This thesis is situated at the intersection of Feminist International Relations, Critical Security Studies and Gender Studies. It takes as its starting point – and offers a challenge to – the feminist contention that soldiers cannot be peacekeepers due to hegemonic constructions of military masculinity associated with the skills and practices of combat. It problematises this assumption by investigating whether involvement in the practices of conflict resolution on Peace Support Operations (PSOs) influences the construction of military masculinities. The thesis also questions the rather monolithic accounts of masculinity which are found in feminist arguments that peacekeeping soldiers reinforce neo-imperial oppression, and argues that such critiques neglect the potentially more progressive aspects of employing soldiers as peacekeepers. Using the British Army as a case study to explore these conceptual issues, the thesis utilises a novel methodological approach derived from R W Connell’s framework of gender relations and social constructivist discourse theory. It analyses both official and unofficial sources of British Army discourse on PSOs, including military doctrine, recruitment material and autobiography, and finds evidence to suggest that ‘peacekeeper masculinity’ offers a challenge, albeit incomplete, to the hegemonic masculinity associated with combat. The thesis argues that, despite the limited nature of this challenge, peacekeeper masculinity represents an important development because the privileging of conflict resolution practices it embodies involves disruptions to traditional gendered dichotomies and the construction of ‘regendered soldiers,’ with important implications for both international peace and security and gender relations. Finding conflict resolution practices such as negotiating and building consent, moderating the use of force and humanitarian activities manly rather than emasculating is crucial if soldiers are to take PSOs as seriously as they do war. Moreover, associating masculinity with practices that require building relations of sensitivity, mutual respect and empathy has implications beyond the success of PSOs. Such associations not only challenge current models of hegemonic masculinity in the military, but – through replacing relations of dominance with more democratic relations – challenge the entire hierarchical structure of gender relations in western culture and language. As such, in exploring the concept of regendered soldiers, this thesis contributes significantly to theories of change in gender relations as well as to feminist International Relations scholarship on military masculinities, peacekeeping and security.

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2999-01-01

自很久的歷史以來﹐越南與其他東南亞國家基於地緣因素已經有了類似的文化基礎﹐同時也是永遠不變的自然鄰國。不僅如此﹐越南與這些國家都是中小國﹐從古代到近代幾乎都受到了區域外大國的壓迫﹐成為大國之間你爭我奪和擴大影響範圍的目標。 基于此理﹐越南與名為東南亞國家協會的區域組織之關係可以說是「同病相憐」而應該友好﹔但由於歷史的種種原因﹐雙方的關係卻變得比較複雜。自東協於1967年成立以來﹐越南東協關係有升有降﹐時沉時浮﹐從對頭轉為對話﹐從敵人成為朋友。透過分析在各個時期的越南東協關係﹐包括雙方的看法以及影響越南東協看法的各種因素﹐本論文將解釋此一關係的變化﹐從而得出了最後的肯定﹕越南需要東協﹐而東協也需要越南。越南1995年加入東協是得到各方歡迎的必然結果﹐對本國以及整個東南亞區域來說已經帶來了積極影響。 雖然在加入後的越南東協關係發展過程中﹐在各方面上所得到的可喜成就之外還存在一些障礙﹐但越南東協關係會一直向前﹐東協在越南對外政策中會起著日益重要的地位。而越南的更加融入也會讓東協不斷茁壯﹐為實現一個和平､穩定､合作的東南亞地區創造順利的條件。

Le renforcement de la dimension internationale de l'action de l'Union européenne est fondamentalement lié à l'exercice d'affirmation identitaire. La consécration de l'Union en tant que véritable acteur international exige qu'elle démontre sa capacité d'influencer les relations internationales conformément à ses éléments fondamentaux. Son développement institutionnel et matériel doit donc permettre de déterminer et de projeter les traits essentiels de son identité sur la scène internationale. Le développement institutionnel de la politique internationale de l'Union implique de concilier sa dualité juridique, historique et politique. L'évolution de la dimension externe de l'action de l'Union européenne est, en ce sens, marquée par la perspective d'unification de son action extérieure. Ce processus repose sur un effort d'identification et de détermination identitaire quant à l'image que l'Union entend projeter sur la scène internationale. L'exécution matérielle de la politique internationale de l'Union s'inscrit dans le prolongement de ces réalisations et confirme la réussite de l'Union européenne à faire accepter son existence au plan international. Elle met en relief l'affirmation de sa singularité identitaire dans la prise en compte de sa nature et dans le modèle d'acteur international qu'elle entend incarner. Dans ce cadre, son adhésion à un modèle d'acteur civil des relations internationales s'appuie sur le travail identitaire réalisé au plan interne. Son affiliation à ce modèle se confond avec la recherche d'une adhésion universelle à sa politique internationale et demeure limitée par la nécessaire sauvegarde de l'originalité identitaire de l'Union européenne. / The enforcement of the international dimension of the European Union's action is fundamentally bound to the assertion of its identity. Its recognition as a true international actor request that it shows its ability to influence international relations in accordance with its fundamentals elements. The framework of its institutional and material development must help to determine and project its identity essential features in the international system. The institutional development of the EU's international politic involves to reconcile its institutional, historic and politic duality. Within this context, the perspective of unify EU's external action leave its mark on the development of its external dimension. This process rest upon a work on identity identification and determination as for the picture European Union intend to project on international scene. Material execution of EU's international politic follows on from these fulfillments and confirms EU's success to impose its international existence. This execution emphasizes assertion of its identity singularity trough the way its nature is taking into consideration and through the model of international actor EU intends to become. In this context, EU's commitment to a model of a civilian actor in international relations is based on an identity determination work made in its internal framework. EU's affiliation to this model is merged with the search of a universal support to its international politics and is limited by the necessary preservation of its identity originality.

Cette thèse s’interroge sur les raisons de la crise actuelle de la notion de souveraineté. La plupart des critiques affirment dénoncer la souveraineté dans sa conception classique telle que formulée par Hobbes et Bodin. Il s’agira alors de montrer que ces critiques manquent leur objet. Elles ne concernent pas la souveraineté de Hobbes ou Bodin mais une reconstruction de celle-ci. La thèse soutenue est que les évolutions paradigmatiques au sein des différentes disciplines ayant à traiter de la souveraineté ont profondément modifié son sens, de même que le sens des termes la définissant. Les concepts de pouvoir, d’État, de droit, ont été transformés en fonction de l’évolution des États et des préoccupations de chercheurs appartenant à des champs différents. Ce travail s’attachera à préciser la diversité de sens accordée aux différentes notions pour ensuite montrer que les critiques actuelles de la souveraineté transposent leurs propres définitions aux termes utilisés par Bodin et Hobbes. Il apparaîtra alors qu’en reprenant la souveraineté dans son sens originel, il est impossible de la considérer comme limitée. / This doctoral thesis questions the reasons behind the current crisis of the concept of sovereignty. Most critics claim they denounce sovereignty in its classical sense, that is to say as expressed by Hobbes and Bodin. We will show that these critics fail to identify their object. They don’t aim at the notion of sovereignty as developed by Hobbes and Bodin, but rather a reconstruction of it. The idea defended here is that paradigmatic evolutions within the various disciplines dealing with sovereignty have deeply altered its meaning, as well as the meaning of the terms defining it. Concepts such as power, State, and Law have been changed according to the evolution of the States and the concerns of researchers in various fields. This work endeavors to clarify the plurality of meanings granted to these different concepts in order to show that the current critics of sovereignty are substituting their own definitions for the terms used by Bodin and Hobbes. Thus, it appears that by using sovereignty in its original sense, it cannot be regarded as limited.

[pt] Os debates sobre reprodução tem sido marcados pelo paradoxo perene entre: a abordagem da democracia liberal, na qual os direitos reprodutivos são vistos como direitos essenciais para a cidadania das pessoas que abortam, representados pela autonomia reprodutiva e fortemente marcados por princípios de direitos humanos; e a ótica da biopolítica que compreende que os direitos reprodutivos, quando implementados, são afetados por relações de poder que influenciam direta ou indiretamente as decisões reprodutivas das mulheres, havendo então, a impossibilidade do exercício da autonomia reprodutiva dentro de um sistema marcado pela existência da biopolítica do gênero. Essa tese tem como objetivo compreender os processos de articulação entre as relações interseccionais de poder (Collins, 2022) que permeiam este paradoxo contribuindo para o debate sobre o tema nas Relações Internacionais. Para isso, a tese propõe uma crítica às abordagens teóricas construtivistas e pós-estruturalistas da disciplina que negligenciam a reprodução como um eixo central das relações de poder no sistema internacional, e ao feminismo libera marginaliza as experiências reprodutivas de mulheres racializadas. A tese demonstra como a atuação e reivindicações das mulheres brasileiras luta por direitos reprodutivos nos fornece possíveis caminhos para compreender as manifestações cotidianas do paradoxo da reprodução. Para isso, utiliza-se de uma análise interseccional das experiencias reprodutivas de mulheres no Brasil para compreender como os sistemas de poder se articulam e se organizam, ingerindo nas escolhas reprodutivas das mulheres, para, então, compreender estratégias de resistência responsivas à injustiça social. / [en] Debates on reproduction have been shaped by the enduring paradox between the liberal democratic approach, which views reproductive rights as essential for the citizenship of those who seek abortions—represented by reproductive autonomy and strongly marked by human rights principles—and the biopolitical perspective, which posits that reproductive rights, when implemented, are affected by power relations that directly or indirectly influence women s reproductive decisions, thereby rendering reproductive autonomy impossible within a system marked by gendered biopolitics. This thesis aims to understand the articulation processes among intersecting power relations (Collins, 2022) that permeate this paradox, contributing to the debate on the subject within International Relations. To this end, it offers a critique of constructivist and post-structuralist theoretical approaches in the discipline that neglect reproduction as a central axis of power relations in the international system, as well as of liberal feminism, which marginalizes the reproductive experiences of racialized women. The thesis demonstrates how Brazilian women s activism and demands for reproductive rights provide possible pathways to understand the everyday manifestations of the reproduction paradox. To achieve this, an intersectional analysis of reproductive experiences among women in Brazil is employed to understand how power systems intersect and organize, influencing women s reproductive choices, and to identify responsive resistance strategies against the social injustices

[pt] Diante das incertezas decorrentes do declínio da ordem liberal pós-Guerra Fria, a disciplina de Relações Internacionais busca rearticular as subjetividades em meio a uma ordem global em transformação. A interconexão entre a vida subjetiva pessoal e a vida subjetiva social torna-se evidente ao considerarmos como os afetos influenciam as decisões políticas, moldam a percepção da verdade e contribuem para a construção da realidade. Ao explorarmos as relações internacionais à luz da interseção da evolução da psiquiatria, podemos observar como o evento da loucura não se reduz a um acontecimento isolado em um indivíduo. Gilles Deleuze e Félix Guattari, na obra O Anti-Édipo, propõem que, sob cada sociedade, existe um vasto fluxo de natureza libidinal-inconsciente que constitui o delírio da sociedade como um todo. Eles concebem o delírio como a matriz geral de todo investimento social inconsciente, sugerindo uma relação intrínseca entre loucura e pensamento. Influenciado por esse sistema de pensamento, propomos, nesta tese, uma alternativa à concepção ortodoxa da identidade reduzida a um Eu no campo das relações internacionais. Aquilo que denominamos como uma ontologia essencialista (essence), substituindo-a por uma ontologia imanente deleuziana, entendida como uma ontologia do sentido (sens). A loucura é aqui concebida não como uma condição individual, mas como uma metodologia, uma teorização pós-humana que enfatiza os processos de devir e diferenciação, considerando todos os corpos, humanos e não humanos, em um jogo constante, fluido e relacional. Dessa forma, tomando o delírio como método, procuramos questionar a natureza das relações internacionais, oferecendo uma crítica aos pressupostos ontológicos do conceito de internacional que estabelece uma ontologia estatista vinculada ao axioma de Westfália. Propomos a necessidade de confrontar estruturas baseadas em identidades, revelando como o pensamento ocidental moderno moldou modos de pensamento e categorias nas RI. Sugerimos uma reestruturação da identidade e da diferença por meio de uma ontologia do desejo e das linhas imanentes, fundamentais para uma teoria generalizada dos fluxos nas RI, inspirada na filosofia da diferença de Deleuze e Guattari. Por fim, a importância de tal movimento seria dada pela exploração da chamada virada afetiva nas humanidades e ciências sociais, introduzindo a cartografia esquizoanalítica como método de pesquisa. Esta abordagem oferece uma crítica especulativa à ontologia ortodoxa das Relações Internacionais e propõe uma reestruturação ontológica baseada em Deleuze e Guattari, buscando, assim, uma compreensão relacional dos agenciamentos internacionais. / [en] Given the uncertainties arising from the decline of the post-Cold War liberal order, the discipline of International Relations seeks to rearticulate subjectivities amid a changing global order. The interconnection between personal subjective life and social subjective life becomes evident when we consider how affects influence political decisions, shape the perception of truth, and contribute to the construction of reality. By exploring international relations through the intersection of the evolution of psychiatry, we can see how the event of madness is not reduced to an isolated event in a single individual. Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, in The Anti-Oedipus, propose that underneath every society there is a vast flow of libidinal-unconscious matter that constitutes the delirium of society. They understand delirium as the general matrix of all unconscious social investment, suggesting an intrinsic relationship between madness and thought. Influenced by this system of thought, we propose in this thesis an alternative to the orthodox conception of identity reduced to an I in the field of international relations. What we call an essentialist ontology (essence), replacing it with a Deleuzian immanent ontology, understood as an ontology of meaning (sens). Madness is conceived here not as an individual condition, but as a methodology, a post-human theorization that emphasizes the processes of becoming and differentiation, considering all bodies, human and non-human, in a constant, fluid, and relational process. In this way, taking delirium as a method, we seek to question the nature of international relations, offering a critique of the ontological presuppositions of the concept of international, which establishes a statist ontology linked to the axiom of Westphalia. We propose the need to confront identity-based structures, revealing how modern Western thought has shaped modes of thought and categories in IR. We suggest a restructuring of identity and difference through an ontology of desire and immanent lines, fundamental to a generalized theory of flows in IR, inspired by Deleuze and Guattari s philosophy of difference. Finally, the importance of this movement would be given by the exploration of the so-called affective turn in the humanities and social sciences, introducing schizoanalytic cartography as a research method. This approach offers a speculative critique of the orthodox ontology of International Relations and proposes an ontological restructuring based on Deleuze and Guattari, seeking a more relational understanding of international assemblages.

[pt] O Projeto UNESCO (1950) colocou o Brasil no centro das discussões sobre relações raciais no mundo. Visto a partir do prisma da democracia racial, orgulho nacional, o Brasil foi tema de pesquisas sociológicas e antropológicas acerca das formas de harmonia social e racial que poderiam ser um elemento chave contra conflitos étnicos-raciais, como o Holocausto Judeu durante a II Guerra Mundial. Contudo, a realidade interna brasileira em nada se relaciona com a pretensa democracia racial propagada pelo mundo, negando, desumanizando e exterminando a população negra em todo o país. Com isso, essa pesquisa aborda o pensamento internacional em torno da democracia racial brasileira em contraposição com a realidade doméstica do país de genocídio do povo negro. Esse fato coloca em evidência a falácia da leitura das Relações Internacionais do Estado como ator unitário e racional no Sistema Internacional. Da mesma forma, esforça-se por demonstrar como o mito de democracia racial e o epistemicídio contra intelectuais afrodiaspóricos tende a negar sua participação na interpretação do lugar do Brasil no mundo na construção do curso de Relações Internacionais no país. Para tal, divide-se este artigo em três distintas seções: a primeira aborda os conceitos de raça, branquitude e colonialidade como inerentes ao Brasil e academia de RI. A segunda seção apresenta o Projeto UNESCO, seus debates e conflitos, como possibilidade de lançar luz sobre a realidade racial não democrática brasileira. Por fim, a terceira seção se interessa em conectar o Projeto UNESCO com a academia de RI no país, a fim de expressar como a disciplina ignora a realidade doméstica em nome da unidade e racionalidade estatal. / [en] The UNESCO Project (1950) placed Brazil at the center of discussions on race relations in the world. Seen from the perspective of racial democracy, national pride, Brazil was the subject of sociological and anthropological research on forms of social and racial harmony that could be a key element against ethnic-racial conflicts, such as the Jewish Holocaust during World War II. However, the Brazilian internal reality has nothing to do with the alleged racial democracy propagated by the world, denying, dehumanizing and exterminating the black population across the country. In doing so, this research approaches the international thought around the Brazilian racial democracy in opposition to the domestic reality of the country of genocide of the black people. This fact highlights the fallacy of reading the State s International Relations as a unitary and rational actor in the International System. Likewise, it strives to demonstrate how the myth of racial democracy and the epistemicide against afrodiasporic intellectuals tends to deny its participation in the interpretation of Brazil s place in the world in the construction of the International Relations course in the country. To this end, this article is divided into three distinct sections: the first addresses the concepts of race, whiteness and coloniality as inherent to Brazil and the IR academy. The second section presents the UNESCO Project, its debates and conflicts, as a possibility to shed light on the Brazilian non-democratic racial reality. Finally, the third section is interested in connecting the UNESCO Project with the IR academy in the country, in order to express how the discipline ignores domestic reality in the name of state unity and rationality.

[pt] Dissertação de Mestrado que avalia o impacto da participação do movimento social brasileiro em aids na negociação entre o Governo Brasileiro, representado pelo Programa Nacional de DST /Aids, do Ministério da Saúde, e o Banco Internacional para a Reconstrução e o Desenvolvimento, BIRD, ou Banco Mundial. Discorre sobre as várias abordagens acerca de movimento social, assim como acerca da relevância do tema pandemia de aids para as Relações Internacionais,considerando os impactos econômicos, populacionais e de segurança nacional da epidemia mundial de HIV e aids. A dissertação se baseia em bibliografia primária e secundária,incluindo dissertações e teses, bem como documentos originais, assim como em entrevistas com as pessoas que desempenharam funções importantes na negociação do chamado AIDS I, qual seja o primeiro Acordo de Empréstimo entre o BIRD e o Programa Nacional de Aids, negociação essa que se deu entre os anos de 1992 e 1994. / [en] This Masters dissertation analyses the impact of the participation of the Brazilian social movement on AIDS in the negotiation between the Brazilian Government, represented by the National STD/AIDS Program by the Brazilian Ministry of Health,and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, IBRD, or the World Bank. It discourses upon different approaches to the social movement, and stresses the relevance of the AIDS pandemic to the International Relations, regarding diverse aspects on economy, population, and national security. The dissertation is based on primary and secondary bibliography, including dissertations and thesis; on original documents, as well as on interviews to key individuals who were involved, between 1992 e 1994, in the negotiation of the so called AIDS I, first Loan Agreement between the IBRD and the National Program on AIDS.

Cette thèse s’efforce de démontrer que l’évolution de l’agriculture et de la politique du développement agricole en Indonésie est fondée sur de longues expériences historiques s’étendant de l’époque précoloniale jusqu'à aujourd’hui. Les processus de développement ne sont pas de formes linéaires. Ils se sont réalisés par petits à-coups. Suivant les époques, ces différents processus de développement agricoles ont pu suivre des directions opposées.Ceux-ci ont également connu des contradictions fondamentales qui varient en fonction des intérêts de leurs promoteurs. Ces différents développements dépendent en effet de l'État et de ses relations avec d’autres agents comme les grands planteurs (propriétaires des plantations) et les paysans. Ces relations ne sont pas souvent fondées sur un principe d’égalité. L’influence des paysans en matière de négociation est souvent faible face aux autres agents économiques. L’héritage colonial et les structures féodales se font encore sentir de nos jours, et les paysans sont souvent en position de faiblesse, à moins qu’ils s`organisent entre eux pour leurs intérêts communs. Même si les quantités de productions agricoles sont en augmentation, la structure agraire inégale n'a pas beaucoup changé jusqu’à maintenant, depuis les époques féodales (locales), coloniales (européenne) et pendant l`occupation japonaise peu de choses ont changé. Les paysans doivent s’organiser et coopérer ensemble afin d’obtenir l’accès aux terres agricoles et défendre cet accès. Pour les paysans papous, la question principale reste posée : quels seraient des intérêts communs ou convergents entre les paysans indonésiens, ceux du centre (Java), ceux de la périphérie et ceux de Papouasie par exemple pour construire un meilleur avenir pour eux et lutter contre les fortes pénétrations dont ils souffrent aujourd'hui des investissements des capitalistes étrangers, mais aussi de celles des nationaux avec leurs propres élites locales ? / This dissertation asserts the complexity of the Indonesian agricultural problems. These problems occurred after the independence in a non-linear historical trajectory. However, the historical inheritance of the successive agricultural and land policies implemented since the precolonial period has also influenced the current situation of the largest actor in agricultural sector, Indonesian peasants. The development processes are not in linear forms, but conjectural ones. They are realized by short burst. According to the periods, they have followed opposite directions. The processes of agricultural development depend on the interests of their promoters : the state and its relations with other agents such as the large planters and the peasants. These relations are often not in equally beneficial. The bargaining position of the peasants is often weaker relative to theother economic agents. Even though the results of agricultural production are increasing, the unequal agrarian structure has not changed much since the feudal (local), colonial (European) and fascist (Japanese) periods. The Indonesian peasants need to self-organize and to cooperate together in order to increase its bargaining position so that they can access the agriculture lands as well as defend them. In the case of the Papuan peasants, the open question is what would be the common or converging interests of Indonesian peasants in general, compared to those in the peripheral regions such as Papua, to prepare a better future for them at the face of strong penetrations they suffer today from foreign and national capitalists, and their own local ruling elites? While ruling out independence option, Javanese and Papuan peasants need to cooperateand, if possible, join force to increase its bargaining position against the strong penetration of capitalists.