Nesta pesquisa analisamos passagens de A História dos Mensageiros e dos Reis, obra histórica de aṭ-Ṭabarī, estudioso que viveu entre os séculos nono e décimo da era cristã, no Iraque. A análise compreende o período em que governou o califa al-Ma\'mūn (198- 218 a.H./813-833 e.c.) e o momento anterior a isso, quando houve o conflito pelo califado entre esse califa e seu irmão, al-\'Amīn. Investigando premissas de políticas oficiais que favorecem ou desfavorecem a comunidade dos muçulmanos e de paradigmas religiosos que servem de guia para a compreensão da história do islã, corroboramos duas hipóteses acerca do escopo da História dos Mensageiros e dos Reis: a centralidade de sua preocupação com a comunidade dos muçulmanos e a produção de reflexões históricas. Apresentamos, antes da análise, uma breve discussão historiográfica do período de aṭ-Ṭabarī. Durante a análise e nas considerações finais, abordamos as operações narrativas internas de sua crônica histórica. / In this research, we analyze some episodes of the History of Messengers and Kings, aṭ-Ṭabarī\'s historical work, who lived between the ninth and tenth century of the Christian era, in Irak. The analysis comprehends the period when al-Ma\'mūn (198-218 AH/813-833 C.E.) was caliph and the moment right before it, when he was fighting against his brother al-\'Amīn for the caliphate. By investigating premises of official polices which acted in favor or against the muslim community and of the religious paradigms which served as guides to the comprehension of the history of Islam, we corroborate two hypothesis about the escope of the History of the Messengers and the Kings: the centrality of its concern with the muslim community and the production of historical reflections. Before the analysis, we present a brief historical discussion of aṭ-Ṭabarī\'s time. During the analysis and in the final considerations, we approach the internal narrative operations of his historical chronicle.

Cette dissertation aborde le concept mondialisation comme résultat d'une compétition politique, à travers une analyse des sources et conséquences de conflit, tout en mettant en lumière sa dimension socio-culturelle. Dans le cadre thématique de l'économie politique et de l'économie du développement, nous adressons un large éventail de sujets qui sont actuellement au centre du débat public. En particulier, j'explore les liens entre migrations et attitudes, aide et conflit, ainsi que les conséquences intergénérationnelles des conflits dans le développement économique. Je traite ces sujets de façon théorique et empirique, en utilisant un grand nombre de stratégies économétriques. La composante empirique de cette dissertation comprend une analyse de la migration et de la proximité culturelle sur plusieurs pays; une analyse à l'échelon sous-national de l'aide Chinoise en Afrique, et une analyse sur les conséquences de la guerre en Irak au niveau des ménages. / This dissertation sheds light on the concept of globalization as a result of political competition, analyzing the sources and consequences of conflict, as well as highlighting the socio-cultural dimensions of globalization. Under the thematic umbrella of political economics and economic development, I address a broad range of topics that have been at the center of the public debate in recent years. ln particular, I explore the links between migration and culture, attitudes, aid and conflict, and the inter-generational consequences of conflict for economic development. I address these subjects both theoretically and empirically, using a broad set econometric strategies. The empirical component of this dissertation comprises a global cross-country analysis of migration and cultural proximity, a sub-national analysis on Chinese aid in Africa, and a household-level analysis on the consequences of war in Iraq.

From being an exotic small religion that has existed at a fading presence in southern Iraq and Iran mandeism has moved to the West and Sweden. As more and more Mandaeans encounter a new culture and a new society in Sweden it affects not only them as individuals but also their religion mandeism. In this essay, I have begun to examine how Mandaeans think about their identity and religion. I have taken my starting point in a broad theoretical discussion of identity, religion and secularisation. Mandeism is a gnostic religion that probably has its roots in today’s Israel / Palestine and sees John the Baptist as the last prophet. Baptism is the Mandaeans most important ritual and Mandaeans also have several sacred writings, in which the Ginza is considered the one that has most authority. The clergy is important for the performance of rituals and communication of religious knowledge, today there are only about thirty priests left in the global community and these are spread from Sweden to Australia. Among the Mandaeans who answered my questions, the most are relatively secular, only a few see themselves as religious. But they all feel that their Mandaean identity is important, baptism, ceremonies, family, and the Mandaean community is important as factors to keep their Mandaean identity alive. Several Mandaeans in Sweden are experiencing a difficulty to practice their religion in a traditional way due to the cold climate that makes it difficult to perform baptism, the lack of priests and mandi (temple there baptisms can be performed). These factors along with the meeting with a secular Western society and that it has gone from being a relatively geographically cohesive group to be scattered all over the world have led to increased secularisation. This has led to a debate within the Mandaean community how to meet the new situation, such as how to relate to the Mandaeans who marries non-Mandaeans, which previously had not been accepted and is very rare even today. / Från att ha varit en exotisk liten religion som har fört en tynande närvaro i södra Irak och Iran har mandeismen flyttat till västvärlden och däribland Sverige. När allt fler mandéer möter en ny kultur och ett nytt samhälle i Sverige påverkar det inte bara dem som individer utan även religionen mandeism. I denna uppsats har jag påbörjat att undersöka hur mandéer ser på sin identitet och religion. Jag har tagit min utgångspunkt i en bred teoretisk diskussion om identitet, religion och sekualisering. Mandeismen är en gnostisk religion som troligtvis har sina rötter i dagens Israel/Palestina och ser Johannes döparen som den sista profeten. Dopet är mandeismens viktigaste ritual och man har flera heliga skrifter, där Ginza anses vara den som har tyngst auktoritet. Prästerskapet är viktigt för utförandet av ritualer och förmedling av de religiösa kunskaperna, idag finns det bara ett trettiotal präster kvar inom mandeismen i världen och dessa är utspridda från Sverige till Australien. Bland de mandéer som har svarat på mina frågor är de flesta relativt sekulära, ett par ser sig som religiösa. Men samtliga tycker att deras mandeiska identitet är viktig, man ser dopet, högtider, familjen och den mandeiska gemenskapen som viktiga faktorer för att hålla sin mandeiska identitet levande. Flera mandéer i Sverige upplever en svårighet att utöva sin religion på ett traditionellt sätt pga ett kallt klimat som försvårar dop, avsaknad av präster och mandi (tempel där dop kan utföras). Dessa faktorer tillsammans med mötet med en sekulär västvärld och att man har gått från att vara en relativt geografiskt sammanhållen grupp till att vara utspridd över hela världen har lett till en ökad sekularisering. Detta har lett till en diskussion inom mandeismen hur man ska möta den nya situationen, tex hur man ska se på mandéer som gifter sig med ickemandéer, något som tidigare inte har varit accepterat och är mycket ovanligt.

Från att ha varit en exotisk liten religion som har fört en tynande närvaro i södra Irak och Iran har mandeismen flyttat till västvärlden och däribland Sverige. När allt fler mandéer möter en ny kultur och ett nytt samhälle i Sverige påverkar det inte bara dem som individer utan även religionen mandeism. I denna uppsats har jag påbörjat att undersöka hur mandéer ser på sin identitet och religion. Jag har tagit min utgångspunkt i en bred teoretisk diskussion om identitet, religion och sekualisering. Mandeismen är en gnostisk religion som troligtvis har sina rötter i dagens Israel/Palestina och ser Johannes döparen som den sista profeten. Dopet är mandeismens viktigaste ritual och man har flera heliga skrifter, där Ginza anses vara den som har tyngst auktoritet. Prästerskapet är viktigt för utförandet av ritualer och förmedling av de religiösa kunskaperna, idag finns det bara ett trettiotal präster kvar inom mandeismen i världen och dessa är utspridda från Sverige till Australien. Bland de mandéer som har svarat på mina frågor är de flesta relativt sekulära, ett par ser sig som religiösa. Men samtliga tycker att deras mandeiska identitet är viktig, man ser dopet, högtider, familjen och den mandeiska gemenskapen som viktiga faktorer för att hålla sin mandeiska identitet levande. Flera mandéer i Sverige upplever en svårighet att utöva sin religion på ett traditionellt sätt pga ett kallt klimat som försvårar dop, avsaknad av präster och mandi (tempel där dop kan utföras). Dessa faktorer tillsammans med mötet med en sekulär västvärld och att man har gått från att vara en relativt geografiskt sammanhållen grupp till att vara utspridd över hela världen har lett till en ökad sekularisering. Detta har lett till en diskussion inom mandeismen hur man ska möta den nya situationen, tex hur man ska se på mandéer som gifter sig med ickemandéer, något som tidigare inte har varit accepterat och är mycket ovanligt. / From being an exotic small religion that has existed at a fading presence in southern Iraq and Iran mandeism has moved to the West and Sweden. As more and more Mandaeans encounter a new culture and a new society in Sweden it affects not only them as individuals but also their religion mandeism. In this essay, I have begun to examine how Mandaeans think about their identity and religion. I have taken my starting point in a broad theoretical discussion of identity, religion and secularisation. Mandeism is a gnostic religion that probably has its roots in today’s Israel / Palestine and sees John the Baptist as the last prophet. Baptism is the Mandaeans most important ritual and Mandaeans also have several sacred writings, in which the Ginza is considered the one that has most authority. The clergy is important for the performance of rituals and communication of religious knowledge, today there are only about thirty priests left in the global community and these are spread from Sweden to Australia. Among the Mandaeans who answered my questions, the most are relatively secular, only a few see themselves as religious. But they all feel that their Mandaean identity is important, baptism, ceremonies, family, and the Mandaean community is important as factors to keep their Mandaean identity alive. Several Mandaeans in Sweden is experiencing a difficulty to practice their religion in a traditional way due to the cold climate that makes it difficult to perform baptism, the lack of priests and mandi (temple there baptisms can be performed). These factors along with the meeting with a secular Western society and that it has gone from being a relatively geographically cohesive group to be scattered all over the world have led to increased secularisation. This has led to a debate within the Mandaean community how to meet the new situation, such as how to relate to the Mandaeans who marries non Mandaeans, which previously had not been accepted and is very rare even today.

La décision d’intervenir militairement ou non dans un conflit est certainement l’une des plus importantes qu’un État puisse prendre. Ces décisions sont coûteuses et très prégnantes tant au plan financier, politique que social. La recherche exposée vise à analyser les processus décisionnels canadiens en matière d’intervention militaire lors de la guerre du Golfe, la guerre en Afghanistan ainsi que la guerre en Irak. Le Canada est un cas très intéressant à étudier, car malgré son statut de puissance moyenne, il a pris part à sept conflits armés depuis 1867. Cette recherche tentera donc de déterminer ce qui motive le Canada à investir des ressources financières et humaines dans certains conflits, alors qu’il choisit de ne pas s’impliquer dans d’autres. Certaines théories des relations internationales affirment que la politique de défense des États est guidée par le désir de maximiser leur puissance sur la scène internationale. D’autres théories mettent plutôt l’accent sur les valeurs des États, ou bien sur leur intégration dans des institutions internationales. Ces différentes hypothèses soulèvent l’importance des facteurs internes et externes, mais ne permettent pas de savoir lesquels priment. Ainsi, grâce à un modèle de prise de décision réaliste néoclassique, synthétisant ces deux types de facteurs, il est possible de déterminer lesquels des éléments internes (contraintes de politique interne, perception des dirigeants) ou externes (position relative du Canada dans le système international) prédominent lors de la décision d’entrer ou non en guerre. / The decision to intervene militarily or not in a conflict is certainly one of the most important a government can take. These decisions are extremely significant financially, politically and socially costly. The research presented in this document analyzes decision-making processes in Canada during the Gulf War, the war in Afghanistan and the war in Iraq. Canada is a very interesting case to study because despite its middle power status, it took part in seven armed conflicts since September 1867. This research will therefore try to identify the reasons for Canada to invest financial and human resources in some conflicts, while it chooses not to get involved in others. Some theories of international relations argue that the defence policy of states is guided by the desire to maximize their power on the international stage. Other theories will instead focus on values or norms internalized by states, or their integration into international institutions. These different assumptions raise the importance of internal and external factors, but do not tell which will prevail. Thus, using a neoclassical realism model of decision making synthesizing these two factors, it will be possible to determine which internal (internal policy constraints, perceptions of managers) or external factors (Canada's relative position in the international system) dominate in the decision to go to war.

Zugl.: Freiburg, Univ., Diss., 2006/2007.

Šarīf al-Raḍī, auteur incontournable pour qui souhaite étudier la poésie arabe à travers son histoire, peut difficilement être catalogué. En effet, bien qu’il ait profité des courant littéraire qui l’ont précédé, ce poète précoce, critique littéraire, juriste, linguiste et émir du hadj a petit à petit développé son propre genre poétique à travers les ḥiğāziyyāt, composant ainsi des poésies d’amour autour des lieux saints du pèlerinage. Cette étude visera donc dans un premier temps à comprendre ce qui fait l’originalité de ce genre en son temps pour enfin tenter de saisir la portée de l’influence des ḥiğāziyyāt sur la poésie arabe des siècles qui ont succédé à notre poète. / Šarīf al-Raḍī, major writer whose work has to be studied by anyone interested in Arabic poetry throughout time, can hardly be classified. While he took advantage from past literary movements, this poet, who started writing at an early age and became a literary critic as well as a linguist, a jurist and the emir of hajj, gradually developed a new poetical genre through his ḥiğāziyyāt. He thus composed love poems that revolve around the sacred places of pilgrimage. This study aims at understanding what made this genre unique in its time before trying to grasp the scope of the ḥiğāziyyāt’s influence on Arabic poetry in the following centuries.

Ce travail est une édition critique et une traduction annotée en français d’un extrait du Mir’ât al-zamân fî tawârîh al-a‘yân (Miroir du temps dans les histoires des notabilités) de Sibt Ibn al-Gawzî (m. 654 / 1257). L’auteur était un célèbre sermonnaire originaire d’Iraq qui vécut la majeure partie de sa vie en Syrie à l'époque des Croisades. Son œuvre est une vaste histoire universelle qui allait de la Création à l’année de son décès. L’extrait édité porte sur les années 412 à 434/ 1021-1043, qui correspondent dans l’histoire de l’Iraq aux règnes de Musharrif al-Dawla et Galàl al-Dawla, deux émirs de la dynastie iranienne bouyide qui gouverna le pays entre 945 et 1055. Il comporte également de nombreuses informations sur d’autres régions du monde arabo-islamique de l‘époque : Ghazna, l’Egypte, la Syrie, l’Iran, et la Haute-Mésopotamie. Les textes de l‘édition et de la traduction sont en outre précédés d’une biographie actualisée de l’auteur et d’une étude sur les manuscrits du Mir’ât al-zamân en général : en effet, ceux-ci ne reproduisent pas la version originale de l’auteur, qui ne nous est pas parvenue, mais plusieurs abrégés distincts dont les auteurs sont encore, pour la plupart, non identifiés. L’édition s’appuie sur les deux principales versions abrégées existantes de cette œuvre, une courte, déjà éditée mais de manière incomplète et donc révisée ici, et une longue, à ce jour inédite. / This work is a critical edition and a French translation of a part extracted from the Mir’at al-zamân fi tawârikh al-a‘yan (Mirror of the time in the histories of notabilities) of Sibt Ibn al-Gawzi (d. 654/1257). The author was a famous preacher of Iraqi origin and lived the major part of his life in Syria during the Crusades' times. His work is a universal history going back to the Creation down to the author’s death. The edited part deals with the years 412 to 434 / 1021-1043, corresponding in the history of Iraq to the reigns of Musharrif al-Dawla and Galal al-Dawla, two emirs of the Buyid dynasty who rule the country between 945 and 1055. It also contains information about other parts of the Arabic and Islamic world of that time: Ghazna, Egypt, Syria, Iran, and Upper-Mesopotamia. The edition and the French translation are preceded by an up to date biography of the author and a wide study about the Mir’at al-zamân’s manuscripts. The original version of Sibt Ibn al-Gawzi’s work indeed didn’t come down to us and the manuscripts only usually reproduce different abridged versions whose authors are still mostly unknown to us. Our edition provides for this part of the work the two extent abridged versions, one short which has already been edited but in an incomplete way and had to be revised, and one long which is here edited for the first time.

La question de l'intervention armée pour établir la démocratie avait été étudiée par les libéraux au XIXème siècle. Certains d'entre eux l'avaient combattue au nom du principe selon lequel la liberté devait être uniquement l'apanage des peuples qui la conquièrent eux-mêmes et non par le bon vouloir de nations étrangères. On a souvent parlé d'ingérence humanitaire pour défendre l'idée que l'assistance humanitaire imposait une intervention dans un État en dépit du fait que celui-ci ne l'avait ni sollicité, ni acceptée. Dans le même sens, d'aucuns ont fait référence à l'hypothèse de l'ingérence démocratique et donc à là démocratisation de l'État par la coercition militaire quand une assistance extérieure se prétend légitime pour renverser un régime puis instaurer une démocratie. La promotion de la démocratie a été invoquée à plusieurs reprises lors de la création de missions internationales de maintien de la paix et a pu justifier des opérations d'assistance et de vérifications des élections. Si la démocratie demeure un objectif légitime, pour autant, le droit international ne la consacre pas comme un droit objectif. À la veille de l'opération américaine « Liberté en Irak » du 20 mars 2003, il n'est pas démontré une opinio juris en faveur d'une nouvelle exception à la règle d'interdiction du recours à la force posée par la Charte des Nations Unies. À l'héritage brutal du régime baasiste d'antan a succédé tout aussi brutalement un héritage américain qui rythme désormais le quotidien irakien devenu otage des effets aléatoires d'une « greffe démocratique ». / The question of the armed intervention in order to establish democracy had been studied by the liberals in the XIXth Century. Some of them had fought it in the name of the principle according to which the freedom had to be only the privilege of peoples who conquer it themselves and not by the goodwill of foreign nations. We often spoke about humanitarian intervention to defend the idea that assistance imposed an intervention in a State in spite of the fact that this one did not have it either requested or accepted. In the same direction, some people made reference to the hypothesis of the democratic intervention and thus to the democratization of the state by the military coercion when an outside assistance claims itself justifiable to overthrow a regime then establish a democracy. The promotion on democracy it has been put forward several times during the creation of international missions of preservation of the peace and was able to justify operations of assistance and checks of elections. If democracy remains a legitimate objective, however, the international law does not dedicate it as an objective right. On the eve of the American operation "Iraqi Freedom" of march 20th 2003, it is not demonstrated that an opinio juris in favor of a new exception in the rule of ban on the resort to force laid down by the Charter of the United Nations. The rough inheritance of the baath regime of former days has been followed brutally by an American inheritance which gives rhythm from now on to the Iraqi everyday life which has become a hostage of the random effects of a "democratic transplant".

Nesta pesquisa analisamos passagens de A História dos Mensageiros e dos Reis, obra histórica de aṭ-Ṭabarī, estudioso que viveu entre os séculos nono e décimo da era cristã, no Iraque. A análise compreende o período em que governou o califa al-Ma\'mūn (198- 218 a.H./813-833 e.c.) e o momento anterior a isso, quando houve o conflito pelo califado entre esse califa e seu irmão, al-\'Amīn. Investigando premissas de políticas oficiais que favorecem ou desfavorecem a comunidade dos muçulmanos e de paradigmas religiosos que servem de guia para a compreensão da história do islã, corroboramos duas hipóteses acerca do escopo da História dos Mensageiros e dos Reis: a centralidade de sua preocupação com a comunidade dos muçulmanos e a produção de reflexões históricas. Apresentamos, antes da análise, uma breve discussão historiográfica do período de aṭ-Ṭabarī. Durante a análise e nas considerações finais, abordamos as operações narrativas internas de sua crônica histórica. / In this research, we analyze some episodes of the History of Messengers and Kings, aṭ-Ṭabarī\'s historical work, who lived between the ninth and tenth century of the Christian era, in Irak. The analysis comprehends the period when al-Ma\'mūn (198-218 AH/813-833 C.E.) was caliph and the moment right before it, when he was fighting against his brother al-\'Amīn for the caliphate. By investigating premises of official polices which acted in favor or against the muslim community and of the religious paradigms which served as guides to the comprehension of the history of Islam, we corroborate two hypothesis about the escope of the History of the Messengers and the Kings: the centrality of its concern with the muslim community and the production of historical reflections. Before the analysis, we present a brief historical discussion of aṭ-Ṭabarī\'s time. During the analysis and in the final considerations, we approach the internal narrative operations of his historical chronicle.