El present treball analitza el procés de construcció turística de la destinació Barcelona, assumint una perspectiva històrica, comparativa i compromesa en una anàlisi social i alhora simbòlica del fet turístic a Barcelona. L’anàlisi se centra en la intervenció efectuada pels agents de promoció municipals succeïts al llarg del temps, destacant quines han estat les figures capdavanteres del procés de construcció de la destinació i els objectius associats al foment turístic de la ciutat de Barcelona. La tesi proposa una mirada dialèctica entorn els usos i discursos sobre el turisme produïts per les institucions de promoció al llarg de més de deu dècades, destacant en quina mesura, i de quina manera, el turisme ha servit com a instrument polític i artefacte per a la creació de capital cultural i simbòlic de la ciutat, més enllà de ser plantejat com un element inductor de canvis físics i econòmics per a Barcelona. S’assumeix, seguint a autors com Chadefaud, que el foment del turisme projecta (a través dels seus arguments i imatges) una sèrie d’ideals i expectatives que responen a un plantejament genèric i model de societat. Es destaca, entre d’altres aspectes, com el procés d’institucionalització del turisme ha comportat la construcció d’una categoria hegemònica del fet turístic a Barcelona, al mateix temps que s’analitzen les raons i mecanismes que les institucions han desenvolupat per tal de legitimar socialment l’activitat turística, atorgant-li un valor econòmic i alhora sociocultural. La relació que els organismes de promoció mantenen amb la ideologia política i les classes econòmiques dominants ha estat una constant al llarg de les dècades; de fet, una mirada estructural a l’activitat turística i a les institucions de promoció constata l’existència d’una sèrie d’hàbits que són comuns al turisme, més enllà de cada marc històric i més enllà, també, dels diversos contextos polítics. Es tracta de patrons que es reprodueixen de forma gairebé invariable, i que en qualsevol cas demostren el caràcter social i polític de l’activitat turística. Per tot això, se sustenta la tesi que l’interès polític a favor del desenvolupament turístic de Barcelona manté, al llarg de les dècades, una constant voluntat d’estructuració de la ciutat, tant en el seu aspecte econòmic com en la seva dimensió social i cultural. La investigació analitza la vida i obra de les següents institucions: Comisión de Atracción de Forasteros y Turistas (1906-1909); Sociedad de Atracción de Forasteros (1908-1936); Federació de Turisme Catalano-Balear (1932); Oficina de Turisme de Catalunya (1932-1936); Patronat de Turisme de Catalunya (1933-1935); Comissió Municipal de Festes i Turisme (1934-1936); Touring Associació de Catalunya (1935-1936); Junta Provinvial del Turismo (1941-1960); Delegación de Asuntos Generales y Turismo (1951-197?); Centr de Iniciativas y Turismo de Barcelona (1964-?); Patronat Municipal de Turisme (1981-1993); Consorci Turisme de Barcelona (des de 2010). / The present study describes the process of the touristic construction of the destination of Barcelona from a historical and comparative perspective, though also committed to a social and symbolic analysis of the touristic fact in Barcelona. The analysis focuses on the intervention of the municipal promotion agents through the years, highlighting the pioneering figures in the construction process of the destination and the objectives associated with the promotion of tourism in the city. The thesis proposes a dialectical view in the frame of the uses and speeches about tourism produced by the institutions of promotion for over ten decades, highlighting to what extent and in what way tourism has served as a political instrument and device for the creation of cultural and symbolic capital of the city, beyond being considered as an instigating element of physical and economic changes for Barcelona. It is assumed, following authors like Chadefaud, that the promotion of tourism projects (through its arguments and images) a set of ideals and expectations that respond to a general approach and a model of society. It is highlighted, among other things, how the process of institutionalization of tourism has led to the construction of a hegemonic category of the touristic fact in Barcelona, and at the same time the arguments and mechanisms that the institutions have developed to socially legitimize tourist activity are analysed, giving at the same time an economic and cultural value. The relation between the organizations of promotion and both the political ideology and the dominant economic classes has been a constant throughout the decades; in fact, a structural look at tourism and at the institutions of promotion confirms the existence of some common habits in tourism, some patterns that are reproduced beyond each historical context and beyond the different political contexts as well. Therefore, the thesis defends the argument that over the decades the political interest for the development of tourism in Barcelona has kept a constant desire to structure the city, both in its economic aspect and in its social and cultural dimension.

This research has as its objective to make a historical reconstruction of memory aspects, identity construction and working conditions of the miners and engineers of the Camaquã mines between 1970 and 1996. Many companies built facilities aiming at making economically possible the ore copper exploration in the region. In the 1940‟s, the state investment gave support for the creation of the Companhia Brasileira de Cobre, pressing a certain regularity for this economic activity. Transiting in the public and private sphere, the enterprise kept itself active until 1996. In this context, this research brings contributions not only for the local history construction, but also for a complimentary analysis of the mining activity in a national level. The identity formation in common of the miners and their working relations inside the galleries are analyzed, as a bibliographical review and reflections about the class concept and its existence among the workers are carried out. Thus, it was possible, supported in the Oral History methodology, the memory and culture reconstruction of the workers of the Camaquã Mines, located in Caçapava do Sul/RS/Brazil, through a daily life analysis of the involved in the historical process in question. / Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo fazer uma reconstrução histórica de aspectos da memória, construção de identidade e condições de trabalho dos mineiros e engenheiros das Minas do Camaquã entre 1970 e 1996. Várias empresas construíram instalações, tentando viabilizar economicamente a exploração do minério de cobre na região. Na década de 1940, o investimento estatal deu suporte para a criação da Companhia Brasileira do Cobre, imprimindo certa regularidade para essa atividade econômica. Transitando entre a esfera pública e a privada, o empreendimento conseguiu manter-se ativo até 1996. Nesse contexto, esta pesquisa traz contribuições não apenas para a construção da história local, mas também para uma análise complementar da atividade mineradora a em nível nacional. Analisa-se a formação das identidades em comum dos mineiros e suas relações de trabalho no interior das galerias, como também se realiza uma revisão bibliográfica e reflexões sobre a conceituação de classe e a existência da mesma entre os trabalhadores. Dessa forma, foi possível, apoiado na metodologia da História Oral, a reconstrução da memória e da cultura dos trabalhadores das Minas do Camaquã, localizada em Caçapava do Sul/RS/Brasil, através de uma análise da vida cotidiana dos envolvidos no processo histórico em questão.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo da pesquisa que resultou nesta dissertação consiste na análise sobre as origens do primeiro leprosário fluminense, a Colônia de Iguá, em Itaboraí, Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Busco privilegiar não só a análise desta "cidade em miniatura" tal como se pretendeu constituir um leprosário e sua estrutura mas também os impactos político-sociais ocorridos com sua fixação em um município que alimentou, durante a primeira metade do século XX, a ideia de que poderia recuperar a situação de pujança econômica e política que viveu entre os séculos XVIII e XIX, quando ocupou importante papel na economia fluminense e brasileira. Nesta análise focalizamos o movimento de resistência contra a instalação da Colônia neste município originada por aqueles que acreditavam que o leprosário iria prejudicar o reflorescimento da região, bem como as disputas políticas envolvidas em sua fixação na cidade. Também consideramos os relatos de ex-internos do antigo leprosário sobre a experiência do viver em uma colônia de atingidos pela lepra. Algumas de suas memórias foram incorporadas ao trabalho em nossa tentativa de relatar o cotidiano de um sistema que os segregou pela força do ato de internar compulsoriamente. Os marcos cronológicos da pesquisa se referem, respectivamente, ao ano de 1935, quando foi lançada a pedra fundamental para construção da Colônia de Iguá e que é também um período marcado pelo início do Plano Nacional de Combate à Lepra. Tal Plano representou uma aceleração na construção e modernização de instituições dessa natureza em todo país e marcou um momento de consolidação do internamento como profilaxia dos doentes. Como marco final, estabelecemos o ano de 1953 quando a Colônia Tavares de Macedo, como o Iguá ficou denominado a partir de 1942 recebe o novo sistema de abastecimento de água, evidenciando a aliança entre a instituição e o poder local na luta por melhorias do sistema de serviços públicos do município e, portanto, evidenciando a falsa questão de que a presença da Colônia iria prejudicar o município. / The purpose of theresearch, resultedin this dissertation,is to analyze the originsof the firstleprosariumof Rio de Janeiro, the Iguá Colony ("Colônia do Iguá"), inthe city of Itaboraí. We seek to focus not onlyin the analysis of this"miniature city" - asit was intended tobe in its structure-but also in thepolitical andsocialimpacts occurredwithits attachmentin a citythat fed,during the firsthalf of the twentiethcentury, theidea thatcouldretrievethe situationofeconomic and political strengthof theeighteenth and nineteenth centuries, whenoccupied animportant rolein the economy of Rio de Janeiro and Brazil.In this analysis, we focus on the resistance movement against the installation of the Colony in this city by those who believed that the leprosarium would harm the revival of the region and the political disputes involved in its establishment in the city. We also consider the reports of former inmates of the leper colony on the experience of living in a colony affected by leprosy. Some of his memories were incorporated into the work in our attempt to report the daily life of a system that segregated by the force of compulsory hospitalization.The chronological sections of the survey refer, respectively, to 1935, when it launched the foundation stone for construction the Iguá Colony in a period marked by the beginning of the National PlanAgainst Leprosy. This plan represented an acceleration in construction and modernization of institutions of this nature throughout the country and marked a time of consolidation of the hospitalization as prophylaxis of patients. As a final mark, we set the year 1953 - when the Tavares de Macedo Colony, such as Iguá was called from 1942 - receives the new water supply system, showing the alliance between the institution and the local government in the fight for improvement of the public services system in the city and therefore showing the false axiom that the presence of the Colony would hurt the city.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo da pesquisa que resultou nesta dissertação consiste na análise sobre as origens do primeiro leprosário fluminense, a Colônia de Iguá, em Itaboraí, Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Busco privilegiar não só a análise desta "cidade em miniatura" tal como se pretendeu constituir um leprosário e sua estrutura mas também os impactos político-sociais ocorridos com sua fixação em um município que alimentou, durante a primeira metade do século XX, a ideia de que poderia recuperar a situação de pujança econômica e política que viveu entre os séculos XVIII e XIX, quando ocupou importante papel na economia fluminense e brasileira. Nesta análise focalizamos o movimento de resistência contra a instalação da Colônia neste município originada por aqueles que acreditavam que o leprosário iria prejudicar o reflorescimento da região, bem como as disputas políticas envolvidas em sua fixação na cidade. Também consideramos os relatos de ex-internos do antigo leprosário sobre a experiência do viver em uma colônia de atingidos pela lepra. Algumas de suas memórias foram incorporadas ao trabalho em nossa tentativa de relatar o cotidiano de um sistema que os segregou pela força do ato de internar compulsoriamente. Os marcos cronológicos da pesquisa se referem, respectivamente, ao ano de 1935, quando foi lançada a pedra fundamental para construção da Colônia de Iguá e que é também um período marcado pelo início do Plano Nacional de Combate à Lepra. Tal Plano representou uma aceleração na construção e modernização de instituições dessa natureza em todo país e marcou um momento de consolidação do internamento como profilaxia dos doentes. Como marco final, estabelecemos o ano de 1953 quando a Colônia Tavares de Macedo, como o Iguá ficou denominado a partir de 1942 recebe o novo sistema de abastecimento de água, evidenciando a aliança entre a instituição e o poder local na luta por melhorias do sistema de serviços públicos do município e, portanto, evidenciando a falsa questão de que a presença da Colônia iria prejudicar o município. / The purpose of theresearch, resultedin this dissertation,is to analyze the originsof the firstleprosariumof Rio de Janeiro, the Iguá Colony ("Colônia do Iguá"), inthe city of Itaboraí. We seek to focus not onlyin the analysis of this"miniature city" - asit was intended tobe in its structure-but also in thepolitical andsocialimpacts occurredwithits attachmentin a citythat fed,during the firsthalf of the twentiethcentury, theidea thatcouldretrievethe situationofeconomic and political strengthof theeighteenth and nineteenth centuries, whenoccupied animportant rolein the economy of Rio de Janeiro and Brazil.In this analysis, we focus on the resistance movement against the installation of the Colony in this city by those who believed that the leprosarium would harm the revival of the region and the political disputes involved in its establishment in the city. We also consider the reports of former inmates of the leper colony on the experience of living in a colony affected by leprosy. Some of his memories were incorporated into the work in our attempt to report the daily life of a system that segregated by the force of compulsory hospitalization.The chronological sections of the survey refer, respectively, to 1935, when it launched the foundation stone for construction the Iguá Colony in a period marked by the beginning of the National PlanAgainst Leprosy. This plan represented an acceleration in construction and modernization of institutions of this nature throughout the country and marked a time of consolidation of the hospitalization as prophylaxis of patients. As a final mark, we set the year 1953 - when the Tavares de Macedo Colony, such as Iguá was called from 1942 - receives the new water supply system, showing the alliance between the institution and the local government in the fight for improvement of the public services system in the city and therefore showing the false axiom that the presence of the Colony would hurt the city.

Memnon a écrit une histoire locale, celle de sa cité d’origine, Héraclée du Pont, colonie mégarienne située en mer Noire. Sa chronique est conservée en partie grâce aux fragments, plus ou moins consistants, résumés dans la Bibliothèque de Photius. Ce dernier nous a transmis seulement une partie de l’œuvre de Memnon, puisqu’il ne rapporte que les faits contenus dans les livres IX à XVI qui couvrent une période allant des années 60 du IIIème siècle aux années 40 du Ier siècle av. J.-C. avec, cependant, une grosse lacune entre le milieu du IIIème siècle et l’arrivée des Romains. Le texte a fait l’objet d’un commentaire historique détaillé qui met en lumière les incohérences du récit et les événements pour lesquels Memnon constitue notre seule source. Cette recherche se propose également de dégager la méthode historique de Memnon à travers l’étude des thématiques récurrentes dans le texte et l’analyse de l’ordre chronologique des événements. Il est évident que l’intervention de Photius a des incidences sur l’organisation chronologique initiée par Memnon mais il semble néanmoins que la méthode de l’historien d’Héraclée a, dès l’origine, dénaturé la chronologie des faits qu’il rapporte. De surcroît, l’analyse du texte a permis de dégager les objectifs de Memnon, lequel tente de raviver le passé glorieux d’Héraclée et de dénoncer les excès de la domination romaine, en particulier envers sa cité d’origine. L’auteur de l’Histoire d’Héraclée reste méconnu mais il me semble qu’il faut situer son activité littéraire dans la seconde moitié du IIème siècle de notre ère. / Memnon wrote a local history, the one of his native city, Heraclea Pontica, megarian colony located in the Black Sea. His chronicle is partially preserved thanks to fragments, more or less substantial, summarized in Photius’ Library. The latter passed on to us only a part of Memnon’s work, since he related only the facts contained in books IX to XVI, which cover a period from the 60’s of the third century to the 40’s of the first century BC., but with a big gap between the mid-third century to the arrival of the Romans. The text was the object of a detailed historical commentary which highlights the inconsistencies of the story and the events for which Memnon is our only source. My research also aims to identify the historical method of Memnon through the study of the recurring themes in the text and the analysis of the chronological order of events. It is obvious that Photius’ intervention has incidences on the chronological organization initiated by Memnon, nevertheless it seems that the method of the historian of Heraclea has distorted from the start the chronology of events he related. Furthermore, analysis of the text allowed to identify the objectives of Memnon who tries to revive the glorious past of Heraclea and to denounce the excesses of the Roman rule, especially to his city of origin. The author of the History of Heraclea remains unknown but it seems to me that his literary activity should be placed in the second half of the second century AD.

The U.S. War on Drugs has been underway for several decades. Since it was declared by the Nixon Administration narcotics have been understood as a growing security threat to the American public, their health, economy and society. Illicit drugs have gradually become a securitised issue. From the Nixon Administration onward, the law enforcement and eventually military assets of the United States government were increasingly deployed in an effort to counter this drug threat. While initially regarded as a minor issue, as the potency and addictive qualities of illicit drugs increased during the 20th Century, so too did the concerns of influential actors from the political and public spheres. Nixon's actions did not represent the high-water mark of U.S. counter-narcotics. There was growing violence on American streets linked to the drug trafficking cartels out of Colombia, especially in Southern Florida where traffickers battled each other for lucrative drug markets. In response to this national security threat, the Reagan Administration – followed by the successor Bush and Clinton Administrations – gradually increased the involvement of the U.S. military in counter-narcotics policy. This occurred both at home in the form of greater militarisation of police forces, and abroad in support of several Latin American countries’ security forces. In 2000, drug-related instability in Colombia resulted in the launch of the Plan Colombia initiative, a dedicated package of American financial and security assistance, with counter-narcotics the primary purpose. In 2008, as drug-related violence in Mexico reached epidemic proportions and threatened to spillover across the American border, the U.S. launched the Merida Initiative in an attempt to aid Mexican counter-narcotics efforts. This thesis uses qualitative research methods to examine the militarisation of U.S. foreign counter-narcotics policy by analysing the case studies of Colombia and Mexico and their American-backed efforts. It also examines domestic policy, by considering the historical development of U.S. counter-narcotics, the progressive militarisation of law enforcement as a consequence of the drug war, and the security situation on the southern border with Mexico. This empirical research is facilitated by the development of a militarisation analytical framework, which builds upon the securitisation framework. Based on the findings of the case studies, the processes that drive militarisation are explored, and the framework itself is further developed and refined. The research possibilities for counter-narcotics policy and future direction for militarisation research are also explored in the Conclusion. Ultimately, this thesis offers a detailed analysis of militarisation in U.S. foreign and domestic counter-narcotics policy, the processes behind this, and develops a militarisation framework applicable to any security situation, contributing to the overall securitisation debate.

The main purpose of this study is to examine the interaction between practical textilemanagement and the values setting up the theoretical framework. The practical part is examined through 50 local history societies in Sweden participating in a survey set out to map out the presence, management, and element of advisement regarding the textiles. To make the comparison the concepts of ethical responsibility and symbolic worth are used to iron out where ideal and experience meets. This also raises questions regarding maintaining sustainable management and how societies need and take accept guidance. In general, active textile management is done consistently with object-based research but the knowledge of the societies ethical responsibility differs. The practical handling of textiles is also often affected by a lack of resources and knowledge. Both factors affect the width of the societies work actively with the textiles. In short, this comes with a lot of challenges but also has a lot of possibilities to develop further if the present resources are strengthened or developed. The symbolic worth of textiles, even though mostly connected to their usages, is rated high by the societies in general. Also, the interest in textiles is linked to the presence of active management and withholds a willingness to apply practical management according to the theoretical framework. In conclusion, the willingness and interest are somewhat high but when support from the museum sector is done in knowledge and awareness of responsibility, there is a high potential to develop the textile management further.

This project explores the nature and extent of the relationship between Blake and Whitman. I examine their works to find affinities in tone, style and themes and seek to understand the origin of these affinities. The resultant discoveries, however, lead to the conclusion that, because of Whitman’s lack of exposure to Blake’s work, these affinities must be accounted for through a coterie of indirect influences on Whitman. Over the course of the introductory chapter, I establish the critical proclivity of connecting William Blake and Walt Whitman, providing examples of such critical interpretation; in addition, I provide an introduction to the key figures, terms, and works with which this thesis engages. The work of the second chapter of this project is to uncover in Whitman’s work, before he could have read Blake, those elements that are read as points of contact between them. Through close readings, I show that those aspects of Whitman’s work which are read as points of contact between Blake and Whitman predate Whitman’s exposure to Blake’s work, and so necessitate an engagement with influences shared by Blake and Whitman. The third chapter articulates the notion that a variety of influences affected Whitman’s composition of Leaves of Grass, and these various influences serve as an explanation for those apparent similarities between Blake and Whitman discussed in chapter two. The final element this chapter engages with is that of nineteenth-century periodical culture; this aspect of the influences articulated in this chapter provides a secondary explanation for the similarities discussed in the second chapter. The fourth and fifth chapters focus on the 1860 and 1867 iterations of Leaves of Grass and the 1867 and 1871–72 versions of Leaves of Grass, respectively, both with special emphasis on the poem that would become “Song of Myself.” The changes seen throughout these iterations will be used to understand Whitman’s evolving prosody as well as his changing public persona. These chapters also engage with the work of Swinburne, in chapter five, and of Gilchrist, in chapter four, as integral elements of this mediated influence of Blake on Whitman. In the final chapter of this work, I summarize my findings, suggest possible avenues for further inquiry, and discuss the implications of this research. There is a trend in Anglo-American literary criticism to see the relationship between America and England as adversarial rather than generative. The concluding chapter of this work will explore the idea of the Anglo-American literary tradition as a continuum—a complex of acceptance, extension, transformation, and refusal—and place the relationship of Whitman to Blake accurately on this continuum.

This research involves understanding the civic learning that emerged from the ways individuals in two civic action groups, Greenhill Historical Society (GHS) in Bonnybridge, a deindustrialised location, and Cumbernauld Village Action for the Community (CVAC) in Cumbernauld Village, a Conservation Area, enacted their citizenship through the spatial (geographical) and temporal (historical) characteristics of their place. I use a citizenship-as-practice conceptualisation, where citizenship is not a status ‘given’ to individuals who have successfully displayed pre-requisite outcomes, but is a continuous and indeterminate practice through exposure to real challenges. To understand the learning occurring for, from and through their practices, I used Biesta’s theory of civic learning (Biesta, 2011). It involves a socialisation conception of civic learning as the adoption of existing civic identities, where individuals adapt to a given political order, and a subjectification conception which focuses on how political agency is achieved. The theory connects learning and action together, where Biesta argues socialisation involves the individual requiring to learn something in order to carry out the ‘correct’ actions in the future; however, subjectification involves action preceding learning, where learning comes second, if at all. I used a case study design and a psychogeographic mapping methodology involving secondary data analysis, psychogeographic mapping interviews and observations. Civic action emerged as a more central component than civic learning through my empirical analysis. The civic actions of GHS emerged as a case of reconsideration (redefining, re-meaning their location through interventions in public), and CVAC of reconfiguration (actions physically altering the landscape). These actions concerning space and time involved spatial shifts from mapreading to mapmaking, and temporal shifts from histories ‘of’ and ‘for’ the public, towards histories ‘by’ the public. Respondents became ‘curators’ of their places: from spectators to participants in making and representing spaces and histories that opened their locations to interruptions of the continuities of time. Attending to practices of citizens with space and time contains possibilities for public pedagogies that work ‘with’ context rather than just ‘in’, towards opening up opportunities for citizens to ‘become public’ as practices that trouble pre-existing arrangements and configurations.

The settlement history of the Vredefort Dome can be described as a process of cultural development. The Vaal River hydrosphere, which was for many years a prestigious settlement site, initially attracted large scale game and later livestock farmers. The drifts were a central part of a network of early strategic communication routes and outspans. From 1838, pioneer settlement, farm occupation and agricultural development followed, and the area eventually entered an agriculture-mining era. Gold-mining stimulated the regional economy and also played a significant role in the development of towns in the area. The Vaal River did not play a significant role from a mining perspective, but featured more prominently in the development of villages and, in a sense, served as a political boundary. The location of the water source often determined where people settled permanently. It also decided the position of the house and yard. From the outset, riparian dwellers attempted to manipulate the flow of the river by creating dams and utilising water for irrigation and domestic purposes. Drought conditions also left historical traces; water management projects upstream transformed the Vaal River into a steadily flowing stream, which led to the economic and cultural segregation of north and south. Man's fear associated with drought (too little water), floods (too much water), meteorology (the necessity of water), and the role of the supernatural (divining water) and superstition (the water snake stories) were expressed in the interaction between people and this water environment. A wide variety of people with distinct cultures lived alongside each other in the area. Western and African cultural goods, as well as customs and beliefs, were mutually adopted by these different cultural groups as a result of this contact. The way land has been used in the Dome area has evolved over the years. The culling of game made way for the permanent establishment of the livestocktravelling farmer. Hereafter prolonged drought conditions destroyed pastures and, consequently, large areas of land were ploughed for agricultural use. Agriculture, which is more labour intensive and needs more water for irrigation, was replaced by game farming, which is less labour intensive and requires less water This world heritage site has drawn global interest and ecotourism has attracted visitors to the Vaal River area. The riparian dwellers, however, remain victims of up-stream industrial and sewage pollution; in future, they are likely to fall prey to acid mine water pollution, with disastrous consequences. / PhD (History), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2013