (by, for example, the working classes) is middle-class acculturation, and she presents both the benefits and limitations of her liberal, middle-class perspective. Contemporary topics that inform Gaskell’s fiction include industrial change, economic liberalism, colonial expansion, political reform, and scientific debate, each of which brought issues of nationhood and identity into focus. Gaskell’s primary vehicle for producing Englishness in this historical context was through short stories and novels, although her essays and letters are also significant. I focus on four key areas which provide entry points into her constructions of Englishness: race, empire, imperial trade (especially tea, opium, and cotton), and gender/masculinity.

This dissertation provides a new interpretation for the rise and subsequent decline of Brazil as a cotton supplier to the British textile sector during the Industrial Revolution. Between 1791 and 1801, northeast Brazilachieved a market share of 40 percent in Liverpool. Contrary to what scholars previously argued,the chief cause for the rise of Brazil as a major cotton exporterwas its superior cotton fiber for the new calico and muslin textiles produced in Britain. Notwithstanding the initial success, Brazilian cotton exports stagnated after 1819. Previous interpretations argued that the decline of Brazilian cotton plantations was a result of labor shortagesand high inland transport costs. This dissertation instead provides evidence showing that cotton regions in Brazil had in fact a high density of slaves. Likewise, transport costs represented a small fraction of cotton market prices. For cotton planters, the largest economic burden was the fiscal policy implemented by the central government after 1808. The need to increase revenues led the central government to tax the most important commodities at the time. Export taxes represented the largest cost for cotton production in Brazil until the 1840s. As regional governments could not tax imports, they were left with little resources to invest in infrastructure projects that could offset the increasing costs of taxation. In the end, higher production costs reduced Brazil\'s ability to face the challenge of new competitors in the international cotton market during the nineteenth century. / Essa dissertação fornece uma nova interpretação para a ascensão e subsequente declínio do Brasil como um fornecedor de algodão para o setor têxtil britânico durante a Revolução Industrial.Entre 1791 e 1801, o nordeste do Brasil alcançou uma participação de mercado de 40% em Liverpool.Contrário ao que os pesquisadores normalmente argumentam, a principal causa do surgimento do Brasil como um importante exportador de algodão foi a qualidade superior da sua fibra para os novos têxteis produzidos na Grã-Bretanha.Não obstante o sucesso inicial, as exportações brasileiras de algodão estagnaram após 1819. As interpretações anteriores argumentaram que o declínio das plantações brasileiras de algodão foi resultado da escassez de mão-de-obra e dos altos custos de transporte terrestre.Essa dissertação, no entanto, fornece evidências de que as regiões de algodão no Brasil tinham, de fato, uma alta densidade de escravos. Do mesmo modo, os custos de transporte representaram uma pequena fração dos preços de mercado do algodão.Para os plantadores de algodão, o maior fardo econômico foi a política fiscal implementada pelo governo central após 1808. A necessidade de aumentar as receitas levou o governo central a tributar as commodities mais importantes na época.Os impostos de exportação representaram o maior custo de produção de algodão no Brasil até a década de 1840. Como os governos regionais não podiam tributar as importações, ficaram com poucos recursos para investir em projetos de infraestrutura que poderiam compensar os crescentes custos de tributação.No final, os custos de produção mais elevados reduziram a capacidade do Brasil de enfrentar o desafio de novos concorrentes no mercado internacional do algodão durante o século XIX.