In 2014, the terrorist organization Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) emerged and carried out a brutalattack on ethnic minorities in Irak, especially northeastern Iraq. Several minority groups fell into thehands of ISIS and were tortured. One ethnic minority group that this study focuses on is the Yazidis.  The aim of this research for bachelor's degree in POLITICAL SCIENCE, is to draw attention to how therights of the Yazidis were violated after the ISIS attack in 2014 until today. The main question of thestudy is structured as follows: How were the rights of the Yazidis violated in connection with theemergence of ISIS in 2014 and onwards? The question will be answered based on Kymlicka’s theory ofmulticulturalism, which is based on three main pillars: self-government rights, polyethnic rights andspecial representation rights. The method used for this study was a qualitative case study that collecteddata to thoroughly and nuanced investigate the study's cases. In relation to the theoretical framework,method and empirical analysis, the purpose of the study has been achieved and the question has beenanswered. The results of this study are consistent with previous research that noted that ISIS had committed seriousand systematic human rights abuses and including war crimes. The Yazidis demand autonomy becauseof the prevailing circumstances in Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan, which are struggling to control the Yazidis.This has hampered the Yazidis' opportunities for employment in economic and political institutions,integration and political representation. Yazidis are in a vulnerable situation in Iraq where they areforced to assimilate or identify as either Kurds or Arabs in order to gain their rights. The ISIS attack leftan open gap that has not yet been resolved, and tensions between the groups are rising. The decisions ofthe majority society must take into account the views and interests of minority groups in order to reducethe barrier. Hard work by international bodies is needed to ensure and guarantee the survival and identityof the Yazidis in Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan.

The study aims to identify the reasons behind power shortages in the city Sulaymaniyah, located in northern Iraq or Iraqi Kurdistan, and to clarify how large the difference between power demand and supply is. Also, several interviews have been performed to give further insight to the issues and possibilities the region is facing. Nevertheless, a portion of the energy demand is met by local diesel generators supplying power in city districts. With the use of the software program ArcGIS, a mapping of all the diesel generators in the city districts is done in order to visualize the unsustainable conditions of the city. In addition, the energy output of the diesel generators is quantified, and the energy supplied to a household is estimated on an average. Later, calculations are performed to estimate the diesel generators price for electricity, their amount of annual CO 2 emissions and social costs. In order to bring light to renewable energy solutions, a solar PV configuration was chosen based on regulations and infrastructure issues in the region, suitable for households. Furthermore, with the use of intra-hour solar irradiance data from Meteonorm and the software Matlab, an optimal solar PV angle was calculated for Sulaymaniyah. Thereafter, the goal was to substitute diesel generated energy with solar PV energy and thus a solar PV system was estimated for a typical household based on; the average energy received from diesel generators, the solar PV system’s efficiency and the total solar irradiance striking the tilted panels. Furthermore, a Net Present Value was calculated to evaluate the economic profitability of the solar PV investment. Lastly, a sensitivity analysis was done with different scenarios to predict different outcomes of the NPV model. The study found that the energy system in Iraqi Kurdistan is unreliable and unsustainable, mostly due to infrastructure issues and political uncertainties. Due to these issues, power shortages occur on a daily basis and the difference between power supply and demand reached an average of 350 MW throughout 2018, and the largest difference reached 1304 MW. The number of diesel generators in the city was 525 and had a combined installed capacity of 176.6 MW, however they are usually working at 85 % operational efficiency resulting in a power supply of 150.1 MW. Additionally, it was estimated that a household receives an average of 920.07 W from the diesel generators. Furthermore, the calculated price for electricity was 207 IQD/kWh and all the generators combined pollutes approximately 319000 tons of CO 2 per year. The optimal angle for a solar panel in Sulaymaniyah was calculated to 21° and the recommended configuration for a solar PV system for households was a stand-alone battery storage system. In order for households to replace the diesel generators they need a capacity of 1.62 kW and a dimensioning of 9.66 m 2 . Finally, based on the NPV model it was found that it is economically profitable to invest in a solar PV system with today’s conditions. However, the investment is profitable with a relatively small margin and based on a scenario analysis, it showed that the investment might easily become unprofitable with the change of the discount rate. Lastly, it can be discussed that the actual demand in Sulaymaniyah is lower than the one presented, since it is artificial and very dependent on peoples consuming behaviors which might be different if they were to have access to electricity all the time. Also, one of the biggest obstacles that might hinder solar PVs to be integrated to the energy system is the net-metering, regulations and tariff issues. The KRG clearly does not give incentives to its people to invest in renewable energy, which also might be the reason why there is a very small market in Sulaymaniyah.

Examining Israel's measures against the nuclear weapons programs of Iraq, Syria, and Iran was the aim of this study. The research question is: Based on Walt's defensive realism and the balance of threat theory, why did Israel act/is acting against the Iraqi, Syrian and Iranian nuclear weapons programs?. Walt's defensive realism and the balance of threat theory, which is based on four separate threat components, are used to discuss and provide an answer to the main question of the research. Comparative case study was used as a method, and materials including speeches from government officials, databases of scientific research, and yearly assessments were used. The researcher came to the conclusion that Iraq 1981, Syria 2007 and Iran in 2009–2021 are considered to be threats to the state of Israel because they have supported anti-Israel militias and engaged in armed conflicts with Israel. The researcher used a comparative case study to draw this conclusion. With ballistic missiles that may reach Tel Aviv, the Tehran regime has frequently sponsored anti-Israel Shia-Sunni militias in the Middle East. In order to stop totalitarian governments in the area from compromising Israel's security, it was concluded that Israeli aggressive policy and assaults on the nuclear programs in Iraq, Syria, and Iran were important and rational.

Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation". <p><p>Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Als Folge der seit Ende der 1960er Jahre gestiegenen Auslandsverschuldung avancierte der Export der DDR in das NSW zur Schicksalsfrage. Zu den ausfuhrintensivsten, Finalerzeugnisse herstellenden Branchen, mit einem kontinuierlichen Absatz im NSW zählte, neben dem Druckmaschinenbau vor allem der Werkzeugmaschinenbau. Zu beiden Branchen fehlen bislang dementsprechende Untersuchungen. Die vorliegende Arbeit schließt also eine Forschungslücke! Zwei Dinge waren entscheidend für den im Gegensatz zu anderen Branchen der DDR kontinuierlichen Absatz von Werkzeugmaschinen in das NSW: Erstens der Wille der DDR, Geschäfte in Form von Ware gegen Waren zu tätigen, um auf diese Weise Devisen zu sparen. Zweitens politische Aspekte. Weiterhin war es möglich den DDR-Werkzeugmaschinenbau in die weltweite Entwicklung des Werkzeugmaschinenbaus einzuordnen. Zur globalen Einordnung kommt diejenige auf den jeweiligen nationalen Märkten. Während Betrachtungen zur Wirtschaft der DDR gemeinhin von einer pauschalen Wettbewerbsschwäche der Wirtschaft der DDR sprechen, ohne die branchenspezifischen Probleme genauer zu betrachten, differenziert die vorliegende Arbeit stärker nach einzelnen Ursachen. Erstens die seit 1973 in immer kürzeren Abständen auftretenden zyklischen Wirtschaftskrisen, die der metallverarbeitenden Industrie, besonders der zivilen, schwer zusetzten. Bis schließlich im Jahr 1982 die Märkte im NSW beinahe vollständig zusammenbrachen, was sowohl zu einer verschärften Preispolitik als auch zur Abschottung der nationalen Märkte mittels Protektionismus führte. Zweitens technische und qualitative Probleme. Dazu gehörten neben der nicht wettbewerbsfähigen Elektrik vor allem die nicht konkurrenzfähigen mikroelektronischen Steuerungen. Drittens scheiterten auch die in den, im Vergleich zur westeuropäischen Konkurrenz ohnehin zu spät generierten Anlagenexport, gesetzten Hoffnungen. Sowohl der Irak als auch die Türkei, als die beiden größten Abnehmer von Anlagen, gerieten, wenn auch aus unterschiedlichen Gründen, in immer schwierigeres Fahrwasser. / As a consequence of the growing foreign indebtedness since the late 1960s, the export of the German Democratic Republik (GDR) into the western markets became a question of to be or not to be. One of the most competitive sector of industry, producing final industrial goods, was, beside printing machine industry, the east german machine tool industry. Researches about their exports are still missing until today. That means the present work closes a gap of research! Two things were decisive for a continuously sale of east german machine tools into the western markets: First the will of the GDR to deal wares against wares to save foreign currencies. The international competition of the east german machine tools was a precondition to be used as an exchange currency. Seconds political reasons. Furthermor it was possible to put the east german machine tool industry in its worldwide proper place. Beside the worldwide comparison it was possible to analyse the national marketparts of the GDRs machine tool industry. While views on the east german economy talk about a lack of competition in general, without looking at the specific problems of the respective industry branch the present work distinguishes between single reasons: First the shorter intervals of the economical crises since 1973 that caused damages especially in the civil metal processing. In 1982 the western markets nearly went in totally decline, what caused an aggravate prize policy an d the closing of the national markets by protctionism. Second technical an qualitative problems. Third the too late generated export of plants connected with economical troubles of the two main importers, Iraq and Turkey.

Ce travail se concentre sur comment un acteur justifierait ses actions dans des 'environnements hétérogènes et fragmentés. Le but est de démontrer qu’en l’absence d’un principe d’accord contraignant les actions des acteurs, les relations entre les partenaires d’action égaux basculeraient dans la polyarchie et celles entre les partenaires d’action inégaux basculeraient respectivement dans l’arrangement, la discorde et finalement, la violence. A cette fin, cette recherche se concentre sur les politiques mandataires britanniques en Irak à travers une étude de traitement du mouvement nationalitaire kurde dans la wilaya de Mossoul dans une période s’étendant du 30 octobre 1918 au 5 juin 1926. Le 30 octobre 1918 est la date à laquelle l’Armistice de Moudros a été signée entre les Alliés et l’Empire ottoman (à la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale) suite à laquelle les Britanniques occupèrent Mossoul. Le 5 juin 1926 correspond à la date de la signature du Traité d’Angora qui devait régler la question de la frontière turco-irakienne, connue aussi comme la Question de Mossoul / This study focuses on how an actor justifies its actions in heterogenous and fragmented environments. It aims at proving that in the absence of a principle of agreement constraning the actors’ actions, the relations between equal partners of action turn into polyarchy whilst those between inequal ones end in arrangement, contention and finally, violence. To this end, this research concentrates on the British mandatory policies in Iraq through the management of Kurdish nationalist movement in the wilaya of Mosul from 30rd October 1918 to 5th 1926. The 30rd October 1918 is the date of the signature of Armistice of Mudros between the Allies and the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War. It is in the aftermath of this armistice that the British occupied Mosul. In 5th 1926, Turkey and Great Britain signed the Treaty of Angora which settled the question of frontier between Turkey and Irak, a question which is also known as Question of Mosul

La reconstruction post-conflit de l’Etat est un enjeu majeur et actuel des relations internationales. L’Union européenne, sous les auspices des Nations Unies contribue à restaurer ou instaurer un ordre étatique qui doit donner sa chance à une paix durable fondée sur des valeurs respectueuses des droits de l’homme. Toutefois, l’Union européenne reste maitre de ses interventions. Il n’existe pas véritablement pour les Etats post-conflits un droit à la reconstruction. Un complexe d’acteurs institutionnels européens décide et organise la réponse européenne à la déliquescence des Etats au sortir des conflits. Cette réponse n’est pas isolée, elle s’inscrit dans un ensemble de partenariats.L’organisation régionale déploie un ensemble de mécanismes juridiques ou opérationnels, militaires ou civils de gestion du relèvement des Etats en sortie de conflit. L’engagement européen peut prendre des formes très intrusives, et s’apparente parfois à une tutelle européenne sur des Etats victimes de conflits. Au final, l’Union européenne participe à la définition et à la réalisation d’un droit international de la reconstruction de l’Etat. Elle consacre des normes et des standards internationaux. Elle inaugure des normes et des standards européens adaptées au relèvement des Etats. De ce point de vue, l’offre européenne en matière de reconstruction post conflit de l’Etat est globale. C'est-à-dire que l’Europe propose de reconstruire l’Etat sous ses trois composantes traditionnelles : la population, le territoire et l’appareil d’Etat. / In the framework of International Relations, Post Conflict Reconstruction of the State is a major and actual stake. European Union under the auspices of United Nations, supports all initiatives to restore or build a state order which give a chance for a stable peace based on human values. Nevertheless, European Union defines his interventions in function of his own interests. Post-conflicts States don’t have a right to reconstruction. A mix of european institutional actors decide and design the european response dedicated to failed Post-conflict States. This response is not isolated, she is included in a network of parternship.After a conflict, the regional organization set up a mix of legal or operational mechanisms, and military or civilian capacities. The european activism in this domain can be very strong. Sometimes, it seems as a trusteeship of EU on Post conflicts States. Consequently, European Union contributes to design and implement the international law of the State reconstruction. EU promotes norms and international standards. It initiates european norms and standards dedicated to the recovery of states. Consequently, European Union possess global capacities in the matter of post-conflict reconstruction. That is to say that Europe is proposing to rebuild the state in its three traditional components: population, territory and state apparatus.

Le différend entre la France et les Etats-Unis sur le règlement de la question irakienne a provoqué une crise diplomatique majeure entre les deux pays, jugée par certains comme la plus sérieuse dans l’histoire des relations bilatérales. Le dossier irakien a cristallisé les positions diplomatiques des deux alliés et mis en lumière deux lectures d’une grande question internationale. Pour la France, il a été l’occasion de défendre des principes, de faire entendre sa voix et de partager sa vision d’un monde multipolaire fondé sur la quête d’un règlement pacifique des différends. Pour les Etats-Unis, cette question relevait d’un enjeu de sécurité nationale, dans une Amérique profondément traumatisée par les attentats de septembre 2001. La rupture franco-américaine a résulté de facteurs structurels anciens : la concurrence entre deux modèles politiques et diplomatiques qui se veulent universels et le déséquilibre entre une puissance française, déclinante, qui aspire à préserver ses sphères d’influence sur la scène internationale, et une puissance américaine, ascendante, devenue, depuis l’effondrement du bloc soviétique, l’unique superpuissance à la tête d’un monde unipolaire. L’affrontement bilatéral du printemps 2003 a ainsi révélé les caractères intrinsèques qui opposent la diplomatie française et la diplomatie américaine et dévoilé leur conception très éloignée qu’elles se faisaient du nouvel ordre mondial et de la place qu’elles aspirent à occuper sur l’échiquier international / The disagreement between France and the US over the Iraqi issue led to a serious diplomatic crisis between the two countries, considered by many analysts as the most serious one in the history of bilateral relations. The Iraqi case crystallized the diplomatic positions of both allies and revealed two different reads of this major international issue. For France, this case was the opportunity to defend its principles, to get itself heard by the rest of the world and to share its vision of a multipolar world, where disputes would be peacefully settled through international organizations. For the US, that issue fell under a matter of national security, in a country deeply traumatized by ‘9/11’. The split between thetwo countries resulted from historical structural causes : (i) the competition between two political and diplomatic models that present themselves as universal, and (ii) the imbalance between France’s declining power aspiring to preserve its spheres of influence over the world and America’s ascending power that has become, since the end of the Cold War, the only superpower. The bilateral confrontation of 2003 revealed the distinctive patterns of both French and American foreign policies and exposed their different views and models of the new world order, as well as their ambitions on the international scene

Cette étude concerne les bas-reliefs rupestres des montagnes du Kurdistan irakien, notamment ceux découverts dans les trois provinces de Dohuk, Erbil et Sulaymaniyeh.Les bas-reliefs sont une source importante de données sur les sociétés du Proche-Orient ancien. Ils sont des témoignages d’idéologies, de croyances, de cérémonies et de rituels anciens. Nous avons pris en compte une large période depuis le début de l’âge du Bronze jusqu’au 3e siècle après J.-C. Cela concerne un corpus d’étude de 132 objets dont 43 bas-reliefs du Kurdistan irakien. Les bas-reliefs étaient aussi un moyen de satisfaire le désir d'immortalité des gouvernants ; une partie de ces bas-reliefs représentent une iconographie royale avec des scènes de guerre et de victoire sur les ennemis, de couronnement royal, la mise en place des projets d’irrigation, d’autres concernent des événements religieux.L’analyse des bas-reliefs a été effectuée à partir d’observations réalisées sur le terrain et l’étude de la bibliographie existante afin de mieux connaître les causes de leur création. Nous disposons de mesures précises, de photos et de schémas de ces bas-reliefs, élaborés de façon exhaustive et similaire, ce qui permet ensuite de les comparer avec d'autres vestiges archéologiques bien datés. Nous les avons traité sur les plans technique et artistique, en étudiant l’iconographie, les décors, les personnages, les vêtements, les armes et les symboles divins que l’on retrouve sur ces œuvres. Cette analyse détaillée des éléments figurés et des scènes de ces reliefs est très utile pour connaitre leur contexte historique qui étaient encore mal connues, en raison du grand nombre d’avis contradictoires émis par les précédents chercheurs.Nous retraçons à travers ces bas-reliefs une fresque de l’histoire du Kurdistan irakien qui va de 3000 avant J.-C à 300 ans après J.-C. / This study concerns the rock reliefs of the mountains of the Kurdistan (Iraq), including those discovered in three provinces of Dohuk, Erbil and Sulaymaniyeh.The reliefs are an important source of data concerning the societies of the Ancient Near East. They have been used as evidence of former ideologies, beliefs, ceremonies and rituals. We have taken in account a large period from the early Bronze Age until the 3rd century after AD. This concerns a corpus of study including 132 objects which 43 low-reliefs found in the Iraqi Kurdistan. The reliefs were also a way to satisfy the desire for immortality of previous rulers; some of these reliefs represent a royal iconography with scenes of war and victory on the enemies, royal coronation, the implementation of projects of irrigation; others relate to religious events.The analysis of the low-reliefs was conducted from observations of the field and by the study of the previous bibliography to have a better knowledge of the causes of their creations. We have a description of these reliefs with accurate measurements, photos, and drawing, done with exhaustive and similar methods, which then allows them to compare with other well dated archaeological evidence. Then we have dealed with these reliefs on technical and artistic level, by studying their iconography, the decors, the characters, the clothes, the weapons and the divine symbols found on these works. This detailed analysis of the figuredelements and sceneries of these reliefs is very useful to know their historic context that were still not wellknown, because of the large number of conflicting opinions from the previous researchers.We track through these low-reliefs a fresco of the Iraqi Kurdistan history that goes from 3000 BC to 300 years after AD.

La thèse porte sur la mise en scène de la guerre dans les entraînements militaires aux États-Unis. Elle étudie des faux villages moyen-orientaux qui servent pour l’entraînement de pré-déploiement en Irak et en Afghanistan. On retrouve ces villages sur diverses bases militaires, comme au National Training Center (NTC) de Fort Irwin (Californie), où une douzaine de faux villages afghans et iraquiens ont été construits depuis 2007 dans le contexte de la contre-insurrection afin de préparer les troupes aux guerres de type urbaines et asymétriques. Dans ces environnements immersifs, l’armée américaine tente de reproduire les paysages socioculturel et religieux où se tiennent les missions : mosquées, salons de thé, marchés extérieurs, maisons traditionnelles forment le décor. Afin de préparer les soldats au terrain humain, une rencontre culturelle est simulée entre eux et la population locale à travers des jeux de rôle. Des acteurs, qui sont parfois d’origine afghane et iraquienne, sont embauchés pour jouer la population locale, ce qui servirait à prévenir un certain « choc culturel » anticipé sur le terrain et augmenter la sensibilité culturelle des soldats. Des experts de l’industrie du cinéma comme des pyrotechniciens et des artistes-maquilleurs participent également à ces simulations pour les rendre plus « réalistes » à travers leurs effets spéciaux. La thèse étudie les rationalités et les technologies à l'œuvre dans les faux villages et les manières dont elles soutiennent cette mise en scène « culturelle » de la guerre. Elle examine les pratiques matérielles et discursives des performances qui s’y déroulent. En quelles instances les exercices de simulation s’inscrivent-ils dans un régime de représentation racialisé? Comment l’orientalisme américain est-il articulé dans ces espaces? Quels mythes politiques et discours dominants circulent dans ces géographies fictives? La thèse problématise la représentation et la production de savoirs sur l’autre. Ce faisant, elle participe à la discussion sur l’altérité entamée par plusieurs courants théoriques et champs disciplinaires dont elle s'inspire, notamment les cultural studies, les critical race theories et la critique postcoloniale. L’analyse est basée sur une observation de courte durée au NTC. Le Centre offre des visites guidées de la base qui permettent au public d’assister à une journée d’entraînements dans les faux villages. J’ai participé à deux reprises à ces « NTC Box Tours ». J’ai également mené des entrevues semi-dirigées avec plus de vingt vétérans d’Iraq et d’Afghanistan afin de discuter avec eux de leur expérience d’entraînement de pré-déploiement et du rôle de la culture dans les simulations militaires. / The thesis looks at the performance of war in military training in the US. It studies the mock Middle Eastern villages that are used for Iraq and Afghanistan pre-deployment training. These villages are found on several military bases such as the National Training Center of Fort Irwin (California), where a dozen of oriental towns were implemented since 2007 in order to prepare the troops for urban and asymmetrical type of warfare in the context of counterinsurgency. In these immersive environments, the US military tries to reproduce overseas sociocultural and religious landscapes: mosques, tea rooms, street markets, traditional houses and so on form the set. To prepare the soldiers to the human terrain, a cultural encounter between them and the local population is simulated through role play. Actors, sometimes from Iraq and Afghanistan, are hired to enact the local population. This is said to prevent an anticipated “culture clash” on the ground and raise cultural awareness amongst the soldiers. Experts from the filmmaking industry such as pyrotechnics and makeup artists also take part in these simulations – working to make them more “realistic” through their special effects. The thesis examines the rationalities and technologies at stake in the mock villages, and the way they sustain the « cultural » mise en scène of war. The research interrogates the material and discursive practices of the performances taking place in the mock towns. In what instances are the simulation exercices anchored in a racialized system of representation; how is the American orientalism being rearticulated in these spaces; what political myths and hegemonic discourses are circulating in these fictive geographies? The thesis problematizes the ways of knowing and representing the other. Therefore, the research takes part to the discussion on otherness initiated by diverse theoritical accounts and academic fields, such as cultural studies, critical race theories, and postcolonial critique. The analysis is based on a short observation at NTC. The Center offers guided tours of the base, allowing the general public to attend to one day of training in the mock villages. I participated twice in these “NTC Box tours”. I also conducted semi-directed interviews with more than twenty Iraq and Afghanistan veterans, in which they share with me their experiences of pre-deployment training and their thoughts on the place of culture in military simulations.