The way we understand the term health is being changed significantly under continuous globalisation. Even though in the past, health issues were a concern of a particular country, today, as a result of intensive trade and travelling, these issues reach beyond the boarders of national states and influence millions of people around the world consequently. Thus, the issue of health is moving from the national to the international level and a new concept of Global health emerges. Global health is a notion, which has evoked a lot of interest among politicians, academics, theoreticians, and within the whole international community, too. The international community is aware of its responsibility for global improvements to health through collective action. Thus, this thesis is aimed at the analysis of the development and practice of diplomacy in the sphere of health, as well as identifying the reasons of international co-operation of states in this field. The thesis concludes that the co-operation in global health is based on moral values, which are included in human right to health. Lastly, thesis scrutinizes human right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health.

This study offers an alternative analysis of the current literature regarding foreign involvement in the Syria civil war. The initials briefly describe the current situation in Syria, international relations and why the conflict is interesting to analyse from a scientific standpoint. The relevant actors and theoretical construction are also introduced. In the previous research chapter, the current research is presented concerning the global superpowers as well as the interventions that have taken place in Syria. In the theory chapter realism and liberalism are presented, and a number of important factors are discussed. In the result, the decisions and events that have taken place during the conflict in Syria is analysed through the lens of previous named theories. The actors studied are the USA and Russia. There are both realistic and liberalist elements in the decisions made by the actors. The final part of the essay discusses the result. The underlying interest of the players largely determines which decision is ultimately taken. Moreover, there are underlying tones of realism even in clearly liberalistic decisions.

Media har en väldigt betydande roll i hur vi uppfattar det som sker runt om i världen. Uppfattningen vi får utifrån en händelse beror till stor del av hur media rapporterar kring den händelsen. Ryssland anses vara ett land som idag kan väcka en del känslor i olika sammanhang, allt från utrikespolitik till idrottsvärlden. I början av 2014 skrevs det mycket om Ryssland i samband med Ukraina konflikten. En konflikt som FN och västvärlden fördömt Ryssland för. Studien syftar till att förstå hur rysktalande och svenska medborgare upplever medierapporteringen kring Ryssland. Målet har varit att ta reda på om media kan ha påverkat människors uppfattning om Ryssland beroende på hur rapporteringen sett ut men även hur relationen mellan Sverige och Ryssland upplevts. Den metod som valdes för studien var kvalitativ intervju där intervjupersonerna var både rysktalande samt svenska medborgare. Resultatet har visat att samtliga respondenter upplevt att medierapporteringen kring Ryssland har varit negativ. Anledningarna till att rapporteringen upplevts negativ har varit olika både bland rysktalande och svenska medborgare. Samtliga respondenter menar även att nyhetsrapporteringen i media kan påverka ens uppfattning om Ryssland på så sätt att läsaren antingen inte är insatt i ämnet eller inte kritiskt granskat informationen som tagits del av och bildat sin uppfattning utifrån det media valt att framhäva. Vidare menar respondenterna att media med all rätt kan ifrågasätta den ryska politiken men menar samtidigt att det inte rättvist att svartmåla Ryssland. Den dåliga relationen mellan Sverige och Ryssland beror säkerligen på staternas olika ideologier, värderingar och intressen som varit en stor påverkan för hur relationen ser ut men även en förklaring till varför medierapporteringen ser ut som den gör. / The media has a significant impact on how we perceive the things that occur around the globe. The perception we receive about a specific incident has a lot to do with the way media reports about that significant incident. Russia is a nation that stirs up emotions in different contexts, it can be anything between politics and sports. In the beginning of 2014, there were a lot of reports about Russia concerning the Crimea crisis and the Ukrainian conflict which ended up with the west and USA condemning Russia. The purpose of this study is to give an insight on how the Russian speaking community and Swedish citizens experience the way the media reports on Russia. The goal is to figure out whether the media has an impact on people’s opinions because of the reports and because of the unstable relations between Sweden and Russia. The method that was used was a qualitative interview with Russian speaking Swedish citizens. The results has shown that all respondents agreed that the media reporting about russia has been negative. The Russian speaking community and the Swedish citizens have different reasons behind those feelings. All the respondents have also indicated that the news reporting in the media can affect a persons perception about russia, especially individuals who hasn’t done their own research because they will form their own opinion from the medias reporting.The respondents feel like the media has a right to question the politics in Russia but it’s not fair to put Russia in a bad light because of that. The bad relations between Russia and Sweden exists because of the different ideologies, values and interests of the two nations, which has had a huge impact on the relationship and it’s also an explanation to why the media reports on russia they way it does.

Diploma thesis "al Jazeera versus al Arabiya - Media Rivalry of Qatar and Saudi Ruling Families during the 2006 Lebanon War" deals with domestic Arab satellite channels - Qatar al Jazeera and Saudi al Arabiya - and their way of reporting about the war in Lebanon in 2006. Their news coverage is put into context of rivalry between Qatar and Saudi ruling families. The thesis focuses on wide range of issues including the role of media in foreign policy of Qatar and Saudi Arabia, use of media for securing stability of the ruling regimes and for pursuing their regional influence. Main theoretical concept of the thesis is the Arab media model which enables projection of interests of the ruling families in Qatar and Saudi Arabia into their media.

Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.

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[pt] Este estudo investiga as relações, as disputas e os debates no Reino Unido entre partidos de esquerda (Labour), direita (Tories) e extrema-direita (UKIP) durante o referendo do Brexit, entre dezembro de 2015 e julho de 2016. Com base na leitura de jornais, artigos na internet, discursos, programas partidários e leis britânicas, o trabalho destacou a centralidade dos temas da imigração e da construção das identidades nacionais no referendo. O estudo desenvolve dois argumentos principais. O primeiro argumento afirma que os partidos britânicos não atuaram de modo isolado ou autônomo, mas constituíram e responderam a um sistema geral da ação política. Isso implica ver a atuação da extrema-direita como parte dos atores políticos partidários que se influenciaram de forma mútua e permanente. O segundo argumento defende que a votação marcou a estruturação dos espaços políticos no Reino Unido por meio de duas lógicas contraditórias: complexificação e simplificação. Por um lado, o Brexit representou um excedente de significação, levando as disputas a lugares cada vez mais improváveis. Por outro lado, o boletim de votação do dia 23 de junho de 2016 comportava somente duas opções: Leave ou Remain, isto é, deixar a União Europeia ou permanecer na mesma instituição. Nesse sentido, o referendo anunciou uma promessa difícil, de modo que as discussões transbordaram a própria moldura da votação. Por meio de um jogo entre excesso e falta, completude e incompletude, significação e contradição, o evento funcionou como um espaço privilegiado para as disputas políticas por hegemonia na construção da coletividade nacional britânica. / [en] This study investigates the relations, disputes and debates in the United Kingdom between left-wing (Labour), right-wing (Tories) and radical right (UKIP) parties during the Brexit referendum, between December 2015 and July 2016. Based on the reading of newspapers, articles on the internet, speeches, party manifestos and British laws, the work highlighted the centrality of the themes of immigration and the construction of national identities in the referendum. The study builds two main arguments. The first argument states that British parties did not act in isolation or autonomously, but constituted and responded to a general system of political action. This implies seeing the performance of the radical right as part of the party political actors who influenced each other mutually and permanently. The second argument argues that the voting marked the structuring of political spaces in the United Kingdom through two contradictory logics: complexification and simplification. On one hand, Brexit represented an excess of meaning, leading disputes to increasingly unlikely places. On the other hand, the ballot paper on June 23rd 2016 carried only two options: Leave or Remain, that is, leave or stay in the European Union. In this sense, the referendum announced a difficult promise, so that the discussions overflowed the very frame of the vote. Through a game between excess and lack, completeness and incompleteness, meaning and contradiction, the event functioned as a privileged space for political disputes for hegemony in building British national collectivity.

[pt] Este trabalho tem como objetivo evidenciar a relevância do Brasil no cenário internacional como reconhecido agente ratificador e internalizador de normas da Organização Internacional do Trabalho a respeito da erradicação do trabalho escravo, bem como destacar a fragilidade dessa posição alcançada diante de riscos existentes à política nacional de combate a essa prática ilegal. Para tanto, examina-se primeiramente a adesão brasileira ao corpo normativo da OIT. A partir da análise comparativa entre as iniciativas implementadas pelo Brasil para combater o trabalho escravo nos últimos 25 anos e as normas internacionais estabelecidas pelo Protocolo de 2014 adicional à Convenção do Trabalho Forçado número 29 da OIT (P29) – instrumento normativo vinculante mais recente e atualizado da organização a respeito do tema –, conclui-se que a política brasileira está contemplada em quase sua totalidade no referido documento. Portanto, sustenta-se que a resistência do Brasil em ratificar o Protocolo até hoje revela que o país se encontra em descompasso não só com o contexto internacional contemporâneo de enfrentamento ao trabalho escravo, mas sobretudo com o próprio histórico na OIT, apesar da influência brasileira na formulação do P29 e do prestígio internacional em torno da política nacional. Em seguida, a pesquisa aponta que o avanço brasileiro na erradicação do trabalho escravo ainda não está consolidado ao mapear uma série de obstáculos à política nacional que incluem tentativas de retrocesso, lacunas e falhas apontadas pela literatura especializada e por profissionais e pesquisadores ligados ao campo de pesquisa. Por fim, apresenta-se eventuais impactos econômicos e reputacionais para o Brasil diante do cenário de desmantelamento traçado. / [en] This dissertation aims to shed a light on Brazil s relevance in the international scenario as a recognised ratifying agent with a known path of internalisation of norms of the International Labour Organisation regarding the eradication of contemporary slave labour, as well as to highlight the fragility of this reached position in the face of existing risks to the national policy against this illegal practice. To this end, it is first examined Brazil s adherence to ILO s normative body. Based on a comparative analysis between the initiatives implemented by Brazil to fight slave labour in the past 25 years and the international norms established by the Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour Convention 29 (P29) – the latest and most up-to-date binding normative instrument within ILO regarding this topic –, it can be concluded that the Brazilian policy is almost entirely contemplated in the referred document. Therefore, it is arguable that Brazil s resistance to ratify the Protocol reveals that the country is out of step not only with the contemporary international context of confronting slave labour, but above all with its own historical stance within ILO, despite Brazilian influence in the formulation of P29 and international prestige around the national policy. The research, then, points out that Brazil s progress towards the eradication of slave labour is not yet consolidated by mapping a series of obstacles to the national policy that encompasses retrogression attempts, gaps and failures pointed out by specialised literature and professionals and researchers related to the field. Finally, it presents possible economic and reputational impacts for Brazil in view of the dismantling scenario outlined.

La thèse a pour objectif de participer à l’étude de l’Union européenne et à celle des relations internationales en ciblant spécifiquement la régulation du secteur forêt-bois-papier. La question de fond est de savoir comment la gestion des forêts est construite en problème public européen. Prenant acte d’un agenda mondial qui donne à voir un problème forestier globalisé et des processus de gouvernance opposant multilatéralisme et acteurs transnationaux, la thèse propose de porter la focale sur les acteurs européens qui définissent et politisent les enjeux forestiers selon leur propre relation à la ressource. Pour ce faire, le travail de recherche s’appuie sur une hypothèse centrale selon laquelle l’institutionnalisation des territoires forestiers constitue une ressource d’action publique pour les acteurs face à la régulation politique multiscalaire. Afin de mettre en avant la capacité des acteurs européens à circuler parmi les échelles de régulation pour participer à la construction des politiques publiques sectorielles, la thèse s’appuie sur un cadre théorique empruntant aux Théories des relations internationales et à l’Analyse des politiques publiques. Forte d’une telle grille d’analyse sociologisée, une seconde partie s’articule autour de trois études de cas de politiques européennes de la forêt (la protection des forêts contre les feux, la valorisation énergétique de la biomasse forestière et la lutte contre le commerce international de bois illégal). Au total, elles montrent toutes trois la capacité des acteurs locaux à territorialiser des enjeux globalisés de gestion d’une ressource naturelle. / This work aims at contributing to the study of the European Union and International Relations. Through analyzing the regulation of forest-based industries and the globalization of forest issues, the aim is to identify how both have been constructed as a European public problem. This is implemented around a central hypothesis: forest territories are institutionalized by actors who participate in its regulation. In order to ascertain the ability of actors to move between scales of regulation, the thesis is grounded on theoretical tools derived from the Theories of international relations and Public policy analysis. After a first part dedicated to defining this approach, a second is presents three case studies of European public policy (forest protection against fire, t renewable energy and actions to counter the trade of illegal wood). In sum, each one shows the ability of actors to territorialize a globalized forest issue.

As teorias de desenvolvimento passaram por evolução histórico-conceitual ao longo do século XX, e o conceito considerado mais adequado para medir o desenvolvimento dos países é o do Índice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH) da ONU. O IDH é elaborado com base na obra do economista indiano Amartya Sen, e considera diversas variáveis na classificação dos países, todas juntas formando uma estrutura base para que o indivíduo tenha liberdade de escolher os rumos de sua vida dentro da sociedade. O comércio é um fator importante para o desenvolvimento, pois permite a especialização da produção em razão de aptidões de cada um e o aumento da produtividade, pois as trocas garantem a cada indivíduo a possibilidade de obter todos os bens de que necessitam para a vida sem a precisar fabricar cada um deles. O comércio internacional é, portanto, um catalisador do desenvolvimento. Sua evolução histórica em busca do livre comércio levou à formação do sistema multilateral baseado na não-discriminação e eliminação gradual de barreiras comerciais, que teve impulso com as Rodadas GATT e ganhou corpo com a instituição da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). Por sua vez, o regionalismo é um movimento antigo e complexo, composto por variáveis geográficas, políticas, econômicas, culturais e jurídicas, entre outras. Suas primeiras manifestações estão ainda na Idade Antiga, mas o fenômeno ganhou força nos últimos tempos em razão da disseminação dos acordos preferenciais de comércio, aceitos dentro do sistema multilateral como exceção ao princípio da nação mais favorecida (artigo XXIV do GATT) por ser entendido como mecanismo de facilitação das concertações multilaterais e alavanca do desenvolvimento dos países. O grande envolvimento dos países em desenvolvimento e de menor desenvolvimento relativo em processos de integração regional e a manutenção de sua condição de subdesenvolvimento em relação às economias mais avançadas fazem questionar a assertiva de que o regionalismo promove o desenvolvimento dos países. Utilizando o exemplo da América Latina, pretende-se analisar a questão e seus desdobramentos, concluindo sobre a efetividade do regionalismo em promover o desenvolvimento dos países. / The theories of development have had an historic and conceptual evolution through the XX Century. The Human Development Index, from United Nations, is the parameter considered the most adequate to measure the development of the countries. It is inspired on the research of the Indian economist Amartya Sen, and considers several elements at the countries HDI classification, all elements being what is believed to be the basic structure for every individual to be free to make its own decisions regarding its living. Trade an important issue to the development, as it allows the production specialization, considering the singular characteristics of each country and the increase in productivity, (because the commercial exchange guarantees the possibility of acquiring all the products necessary for living without having to make each one of them). For this reason, the international exchanges are an important tool for development, and its evolution has always target the freedom of trade, based at principles such as non-discrimination and elimination of trade barriers, which had a great impulse with the GATT Rounds and the formation of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The regionalism is an antique and complex movement, composed by geographic, political, economic, cultural and juridical variables, among others. Although its first manifestations can be found at the Ancient Age, the recent phenomenon is based on the proliferation of preferential commercial arrangements, accepted by the multilateral system as exceptions of the principle of the most favored nation (article XXIV of GATT), because it is believed that regional agreements facilitate the implementation of the multilateral system and generates the development of the countries. The great participation of developing countries and least developed countries in regional trade arrangements and its persistent subdeveloped condition when compared to the developed economies makes us question the statement that regionalism promotes development. Using the example of the Latin America, this thesis intends to analyze the issue and conclude on the efficacy of the regionalism in promoting the development of the involved countries.