Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 1, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Världen globaliseras och urbaniseras i en allt högre takt vilket innebär utmaningar för framtida försvarsmakter. Försvarsmakterna kommer mer frekvent att få lösa militära operationer genom strid i bebyggelse (SIB). Denna undersöknings ansats är att pröva Alice Hills teori om framgångsfaktorer som analyserats fram ur krigshistoriens militära operationer i kontexten SIB. Hills argumenterar för en mängd framgångsfaktorer. Denna undersökning prövar faktorerna utbildningsståndpunkt/stridserfarenhet, tillgång till infanteriförband, nyttjande av indirekt bekämpning och tredje parts inverkan på operationer. Dessa faktorer prövas i en jämförande fallstudie av operationerna i Fallujah 2004 Operation Vigilant Resolve (misslyckad operation) och Operation Phantom Fury (framgångsrik operation) vilka båda ingick i Operation Iraqi Freedom. De källor som har nyttjats för att genomföra teoriprövningen är Vincent L. Foulks, ”The Battle for Fallujah: Occupation, Resistance and Stalemate in the War in Iraq” och Bing Wests ”No True Glory: A Frontline Account of the Battle for Fallujah”. Resultatet av undersökningen stärker Hills teori om de fyra prövade framgångsfaktorerna. Fallstudien påvisar att ingående förband i Operation Vigilant Resolve (misslyckad operation) endast hade en grundlagd utbildningsståndpunkt i SIB samt att stora delar av förbanden saknade stridserfarenhet. Vidare påvisar undersökningen att det var låg numerär av infanteriförband och att mixen mellan infanteri och pansarförband medförde att infanteriförbanden inte kunde lösa uppgiften att skydda pansarförbanden i tillräcklig omfattning. I denna operation finns inget som bevisar att någon form att markgrupperad, indirekt bekämpning nyttjats. Tredje parts påverkan var stor givet förutsättningen att endast en mindre del av befolkning flytt staden Fallujah. Operation Phantom Fury påvisar det motsatta gentemot Operation Vigilant Resolve. Förbanden var bättre utbildade genom att de fått dra lärdom under genomförande under Operation Vigilant Resolve samt att de fått stridserfarenhet genom samma operation. Stor numerär av infanteri och en bättre mix av infanteri och pansarförband där infanteriet understöddes av pansarförbanden istället för tvärtom som var fallet vid Operation Vigilant Resolve. Operation nyttjade indirekt bekämpning i form av granatkastare och artilleri i stor omfattning. Den fjärde och sist prövande framgångsfaktorn, tredje parts inverkan på operationen påvisar att stora delar av staden Fallujah var utrymd vilket indirekt påverkar framförallt faktorn nyttjande av indirekt bekämpning. Sammanfattningsvis stärker denna teoriprövande fallstudie Hills förklaringskraft avseende de fyra utvalda framgångsfaktorerna. Detta ger en vetenskaplig grund att bygga framtidens förband kring där SIB kommer vara frekvent återkommande.

La Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune (PESC) est la politique de l'Union Européenne qui suscite le moins d'intérêt et le moins d'attention dans la doctrine de droit de l'Union Européenne. Ce statut d'enfant-perdu de la doctrine s'explique aisément : la Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune multiplie les singularités, et en tout premier lieu celle d'être généralement présentée comme étant la politique intergouvernementale par excellence de l'Union européenne. La PESC présente également la singularité d'être une politique opérationnelle. Plus de trente opérations civiles et militaires ont ainsi été menées au-delà des frontières de l'Union européenne. La PESC présente également la singularité d'être une politique opérationnelle. Plus de trente opérations civiles et militaires ont ainsi été menées au-delà des frontières de l'Union européenne depuis 2003 et le recours aux mesures restrictives ne faiblit pas. De la même manière, la conduite et la réussite de telles opérations a nécessité tant la mise sur pied d'institutions, d'organes et d'agences que l'établissement d'une base industrielle et technologique de défense et d'un marché intérieur de la défense. Le développement et l'affermissement de cette politique opérationnelle de l'Union européenne ne se sont cependant pas faits sans l'intervention des institutions européennes. Le Parlement, la Commission européenne et la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne exercent, au contraire, un contrôle politique, financier et juridictionnel toujours plus poussé sur cette politique. C'est alors la fin de la singularité de la Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune, laquelle tend à devenir comme les autres et à s'inscrire en cohérence avec le modèle d'intégration de l'Union européenne. / The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is the EU policy, that arouses the least interest and attention in the doctrine of law of the European Union. This lack of consideration can easily be explained : the Common Foreign and Security Policy is peculiar is numerous ways, and first and foremost it is specific for being the quintessential intergovernmental policy of the European union. CFSP also presents the difference of being an operational policy. More than thirty civil and military operations have been carried out beyond the borders of the European Union since 2003 and the use of restrictive measures is not weakening. In the samie vein, the conduct and success of such operations required the development of institutions, bodies and agencies as well as the establishment of an European Defence Technological and Industrial Base and the creation of an internal market of defense. However, this operational policy of the European Union could not have been developed and strengthened without intervention of European institutions. The Parliament, the European Commission and the Court of justice of the European Union exercise more and more elaborate political, financial and judicial control over this policy. On this las aspect, the Common Foreign and Security Policy tends to become an European policy like any other and be consistent with the model of integration of the European Union.

The capability of the Swedish Armed Forces has been reduced to such an extent that the Armed Forces most likely cannot cope with health care within its own organization in the event of an armed attack on the country. The project Totalförsvarets sjukvårdssystem (The healthcare system of the total defence), initiated in 2015 by the Swedish Armed Forces and the National Board of Health and welfare, did a review of Sweden´s medical capacity, its limitations and needs at peace, crisis and armed conflict. However, the project did not profoundly review the conditions of military medicine for armed conflicts, the capacity of military medical planning and how the military medical capacity affects the planning and implementation of operations. This knowledge gap is not filled by available research or other source of information. The purpose of this work is to fill this gap through a qualitative method via interviews and text analysis. The work is supported by Moshe Kress's logistics theory of valuation of plans; macro- and micro-level subdivision in the planning process and need for information for medical planning. To adapt Moshe Kress's theory to the military medicine a theory development has been made. The result of the work shows that the capacity of military medicine is insufficient and that medical planners are not obvious partners in national military planning. This will probably effect both planning and execution through lack of credibility and fighting morale. This can also have a negative impact on the will to defend Sweden. Research in military medicine for the purpose of this work is limited. A probable cause may be that there is lack of basic research in the field of military medicine and that information about capacity, capabilities and limitations is mainly confidential.

Diploma thesis deals with the approval process of participation of the Armed Forces of the Czech Republic in foreign operations. The aim of this thesis is to find political elite's dominant motivation which leads to the decision take part in foreign military operations. Hypothesis assumes that according to the material capabilities and power ambitions of the Czech Republic there is only one dominant motivation which can be described as commitments to the membership in UN, NATO or EU. To fulfil this aim we used a content analysis of relevant discussions realized in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic since 1993 until present. Identified arguments are assign with one of the five relevant categories (policy related to the commitments to the membership, security and political interests, historical symbolism, potential of profit in the future and influence of the domestic political situation). Analysis also considers the revelation of official statements of the political party and speeches of its members in the Chamber of Deputies.

Diploma thesis deals with the approval process of participation of the Armed Forces of the Czech Republic in foreign operations. The aim of this thesis is to find political elite's dominant motivation which leads to the decision take part in foreign military operations. Hypothesis assumes that according to the material capabilities and power ambitions of the Czech Republic there is only one dominant motivation which can be described as commitments to the membership in UN, NATO or EU. To fulfil this aim we used a content analysis of relevant discussions realized in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic since 1993 until present. Identified arguments are assign with one of the five relevant categories (policy related to the commitments to the membership, security and political interests, historical symbolism, potential of profit in the future and influence of the domestic political situation). Analysis also considers the revelation of official statements of the political party and speeches of its members in the Chamber of Deputies.

States have for a long time participated in international military operations, but their reasons for contributing with military capabilities are varied. This study intends to investigate and demonstrate how military contribution is motivated in the political decision-making process to justify its necessity, and how strategic culture influences the decision. The theoretical framework is extensive, containing several identified sub-beliefs of strategic culture, and factors within a rationalist and constructivist perspective used to capture political motivations. By employing a qualitative content analysis, the empirical material examined contains official documents, such as government propositions, reports, and protocols. The investigated cases are Sweden and Denmark’s military contribution to operations in Kosovo (Operation Allied Force, KFOR) and Mali (MINUSMA, EUTM, Operation Serval/Barkhane/Task Force Takuba). The findings indicate that while both Sweden and Denmark use the full spectrum of political motivations, Sweden emphasizes constructivist motivations, and Denmark rationalist motivations. This is traced to the central discovery that strategic culture within a state, influences how political motivations are portrayed to justify the necessity of contributing to international military operations. Thus, indicating the existence of an intertwined relationship between strategic culture, political motivations in terms of both rationalist and constructivist factors, and contribution of military capabilities.

No / This paper discusses theoretical and conceptual issues in leadership and how these apply to complex military operations in this global age. It identifies the reason for and the point at which the need for leadership arose among the early humans. It suggests the need for every human activity to be assessed within the context of its relative existence, based on the employment of accepted standards. Thereafter, the subject matter was treated under four main sections; namely, the Elements of Power, Leadership and its Sanctity, Concept of Military Operations, and Analosynthesis. With improvements in technology and mastery over their environments, the homo habilis gained control over their means of subsistence and the basic necessities of life. Their quest for better security and stability, in order to facilitate progressive developments, led to the emergence of community life. This was the stage at which the need for leadership, among humans, became apparent. Lessons on Leadership and Influence dictate that Power and Influence, which is one’s art of getting others to follow one’s lead, are best understood in terms of the interactions among the Elements of Power. The paper identified five enabling factors of power and influence; namely, how power works, how influence works, the TOPS Formula, the influence skills and cultural differences. These would enhance his ability to positively communicate with the led for maximum effect. Defined as a process of influencing a group of individuals to achieve a common goal, leadership is seen as a key variable in the development of human society. Any leader that fails to imbibe some ethical leadership values and principles that would guide his leadership, he would hardly gain the confidence and loyalty of the led. These include respect for others; service to others; justice, fairness and equity for all and sundry; honesty; resourcefulness; and truthfulness/trustworthiness – all leading to the building of a strong, united, virile and prosperous community. It is believed that the crises bedevilling Nigeria today, particularly Northern Nigeria, can be largely attributed to the negation of ethical values/principles on the part of our leaders, both past and present. It is hoped that the Change which Nigerian electorates voted for on 28th March 2015 would make the needed difference. A military operation is a set of activities characterised by mutual belligerent actions; regardless of how the opposing elements are defined, equipped or disposed. Hence, military operations may not be limited to the conventional battlefield; new forms of battlefields and domains of warfare will continue to emerge for as long as human technology is progressive. Currently, a critical analysis yields the existence of five warfare domains; namely, Land, Sea, Air, Space (Strategic Defence Initiative or Star Wars) and Cyber Space. In view of the above, even the concept of military operation, in terms of the troops that execute warfare, must also be re-assessed in tune with the dictates of globalisation. Thus, as opposed to seeing soldiers as some illiterates, dressed in ragtag attire and engaging in a “woo-chebe!” warfare; the contrary should now be the case. Soldiering should be seen as an enterprise for people traversing the entire levels of education/training throughout the social strata of the society; comprising the illiterate and semi-illiterate local informants, highly educated troops, and all shades of professionals and technocrats up to the University Professors, globally. Concomitantly, there is need to also re-evaluate, by reconfiguring and expanding, the concept of the military element of national power into a more suitable gauge of national strength - the socio-military element of national power. That is, the military is no longer expected to function effectively independent of its wider society setting. In a nutshell, for one to succeed as a leader of officers and men in a military operation, one must first of all imbibe the general principles/values of ethical leadership expected of all categories of leaders, as enumerated above. In addition to these, one must then train to internalise those other attributes that would sustain one in leadership position as one confronts an uncertain death; namely, valour, bravery, courage, faithfulness and an existence of a balanced coordination between a healthy mind and a healthy body. / Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF)

本論文主要希望能夠藉由軍事準則一非作戰軍事行動(Military Operations Other Than War, MOOTW)的實務操作面向去分析「美日防衛合作新指針」中「雙方平時合作事項」，運用理論與實踐去檢證美日軍事合作對國際社會的貢獻與對台海的適用性。因為，在未來亞太安全與和平上，日本將扮演更積極角色與參加國際事務，那對曾受迫害的亞洲地區民族而言，如果無法保持客觀、理性的中立立場去觀察，那將難以抹取二次大戰軍國主義歷史的陰影，只會阻礙亞太地區邁向二十一世紀全球化的發展，具體而言，本論文具有大膽理論探討之前瞻性，屬於前沿理論(軍事準則)的概念形式。 針對亞太地區而言，在冷戰期間並沒有產生如同北大西洋公約組織及華沙公約組織一般相互對峙的軍事集團，而蘇聯所扮演的角色也僅是影響亞太安全的數個強權國家之一。冷戰結束之後，國際體系架構在冷戰結束後跨入了一個新的交替時期，東、西兩極體系彼此對抗的大環境已然消失，亞太地區也因為缺乏一個有效的多邊安全機制而失去了足以依靠的平衡槓桿。因此，亞太地區便逐漸形成一種「動態平衡」的結構。美國身為二十一世紀的唯一超強，其對於亞太地區，尤其是東北亞地區的安全政策，便成為大家所關注的焦點。其中民主國家又以美國及日本之間的共同防禦條約最值得吾人注意。 美日安保條約已逐漸成為兩國之間互動的重要架構之一，雖然美日安保條約仍以軍事安全為核心，但也進一步成為雙方經濟、政治、文化和議題發展的結構性支柱。尤其蘇聯瓦解，使得世界在可預期的未來，似乎不可能出現大規模世界核子戰爭，但是區域間的族群衝突，跨國恐怖活動、毒品走私或海盜活動等，這些「低強度衝突」(Low Intensity Conflict,LIC)的發生機率又非常的高，帶給人類和平與安全有莫大威脅，因此從實務層面思考，如何解決前述國際安全問題，才是美、日安保同盟對國際和平最大的貢獻。 針對本論文研究發現，有以下兩點建議： 一、建立國軍「非作戰軍事行動」準則 例如國內發生重大災難與跨國恐怖事件，或與國外軍事合作的行動準則，由本論文的研究發現可參考美軍準則如下：(一)可參考《美軍聯合作戰教令(Joint pub3-0》一建立(或增列)國軍聯合作戰準則中。(二)可參考《非作戰軍事行動聯合教令(Joint pub3-7)》建立國軍非作戰軍事行動教令。(三)可參考美軍陸、海、空軍對非作戰軍事行動的規範，建立國軍各軍種教範，資料如后: 1.美國陸軍野戰教範(FM100-5)。 2.美國海軍作戰準則(NDP1: Naval Warfare)。 3.美國空軍非作戰軍事行動準則(ADD2-3)。 二、積極參與區域海上人道救援行動 戰爭現已不再容易獲得國內與國際輿論之支持，反之，一國參與維持國際和平或區域海上人道救援行動，不僅容易獲得國內輿論之讚許，且可提高並贏得國際聲譽。實際上，維持國際和平與海上人道救援訓練與戰爭並無二致。並可達「寓戰於訓」的目的。而且從俄羅斯在北海的明斯克號潛艦沉沒事件，國軍在發展二代潛艦兵力的同時，對區域海上人道救援行動更應該積極參與，並列入爭取美、日、韓、澳、星等多邊國家軍事交流與訓練的第一優先項目。 關鍵詞：非作戰軍事行動 美日防衛合作新指針 低強度衝突 美日關係 / The main purpose of this thesis is looking forward to analyzing the mutual cooperation in the peace period in the " The New U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines " by the military principle- the real operation level of Military Operations Other than War (MOOTW). We use this theory and practice to verify the contribution of the military cooperation of between America and Japan for international society and the adaptability using in Taiwan Strait. Since the Japan will be a more active role and take part in more mission for the security and peace of Asia and Pacific area in the future. To those peoples who had suffer the oppression by Japan in Asian areas, if they can not keep an objective, rational and impartial position to observe this event,it will be hard to erase the shadow of militarism causing by Japan in the World War II.The result of this prejudice will only obstruct the progress of Asian area forward to the development of Internationalize in the 21^st century.Concretely speaking, this thesis posses a foreside in the theory discussion,and belong to the conceptualize style of the leading edge theory(military principle). Specifically speaking to the Asia and Pacific areas, it do not result the same conflict of each military ally as did between NATO and the Warsaw Treaty Organization.The former Soviet Union took part in one of the powerful countries,which influence the security of the Asian and Pacific areas. After cold war, the international structure enters to a new interchange period.The entire environment confronting between western and eastern polarities had disappeared. Asia-Pacific area lost a dependable balance lever due to lacking an effective multilateral security mechanism. Therefore, Asia- Pacific area gradually becomes a "dynamic balance" structure.The U.S. is the only one super power in the world in 21st century. The Asia-Pacific area security strategy of the U.S.,especially in northeast Asia, is the focus to other countries.For other democratic countries,the U.S.-Japan defense alliance is the axis about which the Asia-Pacific security policy of the US rotates. The U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines has become one of important structures of interactions between both sides.Although the U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines is focus on military security, furthermore, it becomes a construction pillar in economy, politics, culture and relevant developing issues on both sides. Especially,after the former Soviet Union broke down, it is almost impossible to have a nuclear war took place in the future,instated, the regional ethnic conflicts, international terrorism, narcotics dealing and smuggling and piratical activities take place very often, those bring huge threat to our peace and security. Pragmatically thinking about this, how to figure out those international issues can be the biggest contribution in terms of international peace. Based on our research,we propose the following suggestions: 1. To establish the R.O.C."Peacetime Military Operation Guidelines" for providing the Ministry of National Defense a guideline on dealing with the domestic disasters,deterring terrorism, and perusing international cooperative operations.We found that the US doctrines can provide a hands on reference: (1) The US Joint Operation Doctrine (Joint pub 3-0) can be referenced to establish the ROC joint operation doctrines. (2) The US Military Operation Other than War Joint Operation Doctrine (Joint pub 3-7) can also be referenced to establish ROC Other than War joint operation doctrines. (3) The US Military Operation Other than War Joint Operation Doctrines,for examples; US Army Operation Doctrine (FM 100-5),US Navy Operation Doctrine (NDP I: Naval Warfare), and US Air Force Other Than War Operation Doctrine (AFDD 2-3), can be referenced to establish ROC Services' Other Than War Joint Operation Doctrines. 2. To participate Asia-Pacific area rescue operations The international and nation's general public do not support the conduction of war. In contrary, the general publics always give highly respects to the organization join the international rescue operations. In facts,the procedure on conducting the war is similar to join the international rescue operation. Furthermore,the operation furnishes our troops a training event.For example, the Russia joined the rescue operation on Minske event. While the new generation submarine program is underway, we should take action and participate the area rescues, and join the international association work organized by US,Japan, Korea, Australia,and Singapore. Keywords: Military Operations Other than War (MOOTW),the New U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines,Low Intensity Conflict( LIC ),the U.S.-Japan Relations.

Plus de vingt-six ans après la publication de l’Agenda pour la paix par les Nations-unies, les opérations de stabilisation et de reconstruction menées en Afghanistan et en Iraq marquent une plus grande implication des forces armées dans les opérations de consolidation de la paix. De la conduite des hostilités au maintien de l’ordre dans le cadre de la stabilisation, à la fourniture de projets d’assistance et de développement à la population et de reconstruction de l’État, le rôle des armées s’est avéré central. Dans des situations, où l’État souverain connaît une transformation et une reconstruction de ses institutions, les forces intervenantes endossent un double rôle de « belligérant » face à des insurrections contestant la légitimité du nouvel ordre politique établit après les interventions, et de « souverain » prenant en charge les prérogatives souveraines tant sécuritaires que providentielles des États hôtes. À travers une étude des doctrines et pratiques américaine, britannique et française de ces opérations en Afghanistan et en Iraq, cette thèse a pour objet de définir les défis au droit international créé par ce double rôle des armées lors de situations transitionnelles entre guerre et paix. Face au constat d'’incertitude tant opérationnelle que juridique caractérisant ces opérations, la thèse propose de construire un cadre juridique régulant les activités des forces armées sur ces terrains, fondé sur le droit des droits de l’homme comme lex favorabilis. A partir de cette proposition, des lignes de conduite sont déduites pour traduire les obligations juridiques découlant de l’application des droits de l’homme en règles opérationnelles / More than twenty-six years after the United Nations' released the "Agenda for peace", stabilisation and reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan and Iraq have been marked by a greater involvement of armed forces in peace enforcement and peace building operations. From the conduct of hostilities to law enforcement operations to stabilise the country, to the provision of assistance and development to the population as well as State reconstruction, the role of the military became central. In situations where the sovereign state is undergoing a transformation and a reconstruction of its institutions, the intervening forces assume a dual role of “belligerent” in the face of insurrections challenging the legitimacy of the new political order established by the interventions on one hand, and of “sovereign” role taking over the host States' responsibilities in both its security and welfare functions. Based on a study of “post-conflict stabilisation and reconstruction” doctrines as interpreted and implemented by the armies of the United States of America, the United Kingdom and France in Afghanistan and Iraq, this thesis aims to define the challenges to international law created by this dual role of the military in transitional situations between war and peace. Faced with the operational and legal uncertainty characterising these operations, this thesis proposes a human-rights based legal framework to regulate armed forces activities, using human rights law as a lex favorabilis. On the basis of this proposal, guidelines are drawn to translate into operational rules the legal obligations arising from the application of human rights