The thesis focuses on freely available digital libraries in the field of science, research and education in the countries of former Yugoslavia. The work is divided into theoretical and practical part. The theoretical part introduces the basic terminology and the issue of freely available digital libraries. The main part of the thesis is based on the findings of freely available digital libraries in the countries of former Yugoslavia. Their structured overview is an annex to this thesis and a commentary on them is given in the practical part. The core of the thesis constitutes the results of analyzes of three digital libraries from the selected region. It aims to analyse, describe,compare and assess selected systems. The practical part presents the descriptions and analysys of the selected systems. Next chapter includes the comparison of their qualitative and quantitative parameters. The conclusion of the work brings final assessment of the knowledge.

The aim of the thesis is to map and analyze the Czech public debate about the bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia by NATO air forces in 1999. The North Atlantic Alliance attack on the FRY, which followed shortly after the Czech Republic had joined the Organization. Part of the political representation reacted to NATO's actions with restraint or regret, while the current, represented mainly by President Havel, became a principled supporter of the attack, even on the international political scene. The work deals with various levels of this debate: the initiation of individual actors in the problems of the NATO Operation in Yugoslavia, the starting points, argumentation strategies or links with other topics. It tries to reveal secondary motivations in the formulation of individual opinions (considerations of the security interests of the Czech Republic, worldview, prejudices, etc.). The source base of the work is mainly periodicals, especially the most read dailies. Klíčová slova (anglicky): Czech Republic, Serbia, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Yugoslavian crisis, The conflict in the Balkans in 1999, NATO Air Strikes Against Yugoslavia in 1999, NATO

2. Die Fortschritte der internationalen Gemeinschaft in Richtung des Ziels, durch externes Eingreifen in den Staatsaufbau des Kosovos Demokratie und Marktwirtschaft zu erwir-ken, sind trotz aller Teilerfolge geringer als erhofft. Auch zwölf Jahre nach der Interventi-on der NATO und der Errichtung der UN-Übergangsverwaltungsmission (UNMIK) bleiben drängende Probleme weiterhin ungelöst. Die fehlende politische Orientierung der UNMIK bzw. ihr widersprüchliches Mandat stellte sich als zentrales Hindernis des State-Building-Prozesses heraus, wobei die Klärung der Statusfrage lange offenblieb und sich das Prolongieren einer Entscheidung über die Statusfrage äußerst negativ auf den gesamten Prozess des State-Buildings auswirkte. Prominente Erklärungsmuster für die Rückschläge und Verzögerungen im State-Building-Prozess werden in den folgenden Ein-flussfaktoren gesehen: nationalistische politische Eliten, unfähige Staatsgewalt, passive Politik der externen bzw. internen Akteure, korrupte Personen, unprofessionelle politische und wirtschaftliche Eliten, den Staat schwächende parallele Machtstrukturen, Schatten-wirtschaftliche Praktiken ökonomischer Reproduktion.

[pt] Esta dissertação é fruto de um estudo sobre o surgimento de conflitos intraestatais após o fim da Guerra Fria e como estes conflitos, muitas vezes imprevisíveis e difíceis, tornaram-se fonte de preocupação internacional na década de 1990. Violações de direitos humanos em outros estados passaram a ser cada vez mais retratadas como ameaças à ordem internacional, levando a um aumento na mobilização de defensores de direitos humanos e atores políticos que pedem um maior envolvimento de potências estrangeiras, e a um aumento do otimismo relativo à capacidade dos Estados em agir dentro da esfera internacional. Em particular, identifica-se uma maior esperança de que as Nações Unidas iriam assumir mais responsabilidades como aplicadora de normas internacionais. Neste contexto, a presente pesquisa procura entender como reivindicações humanitárias na década de 1990 desafiaram a compreensão de soberania e não-intervenção como princípios fundamentais das relações internacionais, e a própria base de um sistema internacional estatista. Também, questiona se a lacuna entre os compromissos normativos dos Estados para com os direitos humanos, e seu respeito na prática, foi abordado, e se os estados são capazes de agir como agentes morais. Foi conduzida uma pesquisa composta de dois estudos de caso de intervenções humanitárias pós-Guerra Fria que trouxeram respostas muito diferentes da comunidade internacional: o caso do Kosovo, em 1999, e o de Darfur, desde 2004. Esse trabalho sugere que dois fatores principais ajudam a explicar a vontade ou relutância dos Estados de intervir em cada caso: a percepção do conflito como uma ameaça ou não para a ordem internacional e a existência de interesses estratégicos que ditam diferentes respostas. O principal argumento desenvolvido aqui é que, enquanto a moral desempenha um papel importante na motivação de Estados para intervir, estes são atores predominantemente racionais e o altruísmo não consegue compensar quando interesses ditam uma resposta diferente. Conclui-se que, a menos que uma crise determinada seja interpretada como grave ameaça para os interesses de segurança dos estados, provavelmente não ocorrerá intervenção. Consequentemente, os defensores de direitos humanos não conseguiram deslocar a primazia da ordem sobre a justiça. / [en] This thesis studies the rise of intra-state conflicts following the end of the Cold War and how these often unpredictable and intractable conflicts became the source of international concern in the 1990s. Human rights violations in other states were increasingly portrayed as a threat to international order, leading to an increase in calls from human rights advocates and political actors for greater involvement from foreign powers and increased optimism concerning states capacity to act within the international realm. In particular, there were hopes that the United Nations would take on more responsibility as a norm enforcer. Against this background, the present study explores how humanitarian claims in the 1990s challenged the understanding of sovereignty and non-intervention as the foundational principles of international relations, and the very basis of a statist international system. It questions whether the gap between states normative commitments towards human rights, and their respect in practice, has been addressed, and whether states are capable of acting as moral agents. This research has carried out two case studies of post-Cold War humanitarian interventions, which generate very different responses from international community: Kosovo in 1999, and Darfur from 2004 to the present. The present thesis suggests that two principal factors help explain states willingness or reluctance to intervene in each case: the perception of the conflict as (or not) a threat to international order and the existence of strategic interests that dictated different responses. The main argument developed here is that while morality plays an important role in motivating states to intervene, they are predominantly rational actors and humanitarian concerns are not sufficient when interests dictate a different response. It concludes that unless a determinate crisis is interpreted as a serious threat to states security interests, probably no intervention will occur. Consequently, human rights advocates did not succeed in dislocating the primacy of order over justice.

The intention of this project is to examine whether or not; Anthony Charles Lynton "Tony" Blair, experienced any belief changes or learning, during the period he was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (UK), a period which lasted 10 years commencing 1997 until 2007. Our analysis will cover a timeline beginning from 1999 a point in time when the UK participated in NATO’s Operation Allied Force during the Kosovo War until 2006 when Britain took on the reins of the EU presidency for a six-month period. An exploration, of the beliefs behind a leader’s decision making logic, should always be considered a prudent undertaking especially when it comes to foreign policy studies. This is because, it is only through such activity scholars can comprehend the distinction between decisions and actions. Thus, understanding when and how; an individual leaders’ belief system changes, is of central importance in furthering our ability in explaining not only state behaviour, but, also the relationship between ‘self’ and ‘other’. The main purpose of an operational code analysis is to enable political scientists and policy makers alike, to deduce from a particular leader’s verbal content, what that actor's beliefs are and the premises they take in relation to their decision-making process. The first of our two part hypotheses seeks to determine whether Tony Blair exhibited changes in his beliefs at various stages of his premiership. These stages were signified by events which were also crucial in defining his political legacy. The events are divided into three categories, Post Kosovo – Pre Iraq, Pre 9/11 – Post 9/11 and Pre EU – Post EU. On completion of our VICS and SPSS analysis on Tony Blair’s operational code belief we discovered that there were no statistically significant changes in any of his operational indices. So, due to the lack of statistically significant changes in Blair’s Philosophical and Instrumental indices we could not classify the events selected for this analysis as having produced any influence on his belief system. Thus we rejected our null hypothesis and accept the alternative hypothesis.

Orientador: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Héctor Luís Saint-Pierre / Banca: Flávio Rocha de Oliveira / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas". / Resumo: Neste trabalho, avaliamos se a intervenção da OTAN no Kosovo corresponde a uma nova concepção de segurança desenvolvido pela Organização, conforme defendem seus países-membros em documentos oficiais da década de 1990. A Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) constituiu-se, desde sua fundação no final da década de 1940, numa aliança militar entre Estados Unidos e Europa Ocidental contra a ameaça de invasão a partir da União Soviética. Seu aparato defensivo e uma série de outros arranjos cooperativos foram articulados com base nessa premissa, que teria sido revista a partir do fim da Guerra Fria. Nos anos 1990, portanto, a organização reviu seu conceito estratégico e propôs um novo conceito de segurança, apregoando adaptar-se a um novo ambiente internacional. Em 1999, a OTAN interveio militarmente na então República Federal da Iugoslávia com vistas a interromper o enfrentamento entre seu governo, organizações autonomistas ou separatistas da província autônoma do Kosovo e a população civil daquele local, alegando garantir auxílio humanitário e a interrupção de violações de direitos humanos, algo associado a sua nova concepção estratégica. / Abstract: The pursuit of this work is to analyze if NATO‟s intervention in Kosovo corresponds to a new security conception developed by the organization, as its member States argue in official documents at the 1990‟s. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was constituted, since its foundation at the end of the 1940‟s, of a military alliance among United States, Canada and West Europe against a threat of invasion by the Soviet Union. Its defensive structure and a wide range of cooperative arrangements were based on this argument having it been reviewed by the end of the Cold War. At the 1990‟s the organization remodeled its strategic concept and purposed a new security concept, affirming to adapt itself to the new international environment. In 1999, NATO intervened militarily against the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia aiming to interrupt the conflict among its government, autonomist or separatist organizations from the autonomous region of Kosovo and the civil population of that region, alleging to guarantee humanitarian aid to interrupt hard human rights violations, something associated later to its new strategic concept. / Mestre

<p>This paper presents the marketing management of the nonprofit sector as a prerequisite for NGO sustainability. It examines the existing literature on the nonprofit marketing, the current situation of the local NGOs in Kosovo with regards to the application of marketing. The research methodology follows the introduction and presentation of the research objectives. The theoretical background introduces the necessary baseline to analyze empirical findings. The empirical findings and analysis reveal that nonprofit sector in Kosovo does not have a holistic marketing approach. The focus of the research is to emphasize the importance of marketing orientation, segmentation, and planning at nonprofit sector. Moreover, NGOs should create, communicate and deliver values based on customers’ (beneficiaries, volunteers, and donors) needs.</p><p>As a result of this research, a marketing plan guide was prepared.  The guide aims to educate NGOs in Kosovo about the benefits of having a holistic marketing approach and will serve as basis for further marketing planning.</p>

This paper presents the marketing management of the nonprofit sector as a prerequisite for NGO sustainability. It examines the existing literature on the nonprofit marketing, the current situation of the local NGOs in Kosovo with regards to the application of marketing. The research methodology follows the introduction and presentation of the research objectives. The theoretical background introduces the necessary baseline to analyze empirical findings. The empirical findings and analysis reveal that nonprofit sector in Kosovo does not have a holistic marketing approach. The focus of the research is to emphasize the importance of marketing orientation, segmentation, and planning at nonprofit sector. Moreover, NGOs should create, communicate and deliver values based on customers’ (beneficiaries, volunteers, and donors) needs. As a result of this research, a marketing plan guide was prepared.  The guide aims to educate NGOs in Kosovo about the benefits of having a holistic marketing approach and will serve as basis for further marketing planning.

This thesis analyzes the political relations between Turkey and Albania in the post Cold War period. Political and diplomatic relations between Turkey and Albania based on mutual respect for territorial integrity and independence. This study analyzes the continuities and changes in the Turkish foreign policy towards Albania in the post Cold War era. Also changes and continuities in the Albanian foreign policy in the post Cold War period are scrutinized. This work examines the main Turkish foreign policy approaches towards Albania. Patterns of Turkish Balkan policy are examined to find out how Turkey constructed its foreign policy towards Albania after the end of Cold War. Turkey continued its traditional foreign policy according to realist and national interest-based foreign policy formulation. After 1990, Albania was in a period of a transition from its sui generis communist dictatorship regime under Enver Hoxha to an emerging democracy. Albania considered Turkey as a reliable ally in the Balkans. Turkey attached strong importance to stability and security in the Balkan region. Albania has significant role to play in Balkan region. Thus Turkey welcomed the Albanian decision on membership application to NATO and EU. Turkey tried to strength its bilateral relations with Albania and supported lbania&rsquo / s participation in regional and international organizations. This study focuses on the relations of Turkey and Albania within the framework of international and regional organizations.

<p>This study explores different actors’ perceptions on how the democratization process is being influenced in Kosovo. It is based upon empirical facts gathered during a field study in Kosovo. The material was mainly gathered through interviews with different representatives from international organizations present in Kosovo and with members of the Kosovar political elite.</p><p>The theoretical standpoint in the study draws on the theory of polyarchy for defining the concept of democracy, and the two-level game. The interaction between domestic and international actors within the democratization process is highlighted.</p><p>The conclusions are that different actors are influencing the ongoing democratization process in Kosovo, mainly international external ones acting in several ways and on different levels. This influence is considered by the international community and the domestic political elite to be necessary both for the continued development of democracy and for the preservation of stability. However as the influence has more or less become institutionalized, problems occur when responsibility is handed over to domestic authorities without accountability being made clear.</p>