Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:19:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Deborah Regina Lambach Ferreira da Costa.pdf: 721094 bytes, checksum: 08a6d037883f68580c4820a74a74bd27 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-23 / In a globalized world, owners of image rights are more vulnerable to damages for which compensation may be sought. New technologies, the web, TV, broadcasting channels and mechanical systems in general, which disseminate information in real time making it accessible to millions of people, increase this exposure to defamation. Both legal entities governed by private and public law that own rights of publicity consistent with their legal status run the risk of having their images damaged. Items V and X of article 5 of the Brazilian Constitution provide that these entities are entitle to compensation for libel and slander, or moral damages in a literal translation from Portuguese. Detaching the concept of libel and slander from pain and suffering , the Brazilian Superior Court of Justice published case law summary [ Súmula ] No. 227 which resulted in the application of article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights to prevent abuse of the freedom of expression and ensure maximum protection to reputation. This study is an in-depth analysis of image rights based on the initial assumption that these are autonomous rights of publicity entitled to protection both at constitutional and infraconstitutional level. The compensation for image damages leaves formal positivism aside to follow the paradigm shift introduced by the Constitution of Brazil ratified in 1988 when social, ethical and operational principles -- even within the scope of civil liability -- where brought to light allowing the interpretation of the Civil Code to be consistent with the concepts of equity and justice in an attempt to foster ethics and compassion in society / Na era globalizada, o titular do direito à imagem está mais vulnerável a sofrer um dano ressarcível. O avanço da tecnologia, a Internet, a televisão, os meios de radiodifusão e o sistema mecanizado em geral, que propagam a informação em tempo real, acessível a milhões e milhões de outros sujeitos, expõe as pessoas cada vez mais ao vilipêndio. Tanto as pessoas jurídicas de direito privado, como as de direito público, podem ser vítimas de dano à imagem, porque titulares de direitos da personalidade compatíveis com a sua natureza jurídica. Ademais, lhes é assegurada a reparação do dano moral nos incisos V e X do artigo 5º da Constituição Federal. A jurisprudência, desapegando-se do conceito de dano moral como o dano da alma , editou a Súmula n. 227 do Superior Tribunal de Justiça. Passou-se a interpretar o artigo 10 da Convenção Europeia de Direitos Humanos de modo a coibir abusos do direito de livre expressão na proteção da reputação em toda a sua amplitude. De modo que o direito à imagem será analisado com profundidade, tomando-se como ponto de partida a afirmação de que é um direito da personalidade autônomo, recebendo proteção constitucional e infraconstitucional. A reparação do dano à imagem aparta-se do rigor formal do positivismo, acompanhando a mudança de paradigma trazida pela Constituição Federal de 1988, que aflorou, inclusive no âmbito da responsabilidade civil, princípios como da socialidade, da eticidade e da operabilidade, com vistas a dar interpretação e subsunção às normas do Código Civil consentâneas com a equidade e a justiça, em prol de uma sociedade mais ética e fraterna

The opposition against Gustavus III (1746–1792) had limited access to the printing press, but managed to spread a variety of political pamphlets through clandestine manuscripts. The main purpose of the dissertation is to analyse this communication and thereby enhance our understanding of the political culture of the period. The manuscript published oppositional works against Gustavus III have hitherto been little explored. With source material consisting of 120 manuscript libels, this study makes use of three interrelated methodological perspectives: media analysis, rhetorical analysis and analysis of ideas. The combination of media studies and classical rhetoric is inspired by the works of Peter Burke. Questions of production, distribution and consumption frame the discussions. The libels – published anonymously for fear of persecution – were spread through what Harold Love calls “user publication”. This means that many readers contributed to their distribution and through the act of copying also functioned as co-authors. The majority of the libels originated among the estate of the nobility and their political allies. The authors were often accomplished writers, skilfully using a variety of rhetorical strategies to interest and entertain their readers. When viewed in an international context, the Swedish material is revealed as relatively conservative. The arguments in the Swedish works were generally founded on established and traditional values and ideas, and treated Monarchy and Lutheran Christianity as given institutions which stood unquestioned. In comparison to French libels against royalty, Swedes were also more reluctant to use sexual slander. One explanation for this conservatism is that the authors were aiming for a wide audience, and therefore strove to ground their arguments in common values. Another explanation can be found in the fact that many of the works originated within the noble classes: a privileged group which had much to gain from the preservation of traditional social structures.

本論文的時間斷限為1945至1987年，研究的重心主要集中在台灣傳播學界的新聞自由論述，並希望透過比較的方式，與當時英美各國的新聞自由論述相對照，以瞭解台灣新聞自由發展的特殊、扭曲與不足之處。本論文除緒論、結論外，共有六章，就內容而言，可分為三大區塊。第一區塊為第一、二章，主要探討國際社會對新聞自由的見解。第二區塊為第三章，主要探討戒嚴時期台灣的憲法學如何界定新聞自由。第三區塊為第四至六章，亦是本論文的主軸，主要探討戒嚴時期傳播學界所建構的新聞自由。 整體來看，歐美社會，尤其是美國新聞自由的最新進展，包括：1956年美國新聞界要求政府公開資訊、減少新聞封鎖、同年美國國內所發生，記者赴中國採訪權的爭議，以及1971年美國報紙刊載「越戰報告書」所引發新聞自由與國家安全的爭議等，大都能即時的傳入台灣社會。然而，關己則亂。戒嚴時期傳播學界面對台灣新聞自由受到種種限制的實況，基本上採取相對消極，甚至是迴避的態度。傳播學界一方面忽視政府對新聞自由的限制，一方面則將火力集中於媒體「責任」。 從「社會責任論」在台灣的發展觀之，引介人謝然之、胡傳厚與國民黨皆有深厚關係。而後續台灣自律組織的建立、相關會議所提出的社會新聞改進之道，亦與國民黨脫不了干係。對政府的態度，為自由主義與社會責任論者之間最重要的差異。然而，從相關的著作可看出，西方社會責任論的主催者，對於政府能否涉入，能介入多深仍存有許多疑慮。從自由主義到社會責任論，要求政府不要插足新聞事業的聲音一直存在。1950年的「歐洲人權公約」更特別明言「不受公部門干預」的表現自由。然而，在戒嚴時期台灣的傳播學界，拒絕政府干涉的聲音卻十分微弱。甚至在反共復國的重責大任下，新聞自由被降級到「法律保障」的層級，連僅存的社會新聞報導空間，亦與「國家利益」牽扯在一起。新聞事業被賦予超出歐美報人所謂的社會責任，進而需要「犧牲本身的自由和權利，以貢獻於國家民族」。 就結果來看，由國民黨主導的自律組織，以及社會新聞改進之路，在新聞界聘任與其立場相近的評議委員，與消極的不作為下，並沒有發揮國民黨所期待的效用。透過一些文章，我們可以發現，戒嚴時期台灣的傳播學界對其所屬的環境、新聞自由所受的限制是有一定的認識的。但在反共復國的大旗下，大都只能點到為止，或轉而要求新聞界必須瞭解國家正處於生死存亡之間。這樣的氣氛一直要到1980年代才有比較明顯的轉變。

Univ., Diss.--Würzburg, 2001. / Literaturverz. S. 363 - 380.

Univ., Diss.--Bielefeld, 2002.

This thesis addresses the epistolary work by Novo-Hispanic writer Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz to place it in the literary and discursive context of the end of the 17th Century. I will take as theoretical background the concepts of dialogism and the carnivalesque by Mikhail Bakhtin, as well as Michel De Certeau’s reflections on what he calls the practice of everyday life. Other aspects of my theoretical approach will be drawn from Michel Foucault’s concepts in The Archaeology of Knowledge; his ideas about power, knowledge and social control, which will be useful for contextually addressing Sor Juana’s work and that of her intellectual contemporaries. Particularly, I will analyse the circumstances in which these Novo-Hispanic discourses were produced. This contextualization will allow me to incorporate not only the cultural (everyday life) practices that surround the production of these texts, but also other less notable or unpublished documents written by some of Sor Juana’s contemporaries. My aim is to widen the discursive spectrum of authors and critics of the prose of this author, and to this end I make use of documents from the 17th Century as primary source. This thesis is divided into three chapters. In the first, I will place into context the Novo-Hispanic discourse and the generic forms of the time: sermon, satire, libel, letter and inquisitorial censure, and the function of ideological control exerted by the Novo-Hispanic Holy Office. In the second chapter I will make a textual and contextual revision of three epistolary documents by Sor Juana: Carta al Padre Nuñez (Letter to Father Nuñez, 1682), Carta Atenagórica (Letter Worthy of Athena, 1690) and Respuesta a Sor Filotea de la Cruz (Reply to Sor Filotea of the Cross, 1690); as well as the antecedents, development and the result of the critical-theological conflict caused by these private letters, their replies and other collateral documents, namely, Carta de Serafina de Cristo, and Carta de Filotea de la Cruz (1690). Both drafts of these letters, found in Puebla in 2010, will also be refered in this revision. In addition to this I will study Defensa del Sermón del Mandato (1691) and Discurso Apologético contra la Fe de Erratas de un Soldado Castellano (1691), documents found in Lima in 2002 and published in Mexico in 2004. The third chapter consists of the study of three contemporary preachers of Sor Juana: Francisco Xavier Palavicino Villarrasa, Pedro Muñoz de Castro and Pedro de Avendaño Suárez de Sousa, whose theological and literary activities were denounced by the Holy Office. My aim is to show the reach of inquisitorial control and its consequence on the writing and literary activities of the contemporary intellectuals of Sor Juana, to contextualize Sor Juana’s epistolary work and confront the possible isolation and singularization that may place her life and work apart from the kernel of the intellectual scene in the New Spain at the close of the 17th Century.

Ce mémoire analyse la réception de l’auteur autrichien Thomas Bernhard (1931-1989) au regard des scandales qui ont marqué sa carrière. Tantôt identifié comme l’imprécateur de l’Autriche, tantôt comme écrivain exceptionnel, il aura remis en question le rôle de son pays dans le national-socialisme et multiplié les attaques ad hominem. Il aura tenu un rôle ambigu dans l’espace public. Tout en insistant sur le caractère fictif de ses œuvres, il se mettait en scène de façon provocatrice dans le discours public ainsi que dans sa fiction. Ce mémoire s’intéresse au fonctionnement du scandale en tant qu’événement social complexe ayant lieu dans l’espace public. Les chercheurs s’entendent pour considérer le scandale comme un trouble ou une irritation résultant d’une transgression, apparente ou avérée. Il s’agit en outre d’un phénomène intégré dans l’ordre social et géré par les médias, caractérisé par l’actualisation des valeurs morales. Dans la présente étude, il est postulé que le capital symbolique (cf. Bourdieu) joue un rôle d’a priori et de catalyseur dans les scandales. Une accumulation initiale de capital symbolique assure une visibilité médiatique automatique. Le capital d’identité de Thomas Bernhard – soit la personnalisation du capital symbolique – est hybride et complexe, de sorte qu’il est difficilement appréciable. La difficile appréciation du capital de l’auteur se traduit par l’incertitude des journalistes et du public quant à son message : réactions dispro-portionnées, critique du particulier perçue comme mise en cause de l’universel. Toute dé-claration, toute œuvre de Bernhard est assujettie à ses prestations « scandaleuses » antérieu-res. Ce mémoire insiste sur le caractère autoréférentiel du scandale et s’intéresse aux actes de langage performatifs (cf. John L. Austin). Le corpus comporte des romans de Bernhard, leurs recensions, des articles de quotidiens, des lettres de lecteurs, des documents juridiques ainsi que la correspondance entre Bernhard et Siegfried Unseld. / This master’s thesis analyzes the reception of the Austrian author Thomas Bernhard (1931-1989) and focuses on the scandals that punctuated his career. Acclaimed exceptional writer, he was, however, often referred to as Austria’s injurer. He called into question the in-volvement of his country in National Socialism and proliferated ad hominem attacks on politicians. His role in the public sphere was ambiguous: whilst insisting on the fictive character of his works, he staged himself provocatively. The purpose of this master’s thesis is to show the functioning of scandals as com-plex social events taking place in the public sphere. Scholars consider scandals as public offenses resulting from real or apparent transgressions. Scandals are integrated into the so-cial order and are handled by the media. They trigger actualization of moral values. This study postulates that symbolic capital (cf. Bourdieu) plays a role in scandals. It is both the prerequisite and the catalyst for successful scandalization. An initial accumula-tion of symbolic capital insures quasi automatically media attention. The identity capital of Thomas Bernhard – i.e. the personalization of his symbolic capital – is hybrid and intricate. This renders its interpretation difficult. The complexity of the capital configuration leads to an ambivalent appreciation of the author’s message by journalists and the public. Reactions are disproportionate and Bernhard’s particular though hyperbolic criticism is perceived as a questioning of universal values. Each and every declaration or work by Bernhard is subor-dinated and appreciated in regards to his preceding “scandalous” achievements. This mas-ter’s thesis emphasizes the autorefential nature of scandals and devotes a special interest to performative speech acts (cf. John L. Austin). The corpus includes some of Bernhard’s plays and novels, book reviews, newspaper articles, letters to the editor, court transcripts and Bernhard’s correspondence with his publisher Siegfried Unseld. / Diese Magisterarbeit untersucht die Rezeption des Autors Thomas Bernhard (1931–1989) angesichts der Skandale, die seine Karriere kennzeichneten. Bernhard galt zugleich als Österreich-Beschimpfer und als außergewöhnlicher Literat. Er stellte die Rolle Österreichs im Nationalsozialismus in Frage und griff wiederholt prominente Österreicher persönlich an. Einerseits bestand er auf den fiktionalen Charakter seiner Werke, andererseits inszenier-te er sich provokativ in der Öffentlichkeit. Das Interesse der Arbeit gilt dem Funktionieren des Skandals als komplexes sozia-les Ereignis, das in der Öffentlichkeit obwaltet. Konsens herrscht in der Forschung darüber, dass ein Skandal ein auf einem realen oder vermuteten Normbruch beruhendes Ärgernis ist. Es handelt sich um ein im Gesellschaftssystem eingeschriebenes Phänomen, das von den Medien behandelt und zum Auslöser von Kontroversen über normative Fragen wird. Diese Arbeit geht von der Annahme aus, dass das symbolische Kapital (vgl. Bourdieu) eine Vorbedingung des Skandals ist. Eine ursprüngliche Akkumulation symbolischen Kapitals sichert mediale Aufmerksamkeit. Das Identitätskapital Bernhards – die Personalisierung seines Kapitals – war hybrid und komplex, sodass es nur schwierig einzuschätzen war. Diese erschwerte Einschätzung seines symbolischen Kapitals führte zur Unsicherheit der Journalisten und des Publikums bezüglich seiner Botschaft: Immer wieder kam es zu überzogenen Reaktionen. Vor allem Bernhards hyperbolische Kritik des Beson-deren wurde pauschal als Infragestellung des Allgemeinen (des Österreichischen) wahrge-nommen. Jedwede Äußerung und jedwedes Werk Bernhards wurde vor dem Hintergrund seiner vorhergehenden »skandalösen« Leistungen gedeutet. Diese Arbeit betont den selb-streferentiellen Charakter und den pragmatischen Gehalt (vgl. John L. Austin) des Skan-dals. Der Korpus erfasst Texte von Bernhard, Rezensionen, Zeitungsartikel, Leserbriefe, Gerichtsprotokolle, Rechtsprechung und Bernhards Briefwechsel mit seinem Verleger Siegfried Unseld.

Ce mémoire analyse la réception de l’auteur autrichien Thomas Bernhard (1931-1989) au regard des scandales qui ont marqué sa carrière. Tantôt identifié comme l’imprécateur de l’Autriche, tantôt comme écrivain exceptionnel, il aura remis en question le rôle de son pays dans le national-socialisme et multiplié les attaques ad hominem. Il aura tenu un rôle ambigu dans l’espace public. Tout en insistant sur le caractère fictif de ses œuvres, il se mettait en scène de façon provocatrice dans le discours public ainsi que dans sa fiction. Ce mémoire s’intéresse au fonctionnement du scandale en tant qu’événement social complexe ayant lieu dans l’espace public. Les chercheurs s’entendent pour considérer le scandale comme un trouble ou une irritation résultant d’une transgression, apparente ou avérée. Il s’agit en outre d’un phénomène intégré dans l’ordre social et géré par les médias, caractérisé par l’actualisation des valeurs morales. Dans la présente étude, il est postulé que le capital symbolique (cf. Bourdieu) joue un rôle d’a priori et de catalyseur dans les scandales. Une accumulation initiale de capital symbolique assure une visibilité médiatique automatique. Le capital d’identité de Thomas Bernhard – soit la personnalisation du capital symbolique – est hybride et complexe, de sorte qu’il est difficilement appréciable. La difficile appréciation du capital de l’auteur se traduit par l’incertitude des journalistes et du public quant à son message : réactions dispro-portionnées, critique du particulier perçue comme mise en cause de l’universel. Toute dé-claration, toute œuvre de Bernhard est assujettie à ses prestations « scandaleuses » antérieu-res. Ce mémoire insiste sur le caractère autoréférentiel du scandale et s’intéresse aux actes de langage performatifs (cf. John L. Austin). Le corpus comporte des romans de Bernhard, leurs recensions, des articles de quotidiens, des lettres de lecteurs, des documents juridiques ainsi que la correspondance entre Bernhard et Siegfried Unseld. / This master’s thesis analyzes the reception of the Austrian author Thomas Bernhard (1931-1989) and focuses on the scandals that punctuated his career. Acclaimed exceptional writer, he was, however, often referred to as Austria’s injurer. He called into question the in-volvement of his country in National Socialism and proliferated ad hominem attacks on politicians. His role in the public sphere was ambiguous: whilst insisting on the fictive character of his works, he staged himself provocatively. The purpose of this master’s thesis is to show the functioning of scandals as com-plex social events taking place in the public sphere. Scholars consider scandals as public offenses resulting from real or apparent transgressions. Scandals are integrated into the so-cial order and are handled by the media. They trigger actualization of moral values. This study postulates that symbolic capital (cf. Bourdieu) plays a role in scandals. It is both the prerequisite and the catalyst for successful scandalization. An initial accumula-tion of symbolic capital insures quasi automatically media attention. The identity capital of Thomas Bernhard – i.e. the personalization of his symbolic capital – is hybrid and intricate. This renders its interpretation difficult. The complexity of the capital configuration leads to an ambivalent appreciation of the author’s message by journalists and the public. Reactions are disproportionate and Bernhard’s particular though hyperbolic criticism is perceived as a questioning of universal values. Each and every declaration or work by Bernhard is subor-dinated and appreciated in regards to his preceding “scandalous” achievements. This mas-ter’s thesis emphasizes the autorefential nature of scandals and devotes a special interest to performative speech acts (cf. John L. Austin). The corpus includes some of Bernhard’s plays and novels, book reviews, newspaper articles, letters to the editor, court transcripts and Bernhard’s correspondence with his publisher Siegfried Unseld. / Diese Magisterarbeit untersucht die Rezeption des Autors Thomas Bernhard (1931–1989) angesichts der Skandale, die seine Karriere kennzeichneten. Bernhard galt zugleich als Österreich-Beschimpfer und als außergewöhnlicher Literat. Er stellte die Rolle Österreichs im Nationalsozialismus in Frage und griff wiederholt prominente Österreicher persönlich an. Einerseits bestand er auf den fiktionalen Charakter seiner Werke, andererseits inszenier-te er sich provokativ in der Öffentlichkeit. Das Interesse der Arbeit gilt dem Funktionieren des Skandals als komplexes sozia-les Ereignis, das in der Öffentlichkeit obwaltet. Konsens herrscht in der Forschung darüber, dass ein Skandal ein auf einem realen oder vermuteten Normbruch beruhendes Ärgernis ist. Es handelt sich um ein im Gesellschaftssystem eingeschriebenes Phänomen, das von den Medien behandelt und zum Auslöser von Kontroversen über normative Fragen wird. Diese Arbeit geht von der Annahme aus, dass das symbolische Kapital (vgl. Bourdieu) eine Vorbedingung des Skandals ist. Eine ursprüngliche Akkumulation symbolischen Kapitals sichert mediale Aufmerksamkeit. Das Identitätskapital Bernhards – die Personalisierung seines Kapitals – war hybrid und komplex, sodass es nur schwierig einzuschätzen war. Diese erschwerte Einschätzung seines symbolischen Kapitals führte zur Unsicherheit der Journalisten und des Publikums bezüglich seiner Botschaft: Immer wieder kam es zu überzogenen Reaktionen. Vor allem Bernhards hyperbolische Kritik des Beson-deren wurde pauschal als Infragestellung des Allgemeinen (des Österreichischen) wahrge-nommen. Jedwede Äußerung und jedwedes Werk Bernhards wurde vor dem Hintergrund seiner vorhergehenden »skandalösen« Leistungen gedeutet. Diese Arbeit betont den selb-streferentiellen Charakter und den pragmatischen Gehalt (vgl. John L. Austin) des Skan-dals. Der Korpus erfasst Texte von Bernhard, Rezensionen, Zeitungsartikel, Leserbriefe, Gerichtsprotokolle, Rechtsprechung und Bernhards Briefwechsel mit seinem Verleger Siegfried Unseld.

The traditional narrative of political party development in the United States of America during the latter half of the 1790s ascribes the decline in popularity of the Federalist Party in the Election of 1800 to that party's passage of controversial legislation, specifically the Sedition Act of 1798, prior to the election. Between the passage of the Sedition Act and the Election of 1800, however, the midterm elections of 1798-1799 transpired and resulted in a significant increase in Federalist popularity in four states – North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Virginia. This study seeks to ascertain why these four states increased their support for the Federalist Party in 1798-1799, despite the passage of the Sedition Act by the Federalist Party. By examining newspapers and election results, this study analyzes the reaction of these four states to the passage of the Sedition Act and finds that generally, these states did not react strongly against the Sedition Act in the immediate aftermath of its passage. Instead, all four states urged national unity and emphasized the need to support the national government because the United States faced the threat of war with France. This study employs a state-by-state formula to determine each state's individual reaction to the Sedition Act and the Quasi-War, finding that ultimately, the Sedition Act did not have as significant of an impact in these states as the popular narrative holds.

This thesis focuses on the significance of blood and the perception of the body in both learned and popular culture in order to investigate problems of identity and social exclusion in early modern Europe. Starting from the view of blood as a liminal matter, manifesting fertile, positive aspects in conjunction with dangerous, negative ones, I show how it was believed to attract supernatural forces within the natural world. It could empower or pollute, restore health or waste corporeal and spiritual existence. While this theme has been studied in a medieval religious context and by anthropologists, its relevance during the early modern period has not been explored. I argue that, considering the impact of the Reformation on people’s mentalities, studying the way in which ideas regarding blood and the body changed from late medieval times to the eighteenth century can provide new insights about patterns of social and religious tensions, such as the witch-trials and persecutions. In this regard the thesis engages with anthropological theories, comparing the dialectic between blood and body with that between identity and society, demonstrating that they both spread from the conflict of life with death, leading to the social embodiment or to the rejection of an individual. A comparative approach is also employed to analyze blood symbolism in Protestant and Catholic countries, and to discuss how beliefs were influenced by both cultural similarities and religious differences. Combining historical sources, such as witches’ confessions, with appropriate examples from anthropology I also examine a corpus of popular ideas, which resisted to theological and learned notions or slowly merged with them. Blood had different meanings for different sections of society, embodying both the physical struggle for life and the spiritual value of the Christian soul. Chapters 2, 3 and 4 develop the dualism of the fluid in late medieval and early modern ritual murder accusations against Jews, European witchcraft and supernatural beliefs and in the medical and philosophical knowledge, while chapters 5 and 6 focus on blood themes in Protestant England and in Counter-Reformation Italy. Through the examination of blood in these contexts I hope to demonstrate that contrasting feelings, fears and beliefs related to dangerous or extraordinary individuals, such as Jews, witches, and Catholic saints, but also superhuman beings such as fairies, vampires and werewolves, were rooted in the perception of the body as an unstable substance, that was at the base of ethnic, religious and gender stereotypes.