Orientador: Eda Maria Góes / Banca: Maria Encarnação Beltrão Sposito / Banca: Amélia Luisa Damiani / Banca: Maria Fernanda Peres / Banca: Everaldo Santos Melazzo / Resumo: A partir de um esforço para entender a violência urbana, procuramos contribuir com o debate sobre os antagonismos urbanos, que revelam uma oposição objetiva e subjetiva entre os sujeitos e grupos sociais da maior metrópole brasileira - São Paulo - à luz das transformações globais que tem o espaço metropolitano como condição e das redefinições inerentes à metrópole, aceleradas pela globalização dos negócios e da governança. A dinâmica de reprodução da metrópole se revela perversa, desigual, fragmentada e segregada, condição e resultado de relacionamentos urbanos para os quais se restringem os meios e os campos de negociação, assim a violência emerge como meio político e como um dos elementos capazes de construir identidades e estilos de vida, tanto dos grupos sociais estabelecidos, quanto dos grupos sociais com déficit de poder. O objetivo principal foi investigar a lógica e a difusão da violência entre os sujeitos outsiders da metrópole e seus respectivos territórios, que, como a violência organizada entre os grupos sociais mais poderosos da Região Metropolitana, ajuda a configurar uma metrópole que militariza seus problemas, fragmenta o tecido social e estilhaça os seus territórios. Realizamos observações de campo no centro histórico e na zona leste da Cidade de São Paulo e estabelecemos diálogos informais com os habitantes de áreas marginalizadas, genericamente chamadas de periferias, para então analisar as representações, autorepresentações, leituras sociais e espaciais que estes sujeitos fazem de si e do seu grupo social, e dos grupos sociais de alto poder, buscando compreender como estes sujeitos enxergam cada fração da cidade, diante do medo, da insegurança e da militarização que vem caracterizando os territórios metropolitanos. / Abstract: From an effort to understand urban violence, we contribute to the debate about the urban antagonisms, which showed an opposition between objective and subjective social groups and the subjects of major Brazilian metropolis - Sao Paulo - the light of global transformations that have the metropolitan area and as a condition of re inherent metropolis, accelerated by the globalization of business and governance. The dynamics of reproduction of the metropolis it is perverse, unequal, fragmented and segregated, condition and results of urban relationships for which the resources are limited and the fields of negotiation, so the violence as a political and emerge as one of the elements capable of building identities and lifestyles of both groups established, as social groups with a deficit of power. The main objective was to investigate the logic of violence and the spread between the subjects of outsiders and their respective metropolitan areas, such as that organized violence between the most powerful social groups in the Metropolitan Region, to help set up a city with process of militarization of their problems, the tissue fragments social and splinter the territories within the metropolis. We fielded observations in the historic center and in the eastern city of Sao Paulo and to establish informal dialogue with the residents of vulnerable areas, generally called the suburbs, then to consider the representations, auto-representations, reading and social space that they are subject you and your group, and social groups at high power, trying to understand how these subjects see each fraction of the city, ahead of fear, insecurity and the militarization that has characterized the metropolitan areas. / Doutor

Utilizada para reprimir movimentos sociais e manter a ordem, a polícia é tradicionalmente identificada com os interesses da direita. No Brasil, a criação da Polícia Militar no contexto político da ditadura civil-militar instaurada no país em 1964 facilita essa associação. No entanto, se por um lado policiais militares tendem a se aliar politicamente a setores da população que se opõem a instrumentos de responsabilização da polícia, encarados como fatores que dificultam o trabalho policial, por outro, são servidores públicos que reivindicam melhores condições de trabalho, o que abre a possibilidade para que se aproximem da esquerda ou pelo menos se distanciem da direita neoliberal. Alguns dos candidatos a deputado estadual mais votados em São Paulo são oriundos da Polícia Militar. O presente trabalho almeja investigar se os deputados da Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de São Paulo oriundos da Polícia Militar, das 14ª, 15ª e 16ª legislaturas (1999-2011), são responsivos ao eleitorado de direita; se adotam pontos de vista homogêneos sobre diversos temas (militarização da polícia, corrupção policial, missão da Polícia Militar, policiamento comunitário, ditadura, política criminal, movimentos sociais etc.); e como exercem a defesa dos interesses da Polícia Militar, uma corporação marcada por inúmeros conflitos internos, principalmente entre praças e oficiais. Para tanto, pesquisou-se em que zonas eleitorais esses deputados são proporcionalmente mais votados; problematizou-se a associação entre sensação de insegurança, defesa de bandeiras repressivas, percepção da corrupção e o voto em candidatos e partidos de direita; identificaram-se seus projetos de lei; compararam-se suas votações em plenário na 16ª legislatura (2007-2011); analisaram-se seus discursos na tribuna da ALESP, que foram contrastados com pesquisas de opinião pública, pesquisas de opinião de policiais militares e literatura sobre subculturas policiais. Da mesma forma, o trabalho discute as possíveis razões que levam policiais militares a se candidatarem a uma vaga no Poder Legislativo estadual. / The police are used to repress social movements and to keep the order, and are traditionally identified with the right wing interests. In Brazil, the Military Police was created within the political context of the civil/military dictatorship established in 1964 and eases such association; however, if on one hand military policemen tend to politically ally themselves with the population sectors contrary to instruments that hold the police liable, faced as factors making police work more difficult, on the other hand, military policemen are public servants claiming for better work conditions, and there is the possibility of they getting nearer to the left wing, or at least distancing themselves from the neoliberal right wing. Some candidates for deputies of the House of São Paulo State Legislative derive from the Military Police. The aim of this work is to investigate whether the deputies of the House of Representatives of the State of São Paulo from the Military Police, in the 14th, 15th and 16th legislatures (1999-2011), are responsive to the right wing electors, if they adopt similar viewpoints on several themes (police militarization, police corruption, Military Polices mission, community policing, dictatorship, criminal policy, social movements, etc.), and how they defend the Military Polices interests, a corporation marked by uncountable internal conflicts, mainly among police force and officers. For such purpose, the following issues were addressed: research about in which electoral zones those deputies are proportionally more voted; where one can see the connection among feeling of insecurity, defense of repressive flags, perception of corruption and voting in right wing candidates and parties; identification of their bills of law; their votes in plenary sessions in the 16th legislature (2007-2011) are compared; their speeches at ALESPs tribune are analyzed and contrasted with public opinion polls, opinion polls with military policemen and the literature on police subcultures. Likewise, the work discusses the possible reasons for military policemen running for an office in the State Legislative.

The effect of regime type on conflict onset is a well-studied phenomenon, and various studies have found that variance in regime type, and within regime types, affects conflict onset. For instance, militarization in autocracies seems to be linked with increased risk of initiating conflict. However, even in the studies that disaggregate types of autocracies, the categorizations are relatively shallow. This thesis aims to create a definition of military dictatorships which captures their complexity more fully, to determine whether militarization truly does increase the risk of conflict onset. Military dictatorships are here defined as a state that achieves and maintains power through threat or actual use of force, is outwardly or effectively controlled by military officers, and places high value on maintaining a powerful armed force to protect constitutional and territorial integrity. The method used is a logistic regression, where the independent variable is military dictatorship, and the dependent variable is directed dyads. The results show that when a state is a military dictatorship, the log odds of it initiating conflict is 0.73; military dictatorships are indeed more likely to initiate conflict than autocracies in general.

External threats The aim of this study is to create a theoretical understanding of the Swedish national security perspectives which contributed to the variety of initiatives that have taken place in the Swedish military defense bills of 2004/05:5 and 2014/15:109. Our purpose is to do a qualitative text analysis whereby we create ideal types based upon the international relation theories liberalism and realism, which we then apply onto our selected propositions to analyze whether our ideal types can be traced- to discover if there have been any ideological changes. In our final discussion of the analysis we can see that the Swedish security objectives have changed due to changed threats in the world, which have resulted in both an increased need for international cooperation and also an expanded Swedish military defense in 2014. We can also see a theoretical shift in these propositions since some countries which previously had a more liberalistic character are now adopting a more realistic act.

This bachelor thesis asks the question, what does the increased fossil fuel scarcity mean for the Arctic region? It further investigates the aim and motives by the five main Arctic states. With the use of structural realism, existing research on the parallels between resource scarcity and conflict and, the combination of two methodological approaches: quantitative and qualitative content analysis, I argue in this study that the five states will act in accordance with the structural realist way and exploit the Arctic due to the protection of their national interests and security. This thesis highlights that, firstly, there is a process of climate change enabling the accessibility to extracting fossil fuel. Secondly, there is an ongoing militarization of the region. With that being said, I argue that the race for fossil fuel will prevail and this will create a destabilizing Arctic region with environmental impacts and militarization that can lead to problematic disputes and even conflicts. Therefore, the Arctic is a vulnerable region with a questionable future due to its economic stakes and militarization.

There is a feminist scholarly debate on what role military institutions play in translating the goals of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda into practice. Where idealists on the one side question if militaries should ever be involved with such responsibilities and argue that feminist purposes risk being co-opted. Whereas pragmatists on the other, argue that military institutions can be ‘regendered’ and transformed to better engage with feminist visions of security and thus implement the agenda meaningfully. To go beyond this debate there is a need to include the perspectives of those who work with bringing these policies into practice during operations. The conclusions in this thesis rely on a qualitative interview study with Swedish civilian and military gender advisors (GENADs) to attempt to bridge the disagreement described above. These GENADs constitute a central mechanism within the implementation and can therefore provide an increased understanding of the military’s role in the implementation of the WPS agenda. It intends to explore how their experiences can shed further light on the debate between pragmatists and idealists. Through an abductive thematic analysis, it is possible to interpret the answers from the semi-structured interviews conducted as three dilemmas: instrumentalization, military hierarchies, and civil-military collaboration. The findings suggest that the debate is simplified as the arguments on both sides of the debate appear to correspond with reality within international operations. It is therefore suggested that the debate should leave its deterministic mentality between idealist and pragmatist notions and shift its focus from asking whether at all, to in which situations and how militaries should play a role within the implementation. It is also contended that more emphasis in research needs to be on how to create organizational change in norms and attitudes at a systemic level.

<p>This dissertation maps the militarization of Canadian culture under the War on Terror. The first section examines the rise of everyday life militarizing cultural practices such as the Yellow Ribbon campaign to Support the Troops, Red Fridays, and the Highway of Heroes. The second section takes up militarizing cultural texts: the most recent wave of Canadian Forces recruiting advertisements, the CBC radio play <em>Afghanada</em>, and Paul Gross’s 2008 film <em>Passchendaele</em>. Across these diverse sites of analysis I argue that it is precisely through the mobilization of the previous national myths of multiculturalism, peacekeeping and tolerance that the contrary cultural politics of the new militarism coheres.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

In order to break the cycle of violence in war-ridden societies, nonviolent mechanisms to deal with conflicts has to be established. One such mechanism is protests, which when performed peacefully can be a powerful tool for political change. Protests can however also be a cause for violence and this thesis sets out to explore why protests turns more violent in some post-war subnational areas compared to others. I suggest that protest violence in part can be explained by the preceding intensity of insurgent violence, as the government puts more efforts into combating insurgent groups and less towards responding to local needs where this violence is perpetuated. Where this occurs, institutional relationships deteriorate, which result in negotiations becoming less likely while violence is viewed as more justified and useful before and during protests. Using the structured focused comparison method, I test this theoretical argument by comparing Cali and Barranquilla, two Colombian cities where left-wing ideologies prevail but where protest violence has differed substantially. The evidence, which has been collected through a document analysis and in-depth interviews conducted during two-months of field work in Colombia, provide modest support for the hypothesis that protest violence was more likely where insurgent violence had been prevalent during the war.

This thesis is set within a framework of the revivalist Christians’ Inner Mission, and presents as a case-study their mission to conscripts stationed in military exercise areas and garrison towns across Sweden. The revivalists’ evangelical zeal is given special attention. This is in contrast to much of the earlier research, which worked with the secularization paradigm formulated by the founders of sociology. Conscription in the early 20th century was regarded in various civilian and military circles as a platform for social and national integration, although these attitudes remain largely unstudied in Sweden’s case. Those engaged in missionizing the army were also drawn to this ‘School of the Nation’. The thesis shows that the motives of those involved in this home mission to soldiers were grounded in religion. However, the expansive missionary work was strengthened by the positions held by its male protagonists in the power structures of society. The mission was maintained by social contacts between an informal alliance of upper-class officers from among the mission’s military members, and by civilian missionaries from lower social classes. A decisive contextual factor for the army-mission as an educational project was that Sweden remained at peace. The civilian contribution to the mission grew as it spread more widely through the country. It is argued in this thesis that the soldiers’ homes were dominated by a discourse of domesticity. This discourse designated a place, a relationship, and a state of mind for the conscript during his free time at the military base. The missionaries were convinced that contact with the domestic and family values of civilian society should be preserved by the soldiers’ homes. The discourse of domesticity also looked ahead to the conscript’s subsequent life in civilian society: the missionaries wished to train up conscripts to be sober, moral family breadwinners.

Abstract The ultimate goal in the South was to end segregation, but nationwide equal-rights were the common goal of all African-Americans. Nonviolent protests and over aggressive police departments became the norm within the African-American community. Understated in the history of the Civil Rights Era is the role of armed resistance and Black Nationalism. Marcus Garvey, Stokely Carmichael, Huey P. Newton, and Malcolm X were Black Nationalists that led the charge of Black Nationalism worldwide. The Deacons of Defense, the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO) and the Black Panther Party for Self Defense transformed the social makeup of the country and became major causes of the militarization of police departments across the United States. Many police departments across America began to create SWAT teams and use military-style weaponry following an outbreak of riots and the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. In New Orleans, Louisiana, stand-offs and shoot-outs with Black Panther members warranted a call for military backup, but it was the acts of Mark James Robert Essex that totally militarized the New Orleans Police Department.