Canada took part in NATO's mission to restructure Afghanistan. The coalition removed the Taliban Government and made-way for a new Afghan Authority. Canada and its NATO allies identified the predominant issues it considered in the planning and implementation of its intervention. This thesis analyzes these assumptions and the influence they had on the construction of the intervention. It problematizes the concept of security, and builds a matrix of security concerns based on the social structures that compose the local and international actors in Afghanistan: namely NATO, Canada, and local Afghan perspectives. It seeks to outline the shared understanding and expectations of the Alliance, the resources which it has allocated, and the practices that have resulted from the intervention to this day. The analysis aims to identify which sectors are primarily made referents of security policies in the context of Canada's renewed role in international relations and the duality of humanitarian development and military intervention. The study will take into consideration the experience and interests of the observed actors and ask whether the reference of an international actor to the security concerns of a domestic actor is adequate. This research seeks to showcase the utility of the constructivist framework in understanding the plurality of identities. It identifies the fault lines between outsiders and insiders within the context, and the ways by which the construction of security changes from one social-structure to another. It considers the interaction issues related to the agent-structure question, by identifying issues of dominance by specific actors, the militarization of the context, and the ordering of security-values by different actors.

Research is a time-consuming endeavor which requires appropriate tools to manage often vast amounts of information. Militarization 2.0 is a research project aiming to explore Militarization in social media. The aim of this project is to design a user interface for supporting researchers in projects involving large amounts of data in qualitative studies. The project will follow the design process of the first version of the Militarization 2.0 research database interface. The design process involves user studies, interviews and design and testing of paper and digital prototypes. The results include the interface prototype as well as reflections on what tools proved useful in the design process.

No / The analysis of armed conflict in the post Cold War era has been profoundly influenced by neoclassical economists. Statistical approaches have generated important propositions, but there is a danger when these feed into policy prescriptions. This paper first compares the economics of civil war literature with the social movement literature which has also tried to explain collective action problems. It argues that the latter has a much more sophisticated set of conceptual tools, enriched by empirical study. The paper then uses the case of multipolar militarization in oil-rich Casanare, Colombia, to demonstrate complexity and contingency in civil war trajectories. State policy failure and civil actors can be an important source of explanation alongside the economic agendas of armed actors.

Multilateral interventions for regime change are not new, but their mutation has been congruent with an aggressive attempt to introduce liberal values into peacekeeping and related operations discernible from the 1990s. While recognizing non-coercive, needs-based elements of interventions for peace, this article contends that regime change wars have harmonized with the UN's facilitation of aggressive peace missions and coercive peacebuilding. In the 1990s the perceived failures of, and demands on, the UN, led to a general policy of permissiveness for Western states to pursue regime change, accompanied by reconstruction and development opportunities to promote neoliberal ideas of political economy in war-torn societies. This article focuses on two aspects of international operations fostered through or by the UN: the militarization of peace missions and peacebuilding through neoliberal political economy. It commends further research into the networks of power and resistance that have populated aggressive peace.

The aim of this work is at least partially to map the position of the scientific theme in magazines produced in the end of 19th century and by the beginning of 20th century with focus on technical progress reflection and partial presence of additional scientific themes. The theoretical part of this work summarizes the role of science in the Czech society from the end of 18th century and presents the main personalities, turning points and processes (mainly industrial revolution) that formed the media discourse by the end of the 19th century. The practical part is dedicated to analyzing of chosen magazines Čas, Naše doba, Česká revue, Český svět a Světozor (Illustrovaný svět) in various periods of time. Firstly, there is a connection concerned with the year 1886, the age of manuscript polemics and "our two questions". Subsequently, it is analyzed the position of science at the turn of the century that was considerably influenced with the general process of technique penetration through society praxis. The last period researched is the pre-war time between years 1912 - 1914, when technical inventions were highly used in the military sphere and were also responsible for a massive militarization.

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Depuis un peu plus de dix ans, les règles de la responsabilité pénale en matière de crime de guerre ont connu d'importants changements en droits français et congolais. Les États affichent une certaine frilosité face à la réglementation internationale du crime de guerre. En effet, la mise en conformité des règles nationales aux instruments internationaux a entraîné dans les législations de ces Etats, comme dans certaines d'autres d'ailleurs, deux démarches successives : l'internalisation des notions du crime et du criminel de guerre ainsi que l'externalisation des structures et mécanismes d'établissement de la responsabilité. D'abord, le crime international de guerre est redéfini selon l'entendement et dans les concepts usuels internes des législations des Etats. Il est de ce fait, tantôt partiellement correctionnalisé et en conséquence soumis au régime juridique de tout autre crime ou délit interne, en l'occurrence les règles de la prescription. Tantôt, bien que conservant sa nature d'infraction internationale, ce crime se trouve consacré dans une législation militaire sans en préciser les faits constitutifs et sanctions applicables à l'auteur avéré. Ensuite, le criminel de guerre n'est plus que la personne physique. Lorsqu'il est établi qu'une personne physique a agi pour le compte de l'être moral, peu importe que celle-là soit le préposé de jure ou de facto de celui-ci, la législation française en vigueur punit aussi bien l'exécutant capable de discernement que le bénéficiaire, à l'exception de l'Etat. C'est vers cette solution que tend le droit pénal congolais dans son processus de réforme. / For a little over a decade, the rules of criminal responsibility for war crimes have been major changes under French and Congolese. States show a certain reluctance to face the international regulation of war crime. Indeed, the compliance of national rules with international instruments resulted in the legislation of these states, as in some others besides, two successive steps: the internalization of notions of crime and war criminal and outsourcing structures and mechanisms for establishing accountability. First, the international crime of war is redefined according to the understanding and the usual concepts of internal laws of the States. It is therefore sometimes partially correctionnalisé and therefore subject to the law of any other crime or misdemeanor domestic, namely the rules of prescription. Sometimes, though retaining its character as an international offense, this crime is enshrined in legislation military without specifying the facts constituting and penalties proved to the author.

[pt] A cidade do Rio de Janeiro passa por um processo de produção espacial banalizado, resultado de dois processos entendidos como facetas da metropolização do espaço: a mercadificação e a militarização. Uma expressão de tal banalização do espaço é percebida a partir das cracolândias, como popularmente as cenas de crack são conhecidas. Cracolândia é uma representação que oculta e mascara as contradições do espaço, uma faceta da urbanização banalizada. Por outro lado, todo esse movimento suscita a contestação e a transgressão, o protesto. E é neste sentido que, a partir do que Harvey chama de livre fluxo da imaginação, objetivamos buscar meios de moldar alternativas e possibilidades diante deste cotidiano organizado e programado pelo mundo da mercadoria. A partir do espaço de representação que é a Cristolândia, observamos as práticas espaciais dos missionários como uma luta pela reapropriação do espaço urbano, por meio de seu espaço de utopia, construído sobre uma base formada pelos valores da justiça, libertação e compaixão. Esta luta é observada como uma dentre muitas outras. O princípio norteador dessa pesquisa está em abrir alternativas e possibilidades, procurar rachaduras para superar o estado de coisas atual. Se a representação Cristolândia contesta a representação cracolândia, e busca transformá-la, acreditamos que seja possível transformar o espaço inteiro, a cidade inteira. É um projeto utópico, mas, sem utopia não há ação. Portanto, a utopia é uma necessidade urgente à revolução. / [en] Rio de Janeiro city is under a space production process cheapened resulted by other two process understood as space metropolization’s facets: the marketfication and the militarization. One expression of such trivialization of space is noted thru Cracolândias, as the crack scene are popularly known. Cracolândia is one representation that hide and mask the space contradiction, one facet of trivialized urbanization. On the other hand all this movement raises the contestation and transgression, protest. In this meaning, from what Harvey calls free flow of imagination, objectify to search ways of framing alternatives and possibilities front of these everyday life and programed by world merchandise. From space of representations that is Cristolândia, we noted the spaces practices of missionaries as a fight for reappropriation of urban space by their utopia space, built over one base formed by values as justice, liberation and compassion. This struggle is noticed as one among many other. The research guiding principle is to open the alternatives and possibilities, seek cracks to overcome the actual state of affairs. If the representation of Cristolândia challenges the representation of cracolândia and pursuit to turn it, we believe that is possible to transform the entire space, the entire city. It is a utopian project, but without utopia there is no action. Therefore, utopia is an urgency needed for revolution.

Utilizada para reprimir movimentos sociais e manter a ordem, a polícia é tradicionalmente identificada com os interesses da direita. No Brasil, a criação da Polícia Militar no contexto político da ditadura civil-militar instaurada no país em 1964 facilita essa associação. No entanto, se por um lado policiais militares tendem a se aliar politicamente a setores da população que se opõem a instrumentos de responsabilização da polícia, encarados como fatores que dificultam o trabalho policial, por outro, são servidores públicos que reivindicam melhores condições de trabalho, o que abre a possibilidade para que se aproximem da esquerda ou pelo menos se distanciem da direita neoliberal. Alguns dos candidatos a deputado estadual mais votados em São Paulo são oriundos da Polícia Militar. O presente trabalho almeja investigar se os deputados da Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de São Paulo oriundos da Polícia Militar, das 14ª, 15ª e 16ª legislaturas (1999-2011), são responsivos ao eleitorado de direita; se adotam pontos de vista homogêneos sobre diversos temas (militarização da polícia, corrupção policial, missão da Polícia Militar, policiamento comunitário, ditadura, política criminal, movimentos sociais etc.); e como exercem a defesa dos interesses da Polícia Militar, uma corporação marcada por inúmeros conflitos internos, principalmente entre praças e oficiais. Para tanto, pesquisou-se em que zonas eleitorais esses deputados são proporcionalmente mais votados; problematizou-se a associação entre sensação de insegurança, defesa de bandeiras repressivas, percepção da corrupção e o voto em candidatos e partidos de direita; identificaram-se seus projetos de lei; compararam-se suas votações em plenário na 16ª legislatura (2007-2011); analisaram-se seus discursos na tribuna da ALESP, que foram contrastados com pesquisas de opinião pública, pesquisas de opinião de policiais militares e literatura sobre subculturas policiais. Da mesma forma, o trabalho discute as possíveis razões que levam policiais militares a se candidatarem a uma vaga no Poder Legislativo estadual. / The police are used to repress social movements and to keep the order, and are traditionally identified with the right wing interests. In Brazil, the Military Police was created within the political context of the civil/military dictatorship established in 1964 and eases such association; however, if on one hand military policemen tend to politically ally themselves with the population sectors contrary to instruments that hold the police liable, faced as factors making police work more difficult, on the other hand, military policemen are public servants claiming for better work conditions, and there is the possibility of they getting nearer to the left wing, or at least distancing themselves from the neoliberal right wing. Some candidates for deputies of the House of São Paulo State Legislative derive from the Military Police. The aim of this work is to investigate whether the deputies of the House of Representatives of the State of São Paulo from the Military Police, in the 14th, 15th and 16th legislatures (1999-2011), are responsive to the right wing electors, if they adopt similar viewpoints on several themes (police militarization, police corruption, Military Polices mission, community policing, dictatorship, criminal policy, social movements, etc.), and how they defend the Military Polices interests, a corporation marked by uncountable internal conflicts, mainly among police force and officers. For such purpose, the following issues were addressed: research about in which electoral zones those deputies are proportionally more voted; where one can see the connection among feeling of insecurity, defense of repressive flags, perception of corruption and voting in right wing candidates and parties; identification of their bills of law; their votes in plenary sessions in the 16th legislature (2007-2011) are compared; their speeches at ALESPs tribune are analyzed and contrasted with public opinion polls, opinion polls with military policemen and the literature on police subcultures. Likewise, the work discusses the possible reasons for military policemen running for an office in the State Legislative.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-03-23T13:08:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Parras Zambo.pdf: 1470747 bytes, checksum: 52ceee367cb12fa01e581b70fecf5b3b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-23T13:08:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Parras Zambo.pdf: 1470747 bytes, checksum: 52ceee367cb12fa01e581b70fecf5b3b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-08 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The following dissertation is about the Operação Delegada, an agreement signed between the Municipality of São Paulo and the State Government so that the military police officers work, in their free time, to the municipality, uniformed, armed and under the command of the Military Police. The municipal government of São Paulo, on the other hand, pays a gratification to the police officers, since they end up assuming municipal assignments not foreseen, initially, for the performance of their position. The Operação Delegada, or at least its principle, the hiring of police officers to work in different urban functions, continues to be expanded to several other cities, becoming, more and more, a state policy. However, its developments have not yet been described, nor analyzed. Thus, the central objective of this research is to identify and investigate the developments of the Operação Delegada, arguing that they are part of a broader process of militarization of urban space, which has also been described in the major metropolises of the world. Therefore, through the analysis of Operação Delegada and the legislation that regulates it, in addition to monitoring its actions, both through news published in the media, and through field visits, including the elaboration of a critical discussion about the concept of militarization, it is maintained that the Operação Delegada works as a mechanism that extends the urban militarization in São Paulo, a phenomenon that advances at full speed / A seguinte dissertação tem como objeto a Operação Delegada, um convênio firmado entre a Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo e o Governo Estadual para que os policiais militares trabalhem, em seus horários de folga, para o município, fardados, armados e sob comando da Polícia Militar. A prefeitura de São Paulo, em contrapartida, paga uma gratificação aos policiais, já que eles acabam assumindo atribuições municipais não previstas, inicialmente, para o desempenho de seu cargo. A Operação Delegada, ou ao menos o seu princípio, a contratação de policiais de folga para atuarem em diferentes funções urbanas, continua sendo expandido para diversas outras cidades, se transformando, cada vez mais, em uma política de Estado. Entretanto, os seus desdobramentos ainda não foram descritos, e nem analisados. Desse modo, o objetivo central desta pesquisa é identificar e investigar os desdobramentos da Operação Delegada, argumentando que eles se inserem em um processo mais amplo de militarização do espaço urbano que, aliás, também já foi descrito nas principais metrópoles do mundo. Assim, através da análise de seu funcionamento e da legislação que a regula, além do acompanhamento de suas ações, tanto por meio de notícias publicadas na mídia, quanto por meio de visitas de campo, incluindo a elaboração de uma discussão crítica sobre o próprio conceito de militarização, sustenta-se que a Operação Delegada funciona como um mecanismo que amplia a militarização urbana em São Paulo, um fenômeno que avança a todo vapor