Submitted by Valquíria Barbieri (kikibarbi@hotmail.com) on 2017-12-20T20:19:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2013_Quise Gonçalves Brito.pdf: 3593216 bytes, checksum: e4a81f6bd35f7969f9a244462e4fe9a1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2018-01-26T12:14:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2013_Quise Gonçalves Brito.pdf: 3593216 bytes, checksum: e4a81f6bd35f7969f9a244462e4fe9a1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-26T12:14:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2013_Quise Gonçalves Brito.pdf: 3593216 bytes, checksum: e4a81f6bd35f7969f9a244462e4fe9a1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-04 / CAPES / Este estudo realiza uma análise dos fluxos e panoramas de comunicação e consumo engendrados pelas animações japonesas (animês) e a sua potencialidade enquanto recurso cultural de soft power japonês para a gestão da política nacional em um contexto marcado pela intensificação dos processos de transnacionalização dos mercados e globalização da economia. Os animês, produtos de uma efervescente cultura pop japonesa, tornam-se conhecidos e reconhecidos mundialmente em meados da década de 1990. O consumo em torno dessas produções mobiliza constantemente fluxos globais de símbolos, socialidades, ideias, capital, produtos e serviços. O percurso e a dinâmica de circulação dos animês revelam aspectos do processo de mundialização da cultura, bem como de uma nova economia cultura global que sinaliza a crescente importância da gestão cultural para o exercício político e a gestão econômica nacionais. O Soft Power, estratégia de gestão do poder através do uso de fontes de atratividade, entre as quais a cultura, oferece uma ferramenta fundamental nesse sentido. Os animês, tomados como recursos de soft power para o Japão, oferecem através dos panoramas mobilizados grande potencial de colaborar na gestão de três itens que exigem uma reconfiguração dos Estados-nação nesta situação de globalização: a hegemonia cultural, soberania econômica e legitimidade política. / This study performs an analysis of flows and panoramas of communication and consumption engendered by the Japanese animation (anime) and its potentiality as a resource for cultural soft power to manage the Japanese national policy in a context marked by the intensification of the processes of transnationalization of markets and globalization of economy. The anime, products of an effervescent Japanese pop culture, become known and recognized worldwide in the mid-1990s. The consumption around these productions constantly mobilizes global flows of symbols, socialities, ideas, capital, products and services. The route and dynamic of movement of anime reveal aspects of the globalization of culture, as well a new global cultural economy that signals the growing importance of cultural management to exercise political and national economic management. The Soft Power, power management strategy through the use of sources of attractiveness, including culture, offers a fundamental tool in this regard. The anime, taken as soft power resources to Japan, offers through mobilized panoramas great potential to collaborate in the management of three items that require a reconfiguration of the nation-states in this situation of globalization: cultural hegemony, economic sovereignty and political legitimacy.

La Turquie a connu un nouveau tournant dans les relations entre l'UE et la Turquie le 3 octobre 2005, lorsque les négociations pour la pleine adhésion ont débuté. Lorsque le gouvernement turc de coalition a commencé à améliorer les droits de l'homme et les droits des minorités en Turquie en 1999, l'Union européenne a commencé à adopter une perspective différente sur son adhésion à l'UE. L'objectif de cette étude est de mettre en lumière les progrès réalisés en matière de droits de l'homme et de droits linguistiques des minorités non officielles en Turquie compte tenu de l'adhésion à l'Union européenne. L'étude est basée sur une analyse documentaire, une méthode de recherche en sciences politiques, où nous avons examiné les rapports de progrès et les résolutions du Parlement européen sur les progrès réalisés par la Turquie ainsi que d'autres documents internationaux relatifs à la minorité et/ou aux droits de l'homme et les documents d’archive ottoman et turc. Ces documents ont été examinés sous l'angle des droits linguistiques. Nous avons découvert que la Turquie devrait élargir sa compréhension des minorités et que le turc doit être la langue officielle tandis que toutes les autres langues devraient être reconnues officiellement sans donner un statut de minorité. Donc, si un ressortissant turc veut avoir un emploi dans une unité gouvernementale, il doit connaître le turc alors que sa propre langue maternelle n'est pas interdite, comme en Angleterre et en France, où l'anglais ou le français sont obligatoires alors que toutes les autres langues sont libres à apprendre et pratiquer dans les médias, l'école et en public. / Turkey had a new turning point in EU-Turkey relations on 3 October 2005 when the negotiations for full membership started. When the Turkish government of coalition started to improve human rights and minority rights in Turkey, the European Union commenced to adopt a different perspective on the accession to the EU in 1999. The objective of this study is to shed light on the progress in human rights and linguistic rights of the unofficial minorities in Turkey in view of European Union membership. The study is based on document analysis, one of research methods in political science, where we examined the progress reports and European Parliament resolutions on the progress made by Turkey as well as other international documents related to the minority and/or human rights besides Ottoman and Turkish archives. These documents were examined from the perspective of language rights. We found out that Turkey should broaden its understanding of minorities and the language of the state should be Turkish while all other languages should be recognized officially. So, if one national wants to have a job in any government unit, Turkish must be the official language while their own mother tongue is not forbidden like in England and France where English or French respectively are obligatory while all other languages are free to be learned and practiced in media, school, and in public.

The environment became an established issue on the international political agenda after World War 2. How to preserve natural resources became an issue that concerned several powerful participants, affected by changed conditions in the environmental legislation. This paper is a study of the growing environmental work within the multinational Swedish corporations Boliden, IKEA and SAS and how it was affected by the globalization. The material studied is environmentally related information produced by the companies and also interviews with the Environmental Managers. The information provided has been analyzed and compared with well-known opinions of globalization, trying to find out how the process of globalization has affected the handling of environmental work within the companies. The conclusion is the globalization brings several disadvantages, but it also results in an international legislation and co-operation between different participants, something that does have a positive effect on the environment.

nÃo hà / Esta tese consiste no empenho de construir sociologicamente uma anÃlise e interpretaÃÃo da arquitetura como expressÃo simbÃlica do Estado Nacional. Investiga a gÃnese e caracterÃsticas do estilo Art DÃco e seu uso como forma estÃtica adequada à modelagem da fisionomia da mÃquina estatal. O Art DÃco foi predominante em edifÃcios construÃdos para abrigar a administraÃÃo pÃblica, reorganizada e ampliada, entre os anos 1930 e 1945, no Brasil. A pesquisa propÃe, em especial, uma interpretaÃÃo sociolÃgica do imponente edifÃcio da EstaÃÃo FerroviÃria Central do Brasil, erguido na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, entre os anos de 1936 e 1943, concebido consoante aquele estilo. Esse marco arquitetÃnico à analisado como obra referencial do ideÃrio modernizante do Estado centralizador e autoritÃrio que entÃo emergia. / The purpose of this thesis is to sociologically construct an analysis and interpretation of architecture as a symbolic expression of the Nation State. The genesis and characteristics of the Art Deco style are investigated, as well as its use as an aesthetic form suited to modelling the physiognomy of the machine of state. Art Deco predominated in buildings constructed to house the public administration, which had been reorganised and extended between 1930 and 1945 in Brazil. In particular, this research proposes to formulate a sociological interpretation of the imposing edifice of the Central do Brasil Railway Station, constructed in the city of Rio de Janeiro between 1936 and 1943, which was designed in the Art Deco style. This architectural landmark is analyzed as a reference work of the modernizing thinking of the centralizing and authoritarian state that was emerging at the time.

Mesmo sendo uma condição indispensável para que ocorra o desenvolvimento humano, o crescimento econômico nem sempre é convertido eficientemente em qualidade de vida pelos Estados-nação. Deste modo, o presente trabalho teve o objetivo de mensurar a eficiência social dos países, que expressa à capacidade de um Estado-nação converter sua riqueza produzida em qualidade de vida, e de determinar fatores que possam explicá-la. Como hipóteses de pesquisa para esses fatores, foram considerados: (i) a atuação do Estado, do Mercado e da Sociedade Civil; (ii) o estoque de capital físico, natural, humano, cultural, social e institucional; (iii) a presença de liberdades política, econômica e de expressão; (iv) o efeito do próprio desenvolvimento humano; e (v) outras características socioeconômicas dos países. Para que esse objetivo fosse alcançado, foram utilizadas as técnicas: (a) Análise Envoltória de Dados (DEA), em sua forma padrão, cruzada, invertida e tripla; (b) regressão linear simples; (c) clusterização por eficiência; (d) método k-means; e (e) testes estatísticos de diferença entre médias. Os principais resultados obtidos indicaram que as ex-repúblicas soviéticas e os países de passado socialista foram os que mais se destacaram na eficiência social; já os países desenvolvidos, apesar de apresentarem elevados indicadores sociais, sendo altamente eficazes, não se destacaram na eficiência; os países do sul da África, por sua vez, além de possuírem a pior condição social, foram também os mais ineficientes. Quanto aos fatores explicativos da eficiência social, concluiu-se que possuem impacto positivo: (1) a taxa básica de juros; (2) a taxa bruta de investimentos; (3) a taxa de estradas pavimentadas; (4) a taxa de alfabetização; (5) o número de médicos per capita; (6) a liberdade fiscal; (7) além de quase todos os outputs sociais utilizados na análise de eficiência, com exceção da inflação. Por outro lado, os fatores que se relacionam negativamente com a eficiência são: (a) o saldo da balança corrente; (b) a quantidade de reservas de petróleo; (c) o PIB per capita; (d) o nível de caridade; (e) a ausência de corrupção; (f) a liberdade de investimento e financeira; (g) a liberdade política e de expressão; (h) a taxa de fecundidade na adolescência; (i) a taxa de infectados com HIV; e (j) o nível de emissões de \'CO IND.2\'. Apesar de alguns resultados encontrados terem sido bastante polêmicos, afastando-se tanto do senso comum quanto de teorias estabelecidas, acredita-se que o presente trabalho contribuiu para lançar luz sobre um novo e fértil campo de pesquisa, denominado eficiência social. / Despite being a prerequisite for occurring development, economic growth is not always fully converted into welfare or quality of life, since countries have different levels of efficiency in carrying out this conversion. Thus, this study aimed to determine the efficiency of Nation-states to convert their wealth produced in quality of life (social efficiency) and, subsequently, to investigate the impact in this efficiency of the factors: (i) performance of the State, Market and Civil Society; (ii) stock of physical , natural, human, cultural, social and institutional capital; (iii) political , economic and expression freedoms; (iv) human development itself; and (v) other socioeconomic characteristics of the countries. To accomplish this goal, we have used: (a) Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) in its standard, cross, reversed and triple form; (b) simple linear regression; (c) clustering for efficiency; (d) k-means method; and (e) statistical tests of differences between means. The main results indicate that the ex-Soviet republics and the countries of the socialist past were most outstanding in social efficiency; whereas the developed countries, although having high social indicators, i.e., high efficacy, not were excelled in efficiency; the countries of southern Africa, in turn, have the worst social condition, and were also the most inefficient. As for the explanatory factors of social efficiency, it was concluded that had positive impact the variables: (1) prime rate; (2) gross rate of investment; (3) rate of paved roads; (4) literacy rate; (5) number of doctors per capita; (6) fiscal freedom; (7) and the most social indicators that were used in the analysis of efficiency, with the exception of inflation. On the other hand, the factors that are negatively related to efficiency are: (a) current account balance; (b) amount of oil reserves; (c) GDP per capita; (d) level of charity; (e) corruption absence; (f) freedom of investment and financing; (g) political freedom and expression; (h) adolescent fertility rate; (i) the rate of HIV-infected; and (j) level of \'CO IND.2\' emissions. Although some results have been quite controversial, away from both common sense and established theories, it is believed that this work has helped to shed light on a new and fertile field of research called social efficiency.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de NÃvel Superior / Nos paÃses multiÃtnicos, de pÃs-conflito, que viveram processos de libertaÃÃo da dominaÃÃo estrangeira, as identidades culturais, invariavelmente, tÃm mergulhado num processo em que todos os grupos Ãtnicos dentro do prÃprio paÃs lutam para reafirmar a sua posiÃÃo no processo de formaÃÃo do Estado NaÃÃo. A afirmaÃÃo das identidades de grupos Ãtnicos, nos paÃses de pÃs-conflito, adquirem proporÃÃes cada vez maiores em Ãmbitos contemporÃneos e apresentam nuances semelhantes nas mÃltiplas representaÃÃes como sujeitos de pÃs-conflito. Esta dissertaÃÃo tem como centro dinamizador perceber como participantes de diferentes grupos Ãtnicos constroem representaÃÃes sobre a formaÃÃo do Estado-naÃÃo, no Timor-Leste, apÃs a independÃncia ocorrida em 20 de maio de 2002. Como recorte empÃrico, os sujeitos que foram envolvidos nesta pesquisa sÃo estudantes timorenses que residem atualmente no Brasil com o intuito de aqui realizarem a sua formaÃÃo de pÃs-graduaÃÃo em universidades brasileiras; mais especificamente, estudantes de duas Universidades Federais no Brasil: Universidade Federal do Cearà (UFC) e a Universidade Federal de GoiÃnia (UFG). O objetivo central à traÃar um paralelo entre as representaÃÃes sobre as identidades Ãtnicas e sobre a construÃÃo de identidades timorenses no processo de construÃÃo do Estado-naÃÃo, realizadas por sujeitos pertencentes a diferentes grupos Ãtnicos que existem no paÃs; grupos esses que participam ativamente em acontecimentos conflituosos no perÃodo pÃs-independÃncia. A metodologia utilizada foi a de narrativas de vida que compÃem o material empÃrico analisado na dissertaÃÃo / The cultural identities in post-conflict countries where a constant layer of a process among all ethnic groups within the country to reaffirm its position in the formation of the nation. The identities of an ethnic group in the post-conflict always buy some proportions increasing through nuances in contemporary fields such as subject in the multiple representations of post-conflict. This dissertation is to address these propellers proactive in ethnic groups that represent the identities of ethnic groups in East Timor after independence in twenty of May two thousand and two. To cut this research, the subjects who were involved in this interview are the entities Timorese living in Brazil for the training process of the study in two Federal Universities in Brazil: Universidade Federal do Cearà (UFC) and Universidade Federal de GoiÃnia (UFG). In this sense, the goal is to draw a parallel between the Timorese authorities, of different ethnic groups that exist in the country that make the events of ethnic conflict in the country involving several entities of the ethnic groups after independence

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-02-02T10:24:06Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Robinson Santos Pinheiro - 2015.pdf: 5121274 bytes, checksum: 63e2a7630f544560c2ee6ad27df42c4a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-02-02T10:24:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Robinson Santos Pinheiro - 2015.pdf: 5121274 bytes, checksum: 63e2a7630f544560c2ee6ad27df42c4a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-02T10:24:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Robinson Santos Pinheiro - 2015.pdf: 5121274 bytes, checksum: 63e2a7630f544560c2ee6ad27df42c4a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The literary work Os Sertões (1902), by Euclides da Cunha, is considered a founder of Brazilian nationality. In it, more than narrate and denounce the Canudos War (1896 – 1897), Euclides da Cunha designed a future for Brazil. In his imagination, the future would be in the national integration through the values and pratices of Western modern society. The Euclidean discourse in a systematically way from 1930 to the early twenty-first century becomes the major project for Brazilian State. Integrat the territory from Western modern precepts, is hegemonized as possibility for a “great Brazil”, promoting economic growth and social development, while the second is limited to the first. The thesis aimed to understand the contemporaneity of the Euclidean projetct. For this, we sought to interpret the state of the imaginary form the National Policy for Regional – PNDR – established in 2003. As analysis space, it was interpreted the socio-spatial transformations in the semiarid region during 13 year of operation of the PNDR. Looking closer to “Os Sertões” and the limited space for the study, there was the field and the analysis of Bahia’s micro-region of de Euclides da Cunha, involving nine municipalities. Five municipalities (Euclides da Cunha – old Cumbe -, Monte Santo, Tucano, Uauá, Canudos – old Belo Monte) are mentioned by Euclides da Cunha. Thus, the choice of semi-arid and the micro-region of Euclides da Cunha comes from the fact that these correspond physically and socially whith the space that through PNDR enabled us to verify that the Euclidean project remains in its respective specificity, in the base of the State’s action; thus concludes with the interpretation of modernizing integration imaginary, that this is a process that is not ending. The spatial imagery analysis of Os Sertões and PNDR allowed to understand that in the meeting points of yesterday with “today”, the history of state intervention trought the modernizing integration served as instrument of a cicle for social strutctures (political and economic) conservative. The state does not promote significant improvements to building a more just Brazil. The modernization in the way reproduced in historiy, is a scam legitimized by the sate. And that’s the point of orientation of the analysis / interpretation / reading Os Sertões to contemporary: overcoming the institutionalized deception involving imaginary of Brazilian spaces. / A obra literária Os Sertões (1902), de Euclides da Cunha, é considerada fundante da nacionalidade brasileira. Nela, mais que narrar e denunciar a Guerra de Canudos (1896 – 1897), Euclides da Cunha projetou um futuro para o Brasil. Em seu imaginário, o futuro estaria na integração nacional por meio dos valores e práticas da sociedade moderna Ocidental. O discurso euclidiano, de forma sistemática desde 1930 até o início do século XXI, se torna o grande projeto para o Estado brasileiro. Integrar o território, a partir dos preceitos modernos ocidentais, se hegemoniza enquanto possibilidade de um “Brasil grande”, promovendo o crescimento econômico e o desenvolvimento social, conquanto, o segundo fica circunscrito ao primeiro. A tese objetivou compreender a contemporaneidade do projeto euclidiano. Para isso, se buscou interpretar o imaginário do Estado a partir da Política Nacional de Desenvolvimento Regional – PNDR -, criada em 2003. Como espaço de análise, foi interpretado as transformações socioespaciais ocorridas na região do Semiárido durante os 13 anos de atuação da PNDR. Procurando maior aproximação com “Os Sertões” e o espaço delimitado para estudo, houve o campo e a análise sobre a microrregião baiana de Euclides da Cunha, envolvendo nove municípios. Cinco municípios (Euclides da Cunha – antiga Cumbe -, Monte Santo, Tucano, Uauá e Canudos – antiga Monte Belo) são citados por Euclides da Cunha. Assim, a escolha do Semiárido bem como da microrregião de Euclides da Cunha é oriunda do fato destes corresponderem fisicamente e socialmente com o espaço que envolveu a trama romanesca Os Sertões. A interpretação da integração modernizadora por meio da PNDR possibilitou verificar que o projeto euclidiano permanece, em sua respectiva especificidade, na base da ação do Estado; assim, conclui-se, com a interpretação do imaginário de integração modernizadora, que este é um processo que não se finda. A análise do imaginário espacial de Os Sertões e da PNDR permitiu compreender que, nos pontos de encontro do ontem com o “hoje”, o histórico de intervenção estatal via a integração modernizadora serviu como instrumento de retroalimentação das estruturas sociais (política e econômica) conservadoras. O Estado não promove, portanto, melhoras significativas para a construção de um Brasil mais justo. A modernização, assim, na forma com que se reproduziu na história, é uma farsa legitimada pelo Estado. E aqui se encontra o ponto de orientação da análise/interpretação/leitura de Os Sertões para a contemporaneidade, a superação dos engodos institucionalizados que envolvem o imaginário modernizador dos espaços brasileiro.

M.A. (Political Studies) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Nation State vs. European Integration: Specific Approach of the Kingdom of Denmark ------------------------------------ The doctoral thesis analyses specific approach of Denmark to the European integration process, with focus on the analysis of the public opinion, operationalised by the concept of public euroscepticism. Firstly, the thesis strives do define convenient model of typology of public euroscepticism, able to describe its intensity and different forms. Secondly, case study of Denmark as a pure example of a small nation state is applied to this model. Firstly, the case study describes basic pillars of the Danish society, as the perception of the nation state, economic model of the welfare state, political system etc. Furthermore it analyses political and public debates before the "European" referendums and in relation to other milestones and priorities of the Danish EC/EU membership. Special attention is given to the analysis of Danish opt-outs of the Treaty of Maastricht, its causes, consequences and future. The outcomes of the analysis are used together with Eurobarometer surveys to define the typology of Danish public euroscepticism and its development. It is characterized as soft and sovereignty-based with decreasing tendency. It is true to say that especially the perception of the state sovereignty and national identity within Denmark, i.e. other small nation states, as a consequence of the nation state concept, is one of the main factors influencing its approach to the European integration quite significantly.

The work overviews the formation process of the European integration after the end of the Cold war and also the evolution of the notion of 'the Westphalian sovereignty' in the framework of the maintenance of the EU CFSP. It is assumed that under the conditions of a political transformation of the category 'the Westphalian sovereignty' in the framework of the EU CFSP it is intensified and requires again as a special political and practical attention, as scientific elaboration in order to figure out the perspectives of the development of the EU as the whole. As the object of this work the category of 'the Westphalia sovereignty' and its evolution in the framework of the European integration processes are taken. The subject of the work is connected with the analysis of the phenomenon of the Westphalian sovereignty in the frames of building of common European defense and security policy of the EU. The main purpose of the work is closely entwined with the identification of significant peculiarities of the ongoing transformation of the CFSP and their influence on the category of 'the Westphalian sovereignty'.