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“The Best Possible Time for War?” The USS Panay and American Far Eastern Policy During the Roosevelt PresidencySchnurr, Jeremy 13 December 2011 (has links)
This thesis examines American Far Eastern policy from the beginning of the Franklin Roosevelt presidency through the early months of 1938. This study is chiefly concerned with the attack by Japanese aircraft on the USS Panay and its effect on the course of U.S. foreign policy. Particular attention is paid to the Anglo-American dialogue which occurred throughout the Far Eastern Crisis. Prior to the end of 1938, the U.S. administration’s position in Asia was dictated both by policies inherited from preceding administrations and by the extreme isolationism of the American people. This foundation effectively inhibited any cooperation with foreign powers. Relying on a reactive policy in the Far East, Washington remained aloof from entanglement as the President sought a plan which would permit U.S. involvement without inviting isolationist wrath. This paper traces an evolution in American Far Eastern policy, highlighting the Panay incident as a distinctly identifiable turning point whereby isolationism gave way to internationalism.
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“The Best Possible Time for War?” The USS Panay and American Far Eastern Policy During the Roosevelt PresidencySchnurr, Jeremy January 2012 (has links)
This thesis examines American Far Eastern policy from the beginning of the Franklin Roosevelt presidency through the early months of 1938. This study is chiefly concerned with the attack by Japanese aircraft on the USS Panay and its effect on the course of U.S. foreign policy. Particular attention is paid to the Anglo-American dialogue which occurred throughout the Far Eastern Crisis. Prior to the end of 1938, the U.S. administration’s position in Asia was dictated both by policies inherited from preceding administrations and by the extreme isolationism of the American people. This foundation effectively inhibited any cooperation with foreign powers. Relying on a reactive policy in the Far East, Washington remained aloof from entanglement as the President sought a plan which would permit U.S. involvement without inviting isolationist wrath. This paper traces an evolution in American Far Eastern policy, highlighting the Panay incident as a distinctly identifiable turning point whereby isolationism gave way to internationalism.
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Typologie postav v románech na pokračování publikovaných v časopisech pro ženy / Typology of characters in novels to continue published in women's magazinesHrudíková, Iva January 2014 (has links)
The aim of this work is the analysis of a typology of characters in the serial novel, which was published in women's magazines in the interwar period. For this thesis were used methodology of quantitative content analysis and qualitative analysis of selected five novels to continue. The work was focused on the period 1931 - 1939. Obtained data were found identical types and features the characters used in contemporary novels to continue. They were found the common aspects of serial novels that formed the primary source material of this thesis. The research was obtained the basic data for working with literary figures of romantic fiction. In this work was prepared model the main male and female character appearing in the novels to continue. In this work was constructed the model of serial novel. Part of the thesis has brought an analysis of novels and their characters have been converted into a movie. This work confirmed the importance of the continuation novels, as a key department of women's periodicals in the interwar period. The contribution of this work is to analyze the most frequently used characters in the novels to continue. Grouping of most commonly used features can be used as a basis for the construction of literary characters red library and sentimental novels. Contribution of the work...
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La rivalité franco-italienne en Europe balkanique et danubienne, de la Conférence de la Paix (1919) au Pacte à quatre (1933) : intérêts nationaux et représentations du système européen / The Franco-Italian Rivalry in Balkan and Danubian Europe, From The Peace Conference (1919) to the Four-Power Pact (1933) : National Interests and Representations of the European International SystemNardelli-Malgrand, Anne-Sophie 21 November 2011 (has links)
Dès 1919, la France et l’Italie se tournent vers l’espace balkanique et danubien, issu de l’effondrement des empires multinationaux, pour assurer leur sécurité et leur puissance. Alors que la question adriatique éloigne les deux pays, ils trouvent un consensus provisoire sur l’Europe danubienne : ni Anschluss, ni confédération danubienne. Ce modus vivendi va cependant voler en éclats à partir de 1924, lorsque la volonté française de mieux organiser son système d’alliances rencontre le révisionnisme fasciste. L’une et l’autre puissance tentent de surmonter les difficultés internationales créées par le mouvement pour l’Anschluss, l’opposition de la Petite Entente et de la Hongrie, le statut de la Yougoslavie, mais la divergence de leurs représentations sur ce que devait être un concert européen rénové empêcha toute collaboration. Leur confrontation favorisa la déstabilisation de l’Europe balkanique et danubienne : le lien entre les deux phénomènes éclata au grand jour lors des négociations économiques pour la reconstruction de l’Europe entre 1931 et 1933. Dans le sillage de ces dernières, le Pacte à quatre fut conçu par la diplomatie française comme une occasion d’arrimer l’Italie à la vision française de l’organisation du continent, tandis que Mussolini en faisait la première étape d’un bouleversement de l’ordre issu des traités de paix : l’Europe balkanique et danubienne fut le grand enjeu tacite du Pacte à quatre. / By 1919, France and Italy look to the Balkan and Danubian Region, shaped by the collapse of multinational empires, to ensure their safety and power. While the Adriatic question drives away the two countries, they find a temporary consensus on Danubian Europe: neither Anschluss, nor Danubian confederation. This modus vivendi is however shattered in 1924 when the French desire to better organize its system of alliances meets fascist revisionism. Both powers try to overcome the difficulties created by the international movement for the Anschluss, the opposition of the Little Entente and Hungary, the status of Yugoslavia, but their divergent representations of what should be a renovated European concert prevent any collaboration. Their confrontation promotes the destabilization of the Balkans and the Danubian Region : the link between the two phenomenons breaks out in the open during the negotiations for the economic reconstruction of Europe between 1931 and 1933. In the wake of these, the Four Power Pact was designed by French diplomacy as an opportunity to tie Italy to the French vision of the organization of the continent, while Mussolini figures it as the first step in the disruption of the order created by the peace treaties: the Balkans and Danube was the great unspoken issue of the Four Power Pact.
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Beyond sexual satisfaction : pleasure and autonomy in women’s inter-war novels in England and IrelandBacon, Catherine M. 15 June 2011 (has links)
My dissertation offers a new look at how women authors used popular genres to negotiate their economic, artistic, and sexual autonomy, as well as their national and imperial identities, in the context of the changes brought by modernity. As medical science and popular media attempted to delineate women’s sexual natures, Sylvia Townsend Warner, Winifred Holtby, Kate O’Brien, and Molly Keane created narratives which challenged not only psychoanalytic proscriptions about the need for sexual satisfaction, but traditional ideas about women’s inherent modesty. They absorbed, revised, and occasionally rejected outright the discourses of sexology in order to advocate a more diffuse sensuality; for these writers, adventure, travel, independence, creativity, and love between women provided satisfactions as rich as those ascribed to normative heterosexuality. I identify a history of queer sexuality in both Irish and English contexts, one which does not conform to emergent lesbian identity while still exceeding the limits of heteronormativity. / text
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Frühe lyrische Texte Julian Tuwims und der Große Krieg. „Sie schlagen Juden! Lustig! Ha-ha-ha!“Krehl, Birgit 07 August 2019 (has links)
No description available.
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Dreams Won and Lost: Fait Accompli and the Creation of Modern Poland, 1918-1923Zielinski, Joseph M. 26 September 2013 (has links)
No description available.
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Händler und HeldenSchröder, Benjamin 22 August 2019 (has links)
Die Dissertation untersucht mittels Lokalstudien die Massendemokratie der Zwischenkriegszeit im Medium der Praxis von Wahlkämpfen. Sie argumentiert, dass die britische Demokratie bereits in den 1920er Jahren in deutlich stärkerem Maße als die deutsche nach den Prinzipien eines politischen Marktes funktionierte. Während in der hiesigen politischen Kultur Wähler als Individuen von den Parteien umworben wurden, standen sie sich in Deutschland als Großgruppen und feste Anhängerschaften der Parteien als Gegner - und Feinde - entgegen. Das gab der demokratischen Auseinandersetzung in der Weimarer Republik ein kriegerisches Gepräge, im Kontrast zum pragmatisch-spielerischen Umgang mit Konflikt in Großbritannien. Erklären lässt sich dieser Unterschied aus den Traditionen der Eingewöhnung politischer Partizipation in beiden Ländern im Verlauf des 19. Jahrhunderts, die der „Politik“ in Deutschland ein deutlich höheres Gewicht im sozialen Miteinander mitgab als in Großbritannien. Das letztendliche Scheitern der Weimarer Republik an dieser Attributierung des Politischen mit Bedeutung und des Konflikts mit Ernsthaftigkeit, wirft die Frage auf, ob die moderne Demokratie für ihr Bestehen ein gewisses Maß an Gleichgültigkeit benötigt. / The thesis uses local contexts to study mass democracy in the inter-war period in the medium of electioneering practice. It argues that British democracy already followed the logic of a political market in the 1920s, to a much higher degree than was the case in Germany. Whereas parties wooed voters as individuals here, they were rather seen as part of big social groupings in German political culture, standing off against each other as opponents - and as enemies. This gave democratic contests in the Weimar Republic a war-like character, which stood in contrast to the pragmatic and playful way of dealing with conflict in Britain. The difference is explained by the traditions of how political participation had been learned throughout the 19th century in both countries, where the German path had resulted in 'politics' weighing much more heavily on social relations than was the case in Britain. The eventual failure of the Weimar Republic due to the attribution of meaning to everything political, and due to the seriousness of conflict, begs the question of whether modern democracy, to persist, requires a certain amount of disinterest among the electorate.
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