Ce mémoire examine, à l’appui de la théorie de rôles, l’influence de l’UE dans la construction du mécanisme de gestion de catastrophes de l’ASEAN. Contrairement à la plupart de recherches menées sur la relation UE-ASEAN, ce mémoire accorde une attention particulière aux échanges UE-ASEAN dans le domaine de sécurité non-traditionnelle, notamment dans la gestion de catastrophes. À travers nos observations, nous constatons que l’influence de l’UE dans la construction de la politique de sécurité non traditionnelle de l’ASEAN n’est ni monotone, ni constante. Son influence prend souvent forme de commanditaire et d’exemplaire, tandis que lors du lancement ou de l’exécution du projet, l’influence de l’UE cède la place à celle de l’ASEAN elle-même, qui assume constamment la responsabilité de lancer l’initiative et de mettre en place les mesures politiques. Ce mémoire contribue non seulement à remesurer l’influence de l’UE sous forme de différents rôles mais aussi à souligner l’implication des autres acteurs régionaux dans la construction de politiques régionales de l’ASEAN : ils sont tous des acteurs importants dans le développement, l’évolution et l’accomplissent des politiques régionales de l’ASEAN dans la sécurité non- traditionnelle. / Using role theory, this dissertation examines the influence of the EU in the construction of the ASEAN disaster management mechanism. Unlike most research on the EU-ASEAN relationship, this dissertation pays particular attention to EU-ASEAN exchanges in the field of non-traditional security, notably in disaster management. My observations show that the EU's influence in shaping ASEAN's non-traditional security policy is neither monotonous nor constant. Its influence often takes the form of sponsor and exemplar, while at the launch or execution of the project, the EU's influence gives way to that of ASEAN itself, which constantly assumes responsibility for launching the initiative and implementing the policy measures. This dissertation not only helps to re-measure the EU's influence in the form of different roles, but also to highlight the involvement of other regional players in the construction of ASEAN regional policies: they are all important actors in the development, evolution and achievement of ASEAN regional policies in non-traditional security.

Submitted by LUCAS BISPO DOS SANTOS null (lucasbispoo18@gmail.com) on 2018-04-04T01:17:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas Bispo dos Santos-Dissertação-Versão Finaldef.pdf: 2066371 bytes, checksum: b26a7db652943bf2e7f7d62255c801fc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-04-05T14:08:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_lb_me_mar.pdf: 2066371 bytes, checksum: b26a7db652943bf2e7f7d62255c801fc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-05T14:08:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_lb_me_mar.pdf: 2066371 bytes, checksum: b26a7db652943bf2e7f7d62255c801fc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O objeto deste trabalho são as negociações do Acordo de Associação Inter-regional Mercado Comum do Sul (Mercosul) - União Europeia (UE), tendo como escopo de análise o período entre 1995 e 2016. O foco da análise está no posicionamento dos governos de Argentina e Brasil, assumindo que os dois países são o eixo fundamental para o avanço da integração do Mercosul. Ao longo dos anos de negociações é perceptível a mudança de ímpetos para a negociação dos dois países, com momentos de maior e menor convergência entre seus posicionamentos em relação à proposta europeia. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar os interesses defendidos pelos governos argentinos e brasileiros, a partir da compreensão do papel dos grupos de interesses domésticos agrícolas e industriais e sua influência nas negociações, sob ponto de vista político. Demonstra-se que os interesses de negociação de Argentina e Brasil se modificaram ao longo das tratativas tal como dos grupos domésticos estudados. Advoga-se que os posicionamentos dos países refletiriam as preferências nacionais, formadas a partir de pressões de grupos agrícolas e industriais de cada país. / The object of this dissertation is the negotiations of the Interregional Association Agreement between the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) and the European Union (EU), analyzing the period between 1995 and 2016. The focus of the analysis is the position of the governments of Argentina and Brazil, assuming that both countries are fundamentals axis for the progress of Mercosur integration. Throughout the years of negotiations the change of impetus for the negotiation of the two countries is perceptible, with moments of greater and lesser convergence between their positions in relation to the European proposal. The objective of this paper is to analyze the interests defended by the Argentine and Brazilian governments, from the understanding of the role of the agricultural and industrial groups and their influence in the negotiations, from a political point of view. It is shown that the negotiating interests of Argentina and Brazil have changed during the negotiations as well as the domestic groups studied. It is argued that the positions of the countries would reflect the national preferences, formed from the pressures of agricultural and industrial groups in each country. / El objetivo del trabajo son las negociaciones del Acuerdo de Asociación Interregional Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur) - Unión Europea (UE), teniendo como objetivo de análisis el período entre 1995 y 2016. El foco del análisis está en el posicionamiento de los gobiernos de Argentina y Brasil, asumiendo que los dos países son el eje fundamental para el avance de la integración del Mercosur. A lo largo de los años de negociaciones es perceptible el cambio de ímpetu para la negociación de los dos países, con momentos de mayor y menor convergencia entre sus posicionamientos en relación a la propuesta europea. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar los intereses defendidos por los gobiernos argentinos y brasileños a partir de la comprensión del papel de los grupos de intereses domésticos agrícolas e industriales y su influencia en las negociaciones desde el punto de vista político. Se demuestra que los intereses de negociación de Argentina y Brasil se modificaron a lo largo de las tratativas tal como de los grupos domésticos estudiados. Se defiende que los posicionamientos de los países reflejen las preferencias nacionales, formadas a partir de presiones de grupos agrícolas e industriales de cada país.

Ce travail de thèse a pour objectif d’étudier l’évolution de l’« Europe des régions » au sein du Conseil de l’Europe de 1957 à 2010. L’histoire du fait régional au sein de l’Organisation de Strasbourg est caractérisée par trois périodes clés. La première période débute en janvier 1957, avec la première réunion de la Conférence européenne des pouvoirs locaux (CPL) et dure jusqu’en 1975, quand elle devient un organe permanent du Conseil de l’Europe et reconnaît officiellement lesrégions en son sein. Une deuxième période se dessine ensuite de 1975 jusqu’en 1994, date de la création du Congrès des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux d’Europe (CPLRE). Le Congrès a un nouveau rôle politique et une place bien déterminés dans l’architecture institutionnelle du Conseil, et il dispose de deux Chambres, à savoir une Chambre des régions et une Chambre des pouvoirs locaux. Une dernière période s’étale enfin de 1994 à 2010. Il s’agit pour les régions et le Congrès de contribuer à la stabilité démocratique du continent européen par les activités de suivi de la démocratie locale etrégionale, des élections et de la réalisation de plusieurs programmes de coopération. / This research studies the evolution of the “Europe of the regions” in the Council of Europe from 1957 to 2010. The history of regions in the Council of Europe can be divided in three key periods. The first one starts in January 1957, with the first meeting of the European Conference of Local Authorities (ECLA) and ends in 1975, when it becomes a permanent organ of the Council of Europe and recognizes officially the regions. The second period starts in 1975 and ends in 1994, when theCongress of Local and Regional Authorities is created. The Congress has a new political role and status within the institutional architecture of the Council of Europe. Two Chambers are created within the Congress, one for regional authorities and another one for local authorities. The last period spreads from 1994 until 2010. From 1994, the regions and the Congress work to achieve the new statutory role, which is contributing to the democratic stability of the European continent by monitoring local and regional democracy, observing local and regional elections and implementing new cooperation programs.

A presente tese discute a implementação do Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina no Brasil, bem como se, e de que maneira, suas diretrizes foram incorporadas ao contexto da prática das universidades brasileiras participantes. O Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina de acordo com os documentos oficiais, é uma proposta de afinação do ensino superior latino-americano e europeu, a partir de uma metodologia baseada na noção de competências e de uma rede de comunidades de aprendizagem. Desenvolvido em duas fases, a primeira, entre 2004 e 2007 e a segunda, entre 2011 e 2014, o Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina integra as políticas de desenvolvimento e cooperação internacional da União Europeia e é financiado pela Comissão Europeia. Para análise do processo de implementação das diretrizes do Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina nas universidades brasileiras participantes, considerando o cenário de governança multiescalar, os ajustes estruturais e espaço-temporais econômicos, políticos e sociais, foram estudados os relatórios oficiais do Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina, realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com participantes da segunda fase do Projeto e analisados os projetos pedagógicos de seis cursos de graduação em universidades do Brasil. O referencial teórico da tese está pautado no ciclo de políticas e na análise das políticas interregionais de educação superior vinculadas ao entendimento da lógica global do modo de produção capitalista, sustentado-se, principalmente, nos seguintes autores: Bowe e Ball (1992), Ball (2012) e Harvey (2003; 2006; 2011; 2013). Este referencial permitiu compreender a relação do Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina com seu contexto de influência (cenário de acumulação capitalista), contexto de elaboração da política (cenário da União Europeia) e contexto da prática (universidades brasileiras participantes). Desse modo, constatou-se que o Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina é uma das ações de territorialização, desterritorialização e reterritorialização de políticas educacionais da União Europeia, que no cenário de governança multiescalar supera fronteiras nacionais para suprir as demandas do mercado global, em que a educação superior, pautada na competitividade, é vista como impulsionadora do desenvolvimento econômico. Verificou-se que o Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina foi introduzido no Brasil fora dos marcos regulatórios do Estado, sendo acordado com universidades e docentes, desenvolvido a partir de redes políticas e não de decretos ou políticas públicas e que a implementação de suas diretrizes nas universidades brasileiras ocorreu de maneira pontual e discursiva. Entretanto, dada a complexidade das políticas inter-regionais que integram a dinâmica das regiões e das redes, os resultados do Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina não podem ser dimensionados apenas pela implementação de suas diretrizes a curto prazo, mas também pelo seu potencial de influência nas políticas nacionais, pela adoção de conceitos, diagnósticos e metodologias e também pela possibilidade de legitimar outras políticas. / This thesis discusses the implementation of the Alfa Tuning Latin America Project in Brazil, as well as if and in what way its guidelines have been incorporated in the context of practice of the participating Brazilian universities. According to official documents, Alfa Tuning Latin America Project is a proposal to fine-tune both Latin American and European higher education, while having a methodology based on the notion of competencies and a network of learning communities as starting points. Alfa Tuning Latin America Project has been developed in two phases: the first one between 2004 and 2007, and the second between 2011 and 2014; it is part of the European Unions international cooperation and development policies and it is funded by the European Commission. In order to analyze the implementation process of Alfa Tuning Latin America Project guidelines within the participating Brazilian universities, while taking into account the multi-level governance scenario, as well as structural and spatio-temporal adjustments of social, political and economic order, Alfa Tuning Latin America Project official reports have been studied, semi-structured interviews have been conducted with participants in the second phase of the Project and the pedagogical projects of six undergraduate programs from Brazilian universities have been reviewed. The theoretical framework of this thesis is guided by the policy cycle approach as well as by the analysis of higher education interregional policies linked to the understanding of the global logic of capitalism, while mainly drawing on the following scholars: Bowe and Ball (1992), Ball (2012) and Harvey (2003; 2006; 2011; 2013). This framework has enabled the understanding of the relation between Alfa Tuning Latin America Project and its context of influence (scenario of capitalist accumulation), its context for the development of the policy (European Union scenario) and its context of practice (participating Brazilian universities). In this way, we found out that Alfa Tuning Latin America Project is one of the actions taken by the European Union for the territorialization, deterritorialization and reterritorialization of educational policies, which in the multi-level governance scenario overcomes national borders toward meeting the demands of the global market, where higher education, featured by competitiveness, is seen as a driver of economic development. We observed that Alfa Tuning Latin America Project has been introduced in Brazil regardless of States regulatory frameworks by being agreed among universities and academics, while being developed through political networks rather than decrees or public policies and also that the implementation of its guidelines in Brazilian universities has happened in a specific and discursive way. Given the complexity of the interregional policies comprised in the dynamics of regions and networks, however, the results of Alfa Tuning Latin America Project cannot be merely assessed by the short-term implementation of its guidelines, but also by its potential of influence on national policies through the adoption of concepts, diagnoses and methodologies, as well as through the possibility to legitimize other policies.

A presente tese discute a implementação do Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina no Brasil, bem como se, e de que maneira, suas diretrizes foram incorporadas ao contexto da prática das universidades brasileiras participantes. O Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina de acordo com os documentos oficiais, é uma proposta de afinação do ensino superior latino-americano e europeu, a partir de uma metodologia baseada na noção de competências e de uma rede de comunidades de aprendizagem. Desenvolvido em duas fases, a primeira, entre 2004 e 2007 e a segunda, entre 2011 e 2014, o Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina integra as políticas de desenvolvimento e cooperação internacional da União Europeia e é financiado pela Comissão Europeia. Para análise do processo de implementação das diretrizes do Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina nas universidades brasileiras participantes, considerando o cenário de governança multiescalar, os ajustes estruturais e espaço-temporais econômicos, políticos e sociais, foram estudados os relatórios oficiais do Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina, realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com participantes da segunda fase do Projeto e analisados os projetos pedagógicos de seis cursos de graduação em universidades do Brasil. O referencial teórico da tese está pautado no ciclo de políticas e na análise das políticas interregionais de educação superior vinculadas ao entendimento da lógica global do modo de produção capitalista, sustentado-se, principalmente, nos seguintes autores: Bowe e Ball (1992), Ball (2012) e Harvey (2003; 2006; 2011; 2013). Este referencial permitiu compreender a relação do Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina com seu contexto de influência (cenário de acumulação capitalista), contexto de elaboração da política (cenário da União Europeia) e contexto da prática (universidades brasileiras participantes). Desse modo, constatou-se que o Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina é uma das ações de territorialização, desterritorialização e reterritorialização de políticas educacionais da União Europeia, que no cenário de governança multiescalar supera fronteiras nacionais para suprir as demandas do mercado global, em que a educação superior, pautada na competitividade, é vista como impulsionadora do desenvolvimento econômico. Verificou-se que o Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina foi introduzido no Brasil fora dos marcos regulatórios do Estado, sendo acordado com universidades e docentes, desenvolvido a partir de redes políticas e não de decretos ou políticas públicas e que a implementação de suas diretrizes nas universidades brasileiras ocorreu de maneira pontual e discursiva. Entretanto, dada a complexidade das políticas inter-regionais que integram a dinâmica das regiões e das redes, os resultados do Projeto Alfa Tuning América Latina não podem ser dimensionados apenas pela implementação de suas diretrizes a curto prazo, mas também pelo seu potencial de influência nas políticas nacionais, pela adoção de conceitos, diagnósticos e metodologias e também pela possibilidade de legitimar outras políticas. / This thesis discusses the implementation of the Alfa Tuning Latin America Project in Brazil, as well as if and in what way its guidelines have been incorporated in the context of practice of the participating Brazilian universities. According to official documents, Alfa Tuning Latin America Project is a proposal to fine-tune both Latin American and European higher education, while having a methodology based on the notion of competencies and a network of learning communities as starting points. Alfa Tuning Latin America Project has been developed in two phases: the first one between 2004 and 2007, and the second between 2011 and 2014; it is part of the European Unions international cooperation and development policies and it is funded by the European Commission. In order to analyze the implementation process of Alfa Tuning Latin America Project guidelines within the participating Brazilian universities, while taking into account the multi-level governance scenario, as well as structural and spatio-temporal adjustments of social, political and economic order, Alfa Tuning Latin America Project official reports have been studied, semi-structured interviews have been conducted with participants in the second phase of the Project and the pedagogical projects of six undergraduate programs from Brazilian universities have been reviewed. The theoretical framework of this thesis is guided by the policy cycle approach as well as by the analysis of higher education interregional policies linked to the understanding of the global logic of capitalism, while mainly drawing on the following scholars: Bowe and Ball (1992), Ball (2012) and Harvey (2003; 2006; 2011; 2013). This framework has enabled the understanding of the relation between Alfa Tuning Latin America Project and its context of influence (scenario of capitalist accumulation), its context for the development of the policy (European Union scenario) and its context of practice (participating Brazilian universities). In this way, we found out that Alfa Tuning Latin America Project is one of the actions taken by the European Union for the territorialization, deterritorialization and reterritorialization of educational policies, which in the multi-level governance scenario overcomes national borders toward meeting the demands of the global market, where higher education, featured by competitiveness, is seen as a driver of economic development. We observed that Alfa Tuning Latin America Project has been introduced in Brazil regardless of States regulatory frameworks by being agreed among universities and academics, while being developed through political networks rather than decrees or public policies and also that the implementation of its guidelines in Brazilian universities has happened in a specific and discursive way. Given the complexity of the interregional policies comprised in the dynamics of regions and networks, however, the results of Alfa Tuning Latin America Project cannot be merely assessed by the short-term implementation of its guidelines, but also by its potential of influence on national policies through the adoption of concepts, diagnoses and methodologies, as well as through the possibility to legitimize other policies.

Submitted by Marilene Donadel (marilene.donadel@unioeste.br) on 2018-12-07T10:40:22Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Matheus_Nicola_2018_Pt1.pdf: 5945862 bytes, checksum: 42710c05a8dd3b08374b75d5279059a9 (MD5) Matheus_Nicola_2018_Pt2.pdf: 5252616 bytes, checksum: 8f8b69b2a2a6793fe4701e598722a16f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-07T10:40:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Matheus_Nicola_2018_Pt1.pdf: 5945862 bytes, checksum: 42710c05a8dd3b08374b75d5279059a9 (MD5) Matheus_Nicola_2018_Pt2.pdf: 5252616 bytes, checksum: 8f8b69b2a2a6793fe4701e598722a16f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The aim of this research was to estimate, in the short term, the impact of corruption on the income level of the economy and well-being of the Brazilian and Paraná society, by means of the input-output inter-regional Paraná and the rest of Brazil model, in the year 2008. To achieve this objective, it was necessary to collect information from the Accountability Tribunals of the Union and the state of Paraná judgments, to formulate the fate of corruption hypothesis and the corruption repeal hypothesis, to calculate the impact of corruption on the Income level and welfare. To approximate the analysis of the reality, the hypothesis of evasion and/or hoarding of corruption money was also tested. The results show that, in the short term, corruption stimulates the economy product and consequently increases the income level and welfare on Paraná and Brazil society. However, corruption has negative effects only if the amount evaded and/or enshrined is, on average, more than 50% of the amount diverted from the public purse. The indicators-summary of the economic structure clarify that part of this result is explained by the least degree of interconnection between economic sectors tied to government spending. The evidence of the results indicates that tolerance to corruption may be related to the short-term stimulus that corruption provides to the economy, but that tolerance diminishes as society perceives when the levels of income and economic well-being it don't increase in the long run. Another evidence of the results of this research is that combating currency evasion can alleviate the negative effects of corruption on the Brazilian and Paraná economy, and that the fight against the crime of money laundering would reduce the distortions between the system of national accounts and the real product of the economy. / O objetivo dessa pesquisa foi estimar, no curto prazo, o impacto da corrupção sobre o nível de renda da economia e bem-estar da sociedade brasileira e paranaense, por meio do modelo de insumo-produto inter-regional Paraná e o restante do Brasil, no ano de 2008. Para alcançar esse objetivo foi necessário coletar informações dos acórdãos dos tribunais de contas da União e do estado do Paraná, formular as hipóteses de destino da corrupção e de revogação da corrupção, para então calcular o impacto da corrupção sobre o nível de renda e o bem-estar social. Para aproximar a análise da realidade, também foi testada a hipótese de evasão e/ou entesouramento da corrupção. Os resultados mostram que, no curto prazo, a corrupção estimula o produto da economia e, por consequência, aumenta o nível de renda e bem-estar paranaense e brasileiro. Entretanto, a corrupção apresenta efeitos negativos somente se o montante evadido e/ou entesourado for, em média, superior a 50% do valor desviado do erário público. Os indicadores-síntese da estrutura econômica esclarecem que parte desse resultado é explicado pelo menor grau de interconexão dos setores econômicos atrelados aos gastos do governo. As evidências dos resultados indicam que a tolerância a corrupção pode estar relacionada ao estímulo de curto prazo que a corrupção proporciona à economia, mas que essa tolerância diminui à medida que a sociedade percebe que os níveis de renda e bem-estar econômico não aumentam no longo prazo. Outra evidência dos resultados dessa pesquisa é de que o combate à evasão de divisas pode amenizar os efeitos negativos da corrupção sobre a economia paranaense e brasileira e, ainda, que o combate ao crime de lavagem de dinheiro reduziria as distorções entre o Sistema de Contas Nacional e o real produto da economia.

The recurring debate on regional administration and what responsibilities it should have has in a Swedish context been discussed in media and committees over the years. Little has been discussed around the possibilities of strengthening pre-existing interregional cooperation even though there is a scholarly thought of soft space as a definition to describe these types of cooperation and how they might evolve.   A case study has been performed on the interregional health care agency Södra Sjukvårdsregionen (SSR) which is one of six Swedish regional health care agencies (sjukvårdsregioner). SSR serves the regions Scania, Blekinge, Kronoberg and southern Halland and was constituted in 1960 based on central place theory to resolve spatial planning problems in the context of regional public health.   In the analytical context of soft space and central place theory, results have been provided by interviewing representatives working within SSR and examining documents. SSR has been defined as a structure of governance which consists of formal government actors.    The results indicate that the concept of soft space as described in literature supports spatial planning of specialized regional health care. However, the concept of soft space has little impact on spatial planning with respect to comprehensive planning (Översiktsplan) as illustrated by documentation from Västra Sjukvårdsregionen and the case of Norra Älvsborgs Länssjukhus (NÄL). / Debatten om svenska regionindelningar och vilken rådighet regionerna borde ha har diskuterats i medier och statliga utredningar genom åren. Däremot har möjligheterna att stärka befintliga interregionala samarbeten diskuterats mycket lite, även om det finns ett vetenskapligt underlag för soft space som ett samlande begrepp för att beskriva dessa typer av samarbeten och hur de vidareutvecklas. En fallstudie har genomförts på Södra Sjukvårdsregionen (SSR), som är en av Sveriges sex sjukvårdsregioner. SSR betjänar regionerna Skåne, Blekinge, Kronoberg och södra Halland och bildades 1960 baserat på centralortsteorin som ett sätt att lösa problem med fysisk planering i samband med regional sjuk- och hälsovård. Representanter som arbetar inom ramen för SSR:s verksamhet har intervjuats och dokument har granskats i termer av soft space och centralortsteorin. SSR har definierats som en struktur som bereder ärenden rörande fysisk planering som är de ingående regionernas rådighet. Resultaten indikerar att konceptet soft space som beskrivs i litteraturen stöder fysisk planering av specialiserad regional hälsovård. Konceptet soft space har dock liten inverkan på fysisk planering av omfattande skala (Översiktsplan), vilket belyses av dokumentationen från Västra Sjukvårdsregionen och fallet med Norra Älvsborgs Länssjukhus (NÄL).

La lutte contre la criminalité organisée est, aujourd'hui, une des priorités nationales et internationales. Pour ce faire, les États n'adoptent pas cependant toujours les mêmes solutions, comme le montre l'étude comparative des droits français et koweïtien. Sur le plan substantiel, les deux droits ont de nombreux points communs. La criminalité organisée n'a en effet pas été incriminée en tant que telle, aussi bien par le législateur français que koweïtien. Il existe cependant dans ces deux droits plusieurs incriminations permettant d'appréhender ce phénomène criminel. Il s'agit donc ou bien de lutter contre les organisations criminelles, via l'association de malfaiteurs ou l'entente criminelle, ou bien de lutter contre les activités criminelles commises par ces organisations, via la circonstance aggravante de bande organisée ou de groupe criminel organisé. Pour lutter contre la criminalité organisée, les deux droits adoptent également une politique répressive adaptée notamment en permettant aux repentis de bénéficier d'une exemption ou éventuellement d'une réduction de peine lors qu'ils collaborent avec la justice. Sur le plan procédural, les deux droits ont en revanche adopté une approche différente. Le droit français a prévu, en ce domaine, des règles de procédure dérogatoires au droit commun et a donné compétence à des juridictions spécialisées (les JIRS). Le droit koweïtien, quant à lui, se contente des règles procédurales et des juridictions de droit commun pour appréhender la criminalité organisée. Sur cet aspect, si la spécialisation des juridictions françaises ne semble guère transposable en droit koweïtien, le législateur du Koweït pourrait s'inspirer des règles dérogatoires prévues en droit français pour mieux appréhender la criminalité organisée. / The fight against organized crime is today one of the national and international priorities. To do so, however, the countries do not always adopt the same solutions, as shown by the comparative study of French and Kuwaiti laws. Substantially, the two laws have many points in common. Organized crime has not actually been criminalized as such by French and Kuwaiti legislators. There are, however, several criminalizations to apprehend this criminal phenomenon in these two laws. It is either to fight against criminal organizations, via the conspiracy (association de malfaiteurs/entente criminelle), or to fight against the criminal activities committed by these organizations, via the aggravating circumstance of organized criminal group (bande organisée/groupe criminel organisé). To fight against organized crime, both laws also adopt an adapted repressive policy that allows the collaborator of justice to be exempted from penalty or to benefit from a reduction of the sentence. Procedurally, the two laws have adopted different approaches. The French law contains some special criminal procedures, applicable to organized crime, that derogate from ordinary criminal procedures. It also conferred on the specialized courts the competence to adjudicate the organized crime cases (the JIRS). The Kuwaiti law, on the other hand, is content with relying on ordinary criminal procedures and ordinary courts to apprehend organized crime. On this aspect, if the specialization of the French courts does not seem to be transposable into Kuwaiti law, the latter can adopt the French special criminal procedures to better combat organized crime.

科学研究費補助金 研究種目:基盤研究(C) 課題番号:12630097 研究代表者:奥野 信宏 研究期間:2000－2001年度

As the focus of over 70 years* of archaeological research, Oaxaca, Mexico, is one of Mesoamerica*s best understood regions. Yet, despite the volume of work in Oaxaca, information about one of its key resource areas, the central Pacific coast, remains limited. Specifically, the ambiguous role of Oaxaca*s Central Coast in interregional relationships during pre-Hispanic times to the sites of Monte Alban and Tututepec has been a chronic problem and major source of debate for decades. The purpose of this thesis is to begin clarifying the role of Oaxaca*s Central Coast in interregional networks and its pre-Hispanic history. Analysis utilized surface observations, surface collections, and information from limited excavations performed by the Proyecto Arqueologico Laguna de Manialtepec (PALM) in the Manialtepec Basin, located on the Central Coast of Oaxaca. The data was then mapped using ArcGIS software to render settlement and artifact patterns. Based on the results of this project I suggest a history of settlement for this area. I also argue that the Basin contained three centers, maintained interregional interactions, and was invaded by the Mixtecs of highland Oaxaca during the Late Postclassic Period (A.D. 1200-1500).