Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rogerio Volpatti Polezze.pdf: 1979992 bytes, checksum: c33d649940e7293ba5dda19ea91e6d76 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-07 / The dissertation proposes to analyze the configuration of so-called sexual minorities, discussing concepts and reasons to understand them as vulnerable groups. It provides an overview about human rights, emphasizing the fundamental rights. Also their evolution through history, especially after the Second World War. It highlights the position taken by the principles, so striking in the post-positivist stage right. It notes that, although there is controversy, both the broad inclusion of principles in the latest Constitutions as the movement of said neoconstitutionalism or postpositivism indicate the valuation of axiological load on the right, completing and enriching the old positivist view. It seeks to trace the characteristics of public policy, promoted on behalf of sexual minorities, performing brief analysis of the profile that presents difficulties (limitations) and draw prospects for the near future, as well as alternatives to answer more satisfactorily the target population of the study. It makes a comparison with examples that succeeded in European States with regard to the apparent greater range of the Brazilian Judiciary's role in defining and provocation (the initiative) public policy under study. Thus, making highlighting the characteristics of Brazil, in particular due to its overly analytical and rich constitution in axiological charge (and principles), it focused to explain the reasons why Brazil shows its judicial function as markedly Postpositivist, enforcing fundamental rights and own content of principles adopted in the Constitution; even on behalf the component groups of so-called sexual minorities and against established majority in the National Parliament / A dissertação propõe-se a analisar a configuração das minorias sexuais, discutindo conceitos e as razões de entendê-las como grupos vulneráveis. A pesquisa traça uma análise geral acerca dos direitos humanos, destacando os fundamentais, sua evolução ao longo da história, em especial, após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Põe em relevo a posição assumida pelos princípios, tão marcantes no estágio pós-positivista do direito. Observa que, embora haja controvérsia, tanto a inclusão ampla de princípios nas Constituições mais recentes quanto o movimento do neoconstitucionalismo ou do pós-positivismo indicam a valorização da carga axiológica no direito, completando e enriquecendo a antiga visão positivista. O estudo procura traçar as características das políticas públicas, promovidas em benefício das minorias sexuais, realizando uma breve análise do perfil que se apresenta, suas dificuldades (limitações), além de traçar perspectivas para futuro próximo e alternativas para atender mais satisfatoriamente a população-alvo deste estudo. A pesquisa faz um comparativo com exemplos que sucederam em Estados europeus no que se refere à aparente maior amplitude do papel do Poder Judiciário brasileiro na definição e provocação (da iniciativa) das políticas públicas em estudo. Assim, realçando características próprias do Brasil, em especial, em função de sua Constituição demasiadamente analítica e rica em carga axiológica (e princípios), tentou-se explicar os motivos pelos quais o Brasil mostra sua função jurisdicional tão marcantemente pós-positivista, fazendo valer direitos fundamentais e conteúdo próprio de princípios adotados na Constituição; inclusive, próprios dos grupos componentes das minorias sexuais e na contramão da maioria estabelecida no Parlamento nacional

Over the last few decades, there has been a significant increase in the political and public acceptance of gay men and lesbians. However, this trend of acceptance is not a global phenomenon. Currently over 70 countries still criminalise private consensual same-sex intimacy, among which are 11 of the 12 independent Commonwealth Caribbean states. It should be noted that the anti-gay laws of the Caribbean are rarely used to police consensual private sexual activities. Thus, if private same-sex conduct is rarely penalised, why keep the laws in place, especially in the age where such bans are considered a violation of basic human rights? Many policy makers in the region have cited public opinions about homosexuality as a significant barrier to law reform. However, while a common view is that these laws are anchored by public support, very few studies have emerged to test whether the attitudes and behaviours of the general population are in line with this view. Against this backdrop, this thesis analyses attitudes towards lesbians and gay men and their legal rights in the Commonwealth Caribbean. The thesis begins with an analysis of support for the anti-gay laws in Barbados, Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago. The analysis revealed that a majority of the sample supported the maintenance and enforcement of the laws, but did not want same-sex couples to be penalised for having sex in private. This suggests that attitudes may not be as stark as policy makers suggest. The descriptive statistics also show that a significant share of individuals think that the laws (1) reflect moral standards; (2) stop the spread of homosexuality; (3) are important from a public health perspective, and (4) protect young people from abuse. Support for the laws are thus related to beliefs that homosexuality is a 'threat' to the fabric of society. The empirical analysis of support for the laws revealed that religiousness, interpersonal contact and beliefs about the origin of homosexuality were the most reliable predictors of public support. However, age and education were only statistically significant in a few models, and there was no evidence that attitudes varied across religious denominations. This is a contrast to the findings of studies in the West. It was hypothesised that macro-level factors - such as the large share of Evangelicals, anti-gay laws and level of socioeconomic development - could be exerting an influence on attitudes that is stronger than that of these personal characteristics. As such, the study conducted a cross-national analysis of attitudes towards same-sex marriage in 28 countries in the Americas, 6 of which were members of the Commonwealth Caribbean. In general, countries with higher levels of development, smaller shares of Evangelicals and more liberal laws on homosexuality were more approving of same-sex marriage. The results also suggest that the impact of age and/or religion is less prominent in countries with restrictions on same-sex intimacy, lower levels of development and a strong Evangelical presence, confirming the hypothesis that contextual factors could mitigate the impact of some of the individual-level variables. Finally, to get a nuanced view of anti-gay prejudice in the region, a thematic analysis of anti-gay speech in dancehall and reggae - music originating from Jamaica but popular in the region - was presented. The thematic analysis revealed that homosexuality is presented as 'sinful', a 'violation of gendered norms', 'unnatural', a 'threat to society' and a 'foreign lifestyle'. The presentation of homosexuality as a 'foreign' lifestyle suggests that anti-gay prejudice could be related to fears of neo-imperialism and could be a means of rejecting ideological intrusions from the West. This is not surprising, as currently, the fight for the advancement of gay rights is being headed by activists in the West. Based on the thematic analysis, efforts to remove the anti-gay laws should be (or at least appear to be) home-grown to limit public backlash.

This work investigated the engagement of leaders from the gay and LGBT movements in Sergipe through the itineraries from twenty-five activists between 1981 and 2012. The research focused in the emergence of the mobilization, changes of "struggles" over the decades, the social networks (formal and informal) forged by the leaders and the connection of these agents with the "causes . For this purpose were conducted biographical interviews, documentary analysis and observations of events and meetings. The data indicate that the political opening in the early 1980s was an important political opportunity for the emergence of a homosexual mobilization that period in Sergipe, as well as the networks established with others brazilian homossexual associations, especially with Grupo Gay da Bahia. However, only from the second half of the decade, with the advent of HIV / AIDS and the approximation to the state, it was possible to start a process of institutionalization of the mobilization that was consolidated in the following decades. State investments in "HIV" and the "recognition of social vulnerability" of homosexuals, in the 1990s, had created new sexual identities and defined new "flags" that were beginning to emerge on the LGBT political scene. This other approach with the state in the 2000s, held in Aracaju with the political rise of the PT and PCdoB, enabled some leaders began to be part of the state in advising, committee positions and coordinations. At the same time, nationally, and in line with the movement, the federal government invested in the training of new leaders and strengthening of existing associations, which confirms the political-ideological convergence between the two political spheres. / O presente trabalho investigou o engajamento de lideranças dos movimentos homossexual e LGBT no estado de Sergipe, a partir dos itinerários de vinte e cinco ativistas entre os anos de 1981 e 2012. A pesquisa focalizou as condições de constituição da mobilização, as mudanças das lutas ao longo das décadas, as redes sociais (formais e informais) forjadas pelos líderes e a ligação desses agentes com as causas . Para este fim foram realizadas entrevistas biográficas, análises documentais e o registro de observações de eventos e reuniões num diário de campo. Os dados apontam que a abertura política provocada pelo arrefecimento da ditadura militar no início da década de 1980 foi uma importante oportunidade política para o surgimento de uma mobilização homossexual organizada naquele período em Sergipe, assim como a redes que se estabeleceram com outras associações homossexuais brasileiras, principalmente com o Grupo Gay da Bahia. Contudo, somente a partir da segunda metade daquela década, com o aparecimento do HIV/AIDS e a aproximação com o Estado, foi possível iniciar um processo de institucionalização da mobilização que se consolidou nas décadas seguintes. Os investimentos estatais no combate ao HIV e o reconhecimento da vulnerabilidade social dos homossexuais, a partir dos anos 1990, tiveram como efeito a segmentação identitária e a construção de diversificadas políticas públicas voltadas às novas bandeiras que começavam a despontar no cenário político LGBT. Essa nova aproximação com o Estado, na década de 2000, também foi impulsionada, em Aracaju, pela ascensão política do PT e PCdoB, o que fez com que algumas lideranças começassem a fazer parte do quadro estatal em assessorias, cargos de comissões e coordenações. Ao mesmo tempo, nacionalmente e em consonância com o movimento, o governo federal investiu na formação de novas lideranças e no fortalecimento das associações existentes, o que confirma a convergência políticaideológica entre as duas esferas políticas.

This thesis describes the organization of two waves of pride parades in the city of Dallas, Texas. Using more than 40 sources, this work details how LGBT organizers have used pride parades to create a more established place for the LGBT community in greater Dallas culture. This works adds to the study of LGBT history by focusing on an understudied region, the South; as well as focusing on an important symbolic event in LGBT communities, pride parades.

Submitted by Hellen Luz (hellencrisluz@gmail.com) on 2017-08-17T17:13:07Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_ProducaoLegislativaVoltada.pdf: 1042561 bytes, checksum: d33a62ae69d825d8b270b9ddec7dd496 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Irvana Coutinho (irvana@ufpa.br) on 2017-08-28T18:30:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_ProducaoLegislativaVoltada.pdf: 1042561 bytes, checksum: d33a62ae69d825d8b270b9ddec7dd496 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-28T18:30:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_ProducaoLegislativaVoltada.pdf: 1042561 bytes, checksum: d33a62ae69d825d8b270b9ddec7dd496 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-28 / A busca pela garantia de certos direitos a pessoas historicamente marginalizadas por conta da orientação sexual ganha força a partir da promulgação da constituição Federal de 1988. Os chamados gays, lésbicas, bissexuais, travestis e transexuais (LGBTs) buscam, além da não discriminação em diversas esferas, certos direitos que seriam básicos em uma sociedade dita democrática, como o direito de constituir uma família (garantindo o direito previdenciário ou de propriedade, por exemplo) ou de possuir um nome em concordância à condição de gênero escolhida (fortalecendo o exercício da cidadania e da dignidade à pessoa). Este trabalho realizou um levantamento e análise das demandas LGBTs que emergiram no Congresso Nacional brasileiro, através da Câmara dos Deputados, destacando a produção legislativa referente aos Projetos de Leis (PLs) voltados a esta população específica. Esta situação de demandas políticas particulares, provocadas pela pressão de grupos sociais articulados, é fruto do estágio de amadurecimento do processo democrático, sobre o qual se alicerçam as demandas de minorias sociais no seio das instituições contemporâneas, bem como fruto de uma nova concepção de indivíduo (não essencialista), que surgiu ao longo do século XX, Foi percebido que há uma intensa atividade parlamentar nesta produção legislativa, em regra desarticulada, assim como a forte presença de grupos contrários às políticas LGBTs. Também ficou claro que partidos tradicionalmente de esquerda se revelam mais favoráveis às demandas LGBTs, ainda que a diretriz mais importante para determinar o sucesso ou fracasso de certas políticas seja, como iremos discutir no presente trabalho, ligada a fatores institucionais. / The search for the guarantee some rights to people historically marginalized due to sexual orientation gains strength from the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution. Called Gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) seek, in addition to non-discrimination in various spheres, certain basic rights that would be in a democratic society dictates as the right to form a family (ensuring the welfare or property right, for example) or have a condition befitting the genre they have chosen (strengthening citizenship and dignity to the person). This study conducted a survey and analysis of LGBT demands that emerged in the Brazilian National Congress, through the House of Representatives, highlighting the legislative process regarding the Bills involving this specific population. This particular political demands, caused by pressure articulated for social groups, is caused by the stage of the democratic process, on which are founded the demands of social minorities within the contemporary institutions, as well as the result of a new conception of individual (non-essentialist), which emerged during the twentieth century. It was noticed that there is intense activity in this parliamentary lawmaking in disjointed rule, as well as the strong presence of groups opposed to LGBT policies. It also became clear that traditionally leftist parties appear more favorable to LGBT demands, although the most important guideline to determine the success or failure of certain policies is, as we will discuss in this work, linked to institutional factors.

Submitted by Edisangela Bastos (edisangela@ufpa.br) on 2017-01-18T16:10:12Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitosSexuaisPoliticas.pdf: 660492 bytes, checksum: 3b011c9e54e9fc4daba72f9d74f805c9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Edisangela Bastos (edisangela@ufpa.br) on 2017-01-19T14:02:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitosSexuaisPoliticas.pdf: 660492 bytes, checksum: 3b011c9e54e9fc4daba72f9d74f805c9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-19T14:02:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitosSexuaisPoliticas.pdf: 660492 bytes, checksum: 3b011c9e54e9fc4daba72f9d74f805c9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / As políticas públicas construídas e implementadas especificamente para a comunidade LGBT têm sido um parâmetro de atuação do Estado na primeira década do século XXI, a partir de experiências no mesmo sentido das políticas de enfrentamento à Aids, desde os anos 80 do século passado. Nestes termos o presente trabalho está centrado na etapa de implementação dessas políticas públicas, circunscritas ao Estado do Pará, no período de gestão do Poder Executivo estadual de 2007 a 2010. Faz-se necessário compreender as mobilizações e a construção do movimento LGBT para a conquista da atenção do poder público às suas demandas, entendendo, também, que a problemática da discriminação perpassa a interseccionalidade de variados marcadores sociais, constituintes da sociedade brasileira. Em seguida, objetiva-se qualificar as demandas do Movimento LGBT como Direitos Sexuais, compreendidos na perspectiva dos Direitos Humanos, com o intuito de concretizá-los, utilizando, como um instrumento possível, as políticas públicas. Por fim, apresenta-se um breve panorama de como as conexões realizadas com o Estado nos anos 90 do século XX e na primeira década do século XXI pelo Movimento LGBT permitiu a construção articulada de políticas públicas para esse segmento social, para, então, analisarmos as particularidades da implementação das políticas públicas no Pará, a partir das falas das gestoras. / The Public Policies constructed and implemented specifically for the LGBT community have been a parameter of state action in the first decade of this century, based on experiences in the same direction of policies to fight Aids since the early 80th century past. Accordingly the present work is focused on the stage of implementation of these policies, confined State of Pará, management of the executive branch state from 2007 to 2010. It is necessary to understand the mobilization and construction of LGBT movement for the achievement of government’s attention to their demands, considering also that the problem of discrimination pervades the intersectionality of various social indicators, constituents of brazilian society. Then, the objective is to qualify the demands of the LGBT Movement and Sexual Rights, undertood in the perspective of Human Rights, in order to achieve them, using as a possible instrument, public policies. Finally, we present a brief overview of how the connections made with the states in 90 years of the twentieth century and first decade of this century by the LGBT Movement allowed the construction of public policies articulated for this segment of society, to then analyze the particularities of the implementation of public policies in Pará, from the spreeches of the managers.

A national survey of 123 school counselor educators investigated how participants integrated K–12 lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, questioning, intersex (LGBTQI) students’ needs and concerns into school counseling curricula. Results indicated 91.9% of participants integrated the K–12 LGBTQI students’ needs and concerns for a median pedagogical duration of one, 3-hour session within a single course, focusing on students’ knowledge and awareness of gender and sexual/affectual orientation. Follow-up interviews were conducted with participants identified as committed to integrating LGBTQI issues into the curriculum, and these interviews produced themes that expanded survey findings in several areas, including significant educational experience, recognition of iterative effect, experiential, personal engagement, ethics, and influence of training and resources. Implications for school counselor education and professional development are discussed.

Chrisler’s (2017) Theoretical Framework of Parental Reactions When a Child Comes Out as Lesbian, Gay, or Bisexual suggests that parental reactions to having a non-heteronormative child are impacted by a process of cognitively appraising information about their child’s identity and experiencing and coping with emotional responses, both of which are influenced by contextual factors such as a parent’s value system. However, some religious values can challenge parents in the process of accepting a lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT) child. The purpose of this study was to test a model that examines the influence of cognitive-affective factors (cognitive flexibility, emotional regulation), religious-value based factors (religious fundamentalism, parental sanctification), and gender and sexual identity on self-reported parental acceptance. Participants were 663 parents of LGBT children who submitted responses to an online survey. A Tobit regression with a single-indicator latent variable approach revealed that religious fundamentalism, parental sanctification, the control component of cognitive flexibility, parent gender, and parent sexual identity significantly predicted parental acceptance. Lower religious fundamentalism, higher parental sanctification, and higher cognitive flexibility scores were associated with parental acceptance of an LGBT child. Participants identifying as a woman or LGB parent also significantly predicted acceptance. Implications of findings are discussed.

This research project was a mixed method of both a quantitative and qualitative design to examine the perception of 38 gay male’s life satisfaction post coming out. In the past few years, laws affecting the gay community have been at the forefront of policies and debates, given all communities an insight into the specific challenges that are endured. As the gay community starts to openly live their lives as a gay man, there has been a need to accept and understand not only the challenges, but to give acceptance. Additionally, this project sought out to determine if the gay community feels that their life satisfaction has increased post coming out to their family, friends, and coworkers, furthermore to be able to live a life not of shame, but of pride and acceptance of themselves.

Lesbian intimate partner violence (IPV) is an understudied social and psychological problem in the United States. The purpose of this qualitative, comparative study was to understand any barriers of help-seeking behaviors for victims of lesbian IPV. The literature on lesbian IPV has not included the perspectives of both service provider and support person on why these barriers persist. Normative resource theory and the barriers model informed the study. Interviews were conducted with a sample of 8 providers and 5 support persons. Interviews were then transcribed and coded. The 7 themes that emerged among these 13 participants were an unawareness on how to get help, inability on the part of the victim to recognize abuse, lack of acknowledgement of abuse in the community, inadequate specialized training and policies to work with the lesbian community, no assurance of safety at the shelter, fear of disclosure of sexual orientation, and no confidence with system or service agency. All of these themes were identified as contributing factors that deterred lesbian IPV victims from seeking help. Although the findings are representative of a small sample, these findings can initiate positive social change by informing interventions which can bridge the gap between the lesbian IPV victim and the support services she needs.