Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-08-04T18:20:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Elias Jacob de Menezes Neto_.pdf: 2096242 bytes, checksum: f9ff0ea22f6bd8896098e791182efd27 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-04T18:20:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elias Jacob de Menezes Neto_.pdf: 2096242 bytes, checksum: f9ff0ea22f6bd8896098e791182efd27 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-28 / Nenhuma / Esta tese resulta da necessidade de situar a proteção dos direitos humanos e da democracia diante dos fenômenos da surveillance e dos fluxos globais de dados, especialmente, levando-se em conta que a desterritorialidade e a fluidez desses fenômenos desafiam os mecanismos de controle jurídico, centrados, exclusivamente no Estado-nação. Demonstra como a soberania estatal passa a ser afetada pelas transformações oriundas da globalização, da modernidade líquida e da sociedade em rede. Delimita a categoria da surveillance, analisada como uma característica inerente à modernidade líquida com o objetivo de demarcar, de forma acertada, o papel do Estado e da democracia diante dos fluxos globais de dados. Para tanto, explica como a palavra surveillance não pode ser, diretamente, traduzida para o português sem que haja prejuízo semântico. Aborda, ainda, os limites dos modelos do panóptico e do Big Brother para elucidar a coleta de dados em massa na era do big data. Para tanto, analisa a expansão da surveillance no século XXI, bem como os efeitos do big data e dos algoritmos preditivos na construção do tempo e do espaço. Fundados na guerra ao terror, esses instrumentos buscam capturar o passado e analisar o presente com a finalidade de prever eventos futuros antes mesmo que aconteçam. Tais mecanismos permitem a desterritorialização das fronteiras e a sua transformação em espaço de controle de fluxos de pessoas consideradas indesejáveis. Por isso, demonstra que o Estado é palco fragilizado para a proteção dos direitos humanos violados pela surveillance, o que permite considerar as matrizes teóricas sistêmicas – inclusive a ideia de constitucionalismo híbrido – como adequadas para proteger direitos violados por corporações transnacionais ligadas à tecnologia da informação. Conclui que a proteção dos direitos humanos afetados pela surveillance não pode depender, exclusivamente, dos meios de regulação jurídica associados ao Estado, dada a sua impossibilidade de lidar com problemas que escapam à esfera da política e ao container territorial, o que torna imprescindível a participação da iniciativa privada. / This thesis stems from the need to properly understand protection of fundamental rights and democracy under the effects of surveillance and global data flows, especially considering that these phenomena are deterritorialized and fluid and, hence, they challenge traditional legal control mechanisms based on the nation-state. For this, it shows how state sovereignty is now affected by the transformations of the nation-state caused by globalization, liquid modernity and the network society. It also explains that surveillance is intrinsic to liquid modernity, which is needed to properly understand the protection of fundamental rights and democracy against global data flows. Thus, it analyses how the word surveillance cannot be directly translated into Portuguese without losing its meaning. In addition, it explains why ideas such as panoptic and Big Brother aren’t enough to understand surveillance in the age of big data. That why it deals with the expansion of surveillance in the twentieth first century and estabilishes how big data and predictive analytics change the meaning of time and space. Based in the war on terror, these techniques try to capture the past and analyse the present in order to predict future events even before they happen. Also, they allow the deterritorialization of nation-state borders, converting them in places to control undesired people flows. For this reason, it shows how the nation-state is weakened on its role of human rights guardian, especially those violated by surveillance, which is why system’s theory and hybrid constitutionalism were considered capable to properly understand human rights violations by information technology transnational organizations. The conclusion points to the idea that human rights cannot be protected against surveillance by traditional legal control mechanisms as they are centered around the idea of the nation-state, which makes it impossible to handle issues that surpass its political system and territorial container, thus requiring private actor to take part in this discussion.

<p><strong>Purpose/Aim: </strong>The purpose of this paper is to describe how a number of strategically selected employees at the Swedish Institute, with the purpose to promote Sweden in the world, look at the challenges facing Sweden concerning nation branding in the new era of cooperation within the European Union. I examine how these people look upon the work of public diplomacy and nation branding in order to actively participate and influence the EU's common communications platform.</p><p><strong>Material/Method: </strong>The method used in this thesis is qualitative interviews. The reason why I chose this method is because I consider it to be the most appropriate in order to collect information about how these selected employees at the Swedish institute regard the challenges that lay ahead in terms of nation branding within the European Union.</p><p><strong>Main results: </strong>On the basis of the results I have gained by dint of the analysis, it can be concluded that it is of utmost importance to take the societal changes, which are a result both of the worldwide globalization and the EU cooperation, into consideration when designing a future communication strategy for the Swedish Institute. The nation-state continues to play an important role in Sweden, but its importance is declining as the EU cooperation is progressing. The citizens’ identity plays a crucial role in designing a nation’s communications strategy, and from the analysis I conclude that we move not from a Swedish to a European identity, but towards a pluralistic union where multiple identities meet under one umbrella; the EU.</p>

The world’s human population is presently politically organized into an international system of territorially-defined nation-states. Each nation-state claims sovereign rights to non-interference and self-determination which minimize the legitimate influence of all other nation-states on the conduct of its internal affairs. International political discourse using the concept of human rights has become increasingly influential in addressing the regulation and restrictions of coercive activity that governing institutions can exact upon citizen populations. If there are universal human rights that all persons possess regardless of national affiliation, does this include basic economic rights that should insure all persons the basic economic goods necessary for healthy subsistence? Philosophers working within the state of nature contractual theory of government philosophical tradition, including Hobbes, Locke, Nozick, and Rawls, reach contradictory conclusions regarding the existence of universal basic economic rights. More recently, Shue has provided arguments affirming the existence of universal basic economic rights.

This thesis attempts to provide a critical perspective on state failure together with its consequences, and how the reconstruction of state is carried out in the aftermath of failure. The thesis commences by discussing the emergence of &lsquo / modern&rsquo / nation-states, and proceeds by analyzing how current patterns of statehood respond to the classic nation-state denominations. Examining the concept of state failure, the thesis aims to verify whether established characteristics of statehood are applicable in view of contemporary dynamics of state weakness. The thesis then observes the difficulties for upholding inherent weaknesses in a state against the pressing nature of the contemporary dynamics of international relations / and, thus explores avenues for frameworks preventive to state failure, as well as postfailure resuscitation of states when these frameworks fail to take effect. Putting this analysis into perspective, the thesis discusses various aspects of international community&rsquo / s engagement for reconstruction of the state in Afghanistan, a country which represents an example for state failure and collapse par excellence, in the frame of a case study. Drawing from this case study, the thesis highlights the shortfalls and successes of state reconstruction in Afghanistan, in an attempt to provide useful hints for similar future engagements elsewhere.

In Bezug auf irreguläre Migrationsformen, die sich den bestehenden rechtlichen Einreise- und Aufenthaltsregelungen entziehen, wird nur selten hinterfragt, inwieweit diese durch Attribution von Aufenthaltsmerkmalen konstruiert werden. Entscheidend hierfür ist die national(staatlich)e Zugehörigkeit. Die vorliegende Arbeit fokussiert die Wechselwirkungen von Illegalität und Illegalisierung. Um die Konstruktionsmechanismen besser aufzudecken, wurde ein Ländervergleich zwischen Deutschland und Frankreich gewählt. So wurden Zeitungsartikel aus jeweils zwei deutschen und französischen Zeitungen inhaltsanalytisch untersucht. Zwei zentrale Fragestellungen standen im Vordergrund. Zum einen wurde untersucht, in welchem Kontext Illegalität und Illegalisierung thematisiert werden und in welcher Gewichtung sie auftreten. Des Weiteren wurde betrachtet, welche Argumentationen im Umgang mit den Betroffenen im öffentlichen Diskurs dargestellt werden. Dabei wurde festgestellt, dass stärker als angenommen Illegalisierungselemente in den Medien dargestellt werden, allerdings kaum als solche benannt werden. Illegalität und Illegalisierung werden darüber hinaus kaum in einen Zusammenhang gestellt. Argumente werden selten detailliert dargestellt, wobei in der Regel eine Rückbindung an allgemeine Zuwanderungsdiskurse zu beobachten ist. Ein diskursiver Exkurs deckt wesentliche Unterschiede zwischen Deutschland und Frankreich auf. Die Arbeit versucht, das Bild von Migranten ohne regulären Aufenthaltsstatus zu differenzieren und Fragen im Umgang mit Fremdheitserfahrungen zu erörtern.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

No description available.

Purpose/Aim: The purpose of this paper is to describe how a number of strategically selected employees at the Swedish Institute, with the purpose to promote Sweden in the world, look at the challenges facing Sweden concerning nation branding in the new era of cooperation within the European Union. I examine how these people look upon the work of public diplomacy and nation branding in order to actively participate and influence the EU's common communications platform. Material/Method: The method used in this thesis is qualitative interviews. The reason why I chose this method is because I consider it to be the most appropriate in order to collect information about how these selected employees at the Swedish institute regard the challenges that lay ahead in terms of nation branding within the European Union. Main results: On the basis of the results I have gained by dint of the analysis, it can be concluded that it is of utmost importance to take the societal changes, which are a result both of the worldwide globalization and the EU cooperation, into consideration when designing a future communication strategy for the Swedish Institute. The nation-state continues to play an important role in Sweden, but its importance is declining as the EU cooperation is progressing. The citizens’ identity plays a crucial role in designing a nation’s communications strategy, and from the analysis I conclude that we move not from a Swedish to a European identity, but towards a pluralistic union where multiple identities meet under one umbrella; the EU. / <p>Författaren heter numera Michelle Bornestad. 131003</p>

Recent developments such as internationalization of labor markets, emergence of multi-level polities and a global discourse on human rights have influenced citizenship practices and challenged conventional definitions of citizenship. While conventional definitions of citizenship often presuppose the relationship between citizenship, nationality and nation-state, as an institution, citizenship is constituted and reconstituted by economic, political, social and legal practices. In this context, European Union citizenship (EU citizenship), which was formally introduced in 1993, has generated a discussion on its nature. As a reflection of its dynamic and ambiguous character, there is a variety of interpretations on EU citizenship that can be evaluated between postnational and national ends. In line with these interpretations, this thesis aims to provide an insight to the possibility of postnationality in the case of the European Union Citizenship. In this sense, the analysis of EU citizenship depends on two significant theoretical bases: the contemporary debates on citizenship and the theories of European integration. It is attempted to combine these theoretical frameworks in a critical analysis in order to consider the postnational potentials and possibilities that the EU citizenship has. In the case study of EU citizenship a socio-historical analysis of the making of EU citizenship is carried out mainly with reference to the official documents of the institutions of European Union. In the light of this analysis, EU citizenship is critically examined according to designated discussion themes. Consequently, in this thesis, it is mainly argued that dynamic and evolving nature of EU citizenship create contradictory notions in its development process. This also reflects that possibilities for postnationality are inherent to the EU citizenship.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2003-08-18Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:30:00Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 martins_e_me_assis.pdf: 2413031 bytes, checksum: effe07d71e3fa1dd7f93b20222978acf (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Este trabalho analisou o pensamento jurídico penal no Brasil e sua historicidade durante o século XIX, atentando para a produção do discurso em documentos processuais denominados termos de bem viver, uma das fontes documentais da pesquisa. Foi possível, por meio da análise dessa documentação, acompanhar o percurso da produção do vadio enquanto indivíduo passível de conhecimento do saber/poder. Refletiu-se ainda sobre a produção do Código Criminal de 1830, base para o nascimento legal do poder disciplinar no Brasil. Com essa nova estrutura jurídica, a polícia ganhou embasamento legal para agir no cotidiano dos indivíduos pobres livres, seu alvo preferencial. Esse novo tipo de controle e punição de comportamentos indesejáveis irá perpassar e irradiar-se por todo o corpo social em forma de rede, levando finalmente as informações até o Imperador. Portanto, este estudo analisou as formas de poder que nortearam o período imperial brasileiro de 1824 a 1889 e se constituíram em instrumentos utilizados pela elite agrária para inserir os pobres livres no modelo de nação pretensamente liberal e moderna. / This dissertation broached the penal juridical thought in Brazil and its historical process during the 19th century focusing on the writing of discourse in processual documents, the so-called termos de bem viver (the propriety of conduct law), one of the documentary sources of the research at issue. By means of an analysis of such papers, one could trace the course of the expression idler as someone subject to the knowledge of the keepers of the law. One also pondered upon the working up of the disciplinary power in Brazil. Due to the new juridical framework the police attained legal power to act on the everyday life of the free poor, their preferred target. The new kind of control and punishment of undesired behavior will affect and spread about the whole social body like a network which eventually puts the information up to the emperor. Therefore, this dissertation analyzed the new ways of power which guided the Brazilian imperial period from 1824 to 1889 and which became a device used by the imperial agrarian elite meant to insert the free poor into an alleged liberal and modern nation model.