Cette thèse propose une analyse, en philosophie sociale, de la relocalisation alimentaire qui prend corps, depuis une trentaine d’années environ, dans les sociétés industrialisées. Ce phénomène est fait des initiatives coopératives qui, à l’échelle locale, visent à rapprocher consommateurs et producteurs de denrées alimentaires. Notre recherche ambitionne de mettre au jour la filiation de la relocalisation alimentaire et du socialisme. Surtout, elle entend travailler la signification profonde de cette parenté :la relocalisation alimentaire préfigure ce qu’une société relocalisée pourrait être. En effet, le lien rattachant la relocalisation alimentaire au socialisme génère la proposition normative suivante :la relocalisation alimentaire altère le socialisme en confrontant son projet de société à une exigence spatiale que sa matrice doctrinale contient sans lui donner l’envergure qu’elle devrait avoir. Cette exigence spatiale renvoie à la dimension locale de la coopération économique véritable. Elle indique que, si cette dimension est prise en compte, elle affecte nécessairement – dans le sens d’une diminution – la taille du territoire recouvert par la société dans la mesure où celle-ci est aussi une forme matérielle. Cette proposition normative s’édifie sur deux chantiers. Le premier est théorique :on y montre comment le socialisme peut prendre en charge la dimension spatiale de l’intégration du social en une société. Le deuxième est heuristique ;il s’attache à déceler, au niveau des initiatives alimentaires locales, les signes de ce qu’une représentation différente de la société est en train d’émerger, et qu’elle accorde une saillance particulière au territoire. / This thesis proposes an analysis, in social philosophy, of the food relocalization that has been taking shape, over the last thirty years or so, in industrialized societies. This phenomenon is made up of cooperative initiatives which, at the local level, aim to bring consumers and food producers closer together. Our research aims to uncover the link between food relocalization and socialism. Above all, it intends to work on the deep meaning of this link: food relocalization prefigures what a relocalized society could be. Indeed, the relation of food relocalization to socialism generates the following normative proposal: food relocalization alters socialism by confronting its project of a society with a spatial requirement that its doctrinal matrix contains without giving it the scope it should have. This spatial requirement refers to the local dimension of genuine economic cooperation. It indicates that, if this dimension is taken into account, it necessarily affects – in the sense of a decrease – the size of the territory covered by society insofar as it is also a material form. This normative proposal is based on two areas of work. The first is theoretical: it shows how socialism can take charge of the spatial dimension of the integration of the social into a a society. The second is heuristic; it seeks to detect, at the level of local food initiatives, the signs that a different representation of society is emerging and that it gives a particular salience to territory. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

<p>The proliferation of Internet access has enabled the rapid and widespread exchange of information globally. The world wide web has become the primary communications platform for many people and has surpassed other traditional media outlets in terms of reach and influence. However, many nation-states impose various levels of censorship on their citizens' Internet communications. There is little consensus about what constitutes “objectionable” online content deserving of censorship. Some people consider the censor activities occurring in many nations to be violations of international human rights (e.g., the rights to freedom of expression and assembly). This multi-study dissertation explores Internet censorship methods and systems. By using combinations of quantitative, qualitative, and systematic literature review methods, this thesis provides an interdisciplinary view of the domain of Internet censorship. The author presents a reference model for Internet censorship technologies: an abstraction to facilitate a conceptual understanding of the ways in which Internet censorship occurs from a system design perspective. The author then characterizes the technical threats to Internet communications, producing a comprehensive taxonomy of Internet censorship methods as a result. Finally, this work provides a novel research framework for revealing how nation-state censors operate based on a globally representative sample. Of the 70 nations analyzed, 62 used at least one Internet censorship method against their citizens. The results reveal worldwide trends in Internet censorship based on historical evidence and Internet measurement data. </p>

[pt] Esta dissertação discute as bases heteronormativas do Estado-Nação que permitem a consolidação do critério de orientação sexual como fundamento para perseguição e genocídio. A partir de uma alegoria com o símbolo utilizado na identificação de homossexuais nos campos de concentração nazistas, o Estado-Nação, a sexualidade e o genocídio constituem os três vértices condutores desta pesquisa. A metodologia adotada baseia-se na curiosidade intelectual queer proposta por Cynthia Weber (2016), a partir da qual a dissertação busca esclarecer a íntima relação entre processos genocidas e o papel exercido pela sexualidade e pelo gênero na linguagem disciplinar coletiva de (re)produção do Estado Nacional enquanto forma de organização política. O argumento principal é de que, baseada neste modelo, a centralização da autoridade política soberana idealiza a homogeneidade nacional a partir, também, de critérios ligados ao gênero e à sexualidade. Buscando alcançá-la, os Estados são capazes de empreender práticas de violência e genocídio para com os sujeitos desviantes, através de processos de homogeneização patológica (RAE, 2002). A partir de uma contextualização final com um estudo de caso histórico do genocídio de homossexuais durante o regime nazista (1933-1945), analisa-se como sistemas normativos ligados ao gênero e à sexualidade foram inextricáveis da construção da homossexualidade como ameaça ao Estado-Nação alemão - antes, durante e após o período do genocídio propriamente. Tendo em vista estas continuidades e a persistência de atos violentos contra sujeitos sexualmente desviantes, aponta-se para a possível presença de um continuum genocida (SCHEPER-HUGHES, 2007) heteronormativo na política internacional contemporânea. / [en] This Master s thesis discusses the heteronormative foundations of the Nation-State that allowed for the consolidation of a sexual orientation criterion as the basis for persecution and genocide. Using the identification symbol worn by homosexuals in Nazi concentration camps as an allegory; sexuality, genocide, and Nation-State constitute the three guiding vertices of this research. The adopted methodology is based on Cynthia Weber s (2016) queer intellectual curiosity , through which the thesis seeks to investigate the close relationship between genocide processes and the role of sexuality and gender in the collective disciplinary language of the Nation-State s (re)production as a form of political organization. The main argument is that, through this model, the centralization of sovereign political authority idealizes national homogeneity also based on criteria related to gender and sexuality. To achieve this homogeneity, States are capable of engaging in practices of violence and genocide towards deviant subjects through pathological homogenization processes (RAE, 2002). From a final contextualization with a historical case study of the genocide of homosexuals during the Nazi regime (1933-1945), this thesis analyzes how normative systems linked to gender and sexuality were inextricable from the construction of homosexuality as a threat to Germany - before, during and even after the genocide itself. Given these continuities and the persistence of violent acts against sexually deviant subjects, the research points out the possible presence of a heteronormative genocide continuum (SCHEPER-HUGHES, 2007) in contemporary world politics.

在本篇論文中，筆者試圖從「戰爭」的角度來描繪現代性的樣貌。戰爭如何刻劃著現代性呢？如何從戰爭與現代性的相互理解中來認識我們的時代、我們的生活呢？從西方歷史的發展軸線來看，在過去三百多年來有三件標誌著時代變化的重大事件：1789年的法國大革命（伴隨著十九世紀初的拿破崙戰爭）、1906年與1917年的俄國革命（伴隨著第一次世界大戰1914-1918年）、2001年美國紐約世貿大樓所經歷的911恐怖攻擊。這些事件都在一定程度上為我們揭示了現代性的深層變動。所以，在本篇論文中，筆者嘗試依循著這些重大的歷史事件，從社會學的知識發展傳統來提出整理和說明，並且，也希望從戰爭與現代性的切入角度來對未來的發展提出一些可能的思考方向。 在導論中，筆者從兩個小節來分別切入主題。首先，在「研究動機」這一節所提出的問題是：「社會學為何缺乏戰爭的研究？」我們試圖從十八世紀後半葉以來社會學知識發展的脈絡來加以回答。基本上，我們會發現到，以資本主義生活為基底所形成的「社會」這個概念，抑制了戰爭在社會學中的發展。其次，在第二節「問題意識」中，主要是從「社會學要如何研究戰爭？」這樣的提問，來檢討「民族國家與戰爭」這個命題。在其中我們可以發現到，社會學往往從「民族國家」出發來觸及戰爭現象的研究；但是，這容易落入只是對國家軍事「制度」和「組織」的研究，對於戰爭的思考可以引發的知識作用，以及戰爭理論和概念的建構就顯得相對匱乏。所以，我們試圖從政治社會學中「國家－社會」之間關係的討論，以及克勞塞維茲所提出的「政治－戰爭」之命題，從兩者的結合中進一步提出整體論文的分析架構（三個思考戰爭的典範）。 從第二章到第四章的討論中，筆者依序整理出三個具代表性的思考戰爭議題的社會學典範：「民族國家－總體戰」、「階級鬥爭－游擊戰」、「生命政治－社會內戰」。三種「政治－戰爭」的類型也正分別代表三種不同的政治社會學立場與分析的延伸（韋伯的「民族國家就是社會」、馬克思主義者的「國家與市民社會的對抗」、傅柯的「從權力分析國家與社會」）。我們最終希望能在三個類型彼此之間形成一個對話與思考的空間，從而呈顯出一種現代性的戰爭考察。 基本上，在三個類型的建構上，是沿著與克勞塞維茲的對話來前進的。首先，「民族國家－總體戰」這個類型是具有原型的意義，因為，以民族國家為主體的戰爭正是現代性的根本特點之一。民族國家的戰爭標示出有限戰爭（封建）與絕對戰爭（現代）的差異，而二十世紀上半葉的歷史也早已告訴我們集合全民意志的「總體戰」所帶來的驚人效果。此外，從韋伯的分析中，我們也企圖賦予克勞塞維茲的戰爭理論更多的社會學內涵。不同於克勞塞維茲將民族國家等同於社會這樣的整體觀，列寧依循著馬克思的思考傳統，強調社會內部階級差異的重要性，並且，配合著對於當時資本主義的帝國主義性質之理解，而提出以「階級戰爭」來面對總體戰（第一次世界大戰）的戰略想法，這也就導致了民族國家與階級鬥爭兩者政治思考的融合。此後，在二次大戰與冷戰時代的第三世界革命中，游擊戰成為了最重要的戰鬥形式，這樣的形式也挑戰了以民族國家為戰爭主體的正規性框架。正規戰（總體戰）╱非正規戰（游擊戰）所帶來的差異為現代性的戰爭研究帶來了深刻的思想衝擊。傅柯則更進一步地拆解了整體同質社會的看法，不僅存在於階級這組權力關係，權力會在各個微觀的層面上不斷地運作。他翻轉了克勞塞維茲的戰爭命題，以戰爭（略）的權力模式批判了霍布斯的主權－法律模式。戰爭不僅是存在於國界邊境上的實際戰鬥，而是會瀰漫在整體社會的權力關係中。由權力關係形塑的個體（主體）如何整合進社會整體之中，正是現代民族國家生存與強化實力的重大任務，治安的政治技術扮演了關鍵的角色，傅柯延續著治安的想法，而以「生命政治」來作為描述當代政治理性的核心概念，替代過去國家理性的想法。有別於傳統的戰略思想，從生命政治的角度，傅柯對後現代與全球化的戰爭思考帶來了深遠的影響。最後，筆者也希望去凸顯出，在戰爭的歷史發展軸線中，「人民」形象的變化，並且，當「戰爭」的議題置入政治社會學三種「國家－社會」關係的思考模式時，不同的知識典範之間所形成的一種知識上的緊張性與相互撞擊，進而能夠使我們對於民族國家與社會之間的關係有更深度的思考。 在第五章中，我們嘗試從戰爭的角度來切進全球化的議題。從「全球化與戰爭」這樣的面向，來提出兩個主要的思考脈絡：「全球化與民族國家」以及「民主與戰爭」。儘管諸多全球性的危機和發展都使得民族國家的權力顯得軟弱無力，但是，從戰爭的角度來切入思考，全球化是否真的或如何改變了長期以民族國家為戰爭主體的現代性。此外，在全球政治秩序的形成過程中，民主作為當前的普世價值卻弔詭地成為發動戰爭的語意，其中的成因也是我們探究的焦點。為了釐清上述的問題，我們整理出兩個主要的理論思考模式：哈伯瑪斯的「後民族格局」以及Hardt和Negri的「帝國」模式。基本上，我們並不試圖採取上述任何一種立場，而是提出以戰爭的角度，來重新思考民族國家此一現代戰爭主體在全球化進程中的變化。 在結論中，筆者指出當前相關的理論發展糾結在下面三種可能的思考取徑之中：馬基維利的國家理性、康德的永久和平、傅柯的戰爭與秩序（社會內戰、生命政治）。並且，還進一步地從國內外當前的學術潮流與發展情形，來評估本論文的意義與未來可能性。同時希望「戰爭」作為新的理論元素，能為政治社會學的發展開拓出更多的思考面向。

Today, different parts of a value chain operate in different places, different firms may hold ranges of brands with different national heritages, and leaders, shareholders and customers are widely spread across the world. Policy makers are facing new challenges as national borders define less and less of corporate thinking. In this paper, we argue that there is a need to find a new way of how to understand the relationship between business and nation-states. The theoretical framework was constructed by breaking down the concept of national identity of companies. We found four different aspects that we argue can connect business to nations, and in the empirical study, our ambition is to test this framework. By conducting the study using qualitative content analysis, we aim to answer the research question of if it possible to understand the national identity of companies through different aspects of business, and if so, how this is reflected in the national trade policies of four countries. Our results showed that by looking beyond the traditional view of national identity of companies, policy makers have three important factors to take into regards when considering their relations to business; location, culture and contribution.

A bibliografia comumente apresenta a Revolução Liberal de 1842, em São Paulo e Minas Gerais, ora como dois eventos similares, mas não exatamente articulados, ora como uma rebelião única, mas sem objetivos claros e condições reais de sucesso. Em ambos os casos o movimento é encarado como pontual e fruto da ambição por poder de um grupo social abastado. No entanto, a reconstituição da trama política e militar nas províncias de São Paulo e Minas Gerais, nesse período, oferece entendimentos diversos e subsídios para pensar a prática política e a formação do Estado Nacional no Brasil da primeira metade do século XIX. Conflitos de interesse, perspectivas locais em busca de espaço político além dos limites provinciais, envolvimento significativo de cidadãos, embate entre projetos políticos são alguns dos elementos presentes no movimento armado de 1842. Tendo como ponto central o longo desenrolar da guerra entre o acirramento dos ânimos e a anistia dos rebeldes , este trabalho procura dar nova reconfiguração às relações de força e interesses existentes nos anos finais da Regência e iniciais do Segundo Reinado, particularmente entre 1838 e 1844. Por fim, pretende-se problematizar a emergência e as implicações dos confrontos armados, em especial no tocante às articulações das províncias com o governo central, explicitando-se os grupos em conflito e seus projetos, bem como aprofundar a reflexão a respeito da política imperial nessa época. / The literature commonly presents the Liberal Revolution of 1842 in São Paulo and Minas Gerais, either as two similar events though not exactly articulated or as a single rebellion, but without clear goals and actual conditions of success. In both situations, the movement is seen as timely and fruit of greed for power from a wealthy social group. However, the reconstitution of political and military plot in the provinces of São Paulo and Minas Gerais of that period, offers different understandings and subsidies to think over the political practice and the formation of the Nation-State in Brazil during the first half of the nineteenth century. Conflicts of interest, local perspectives in search of political space beyond the provincial boundaries, meaningful involvement of citizens and the clash of political projects are some of the elements in the armed movement of 1842. With a focus over the course of the war - between the sharpening of minds and amnesty for rebels - this paper aims to give new reconfiguration to the relation between power and interests in the final years of the Regency and the early Second Empire, particularly between 1838 and 1844. Finally, we intend to discuss the emergence and implications of armed clashes, especially in relation to the joining of the provinces with the central government, explaining the conflicting groups and their projects, and deepen the discussion about the imperial policy at that time.

A literatura brasileira tem sido isolada dos estudos literários (acadêmicos, críticos e historiográficos) que tentam dar conta da chamada Literatura latinoamericana. Com um enfoque comparatista da produção historiográfica literária da Argentina e do Brasil românticos, esta pesquisa tem por objeto colocar em relação direta os processos discursivos que as elites letradas de cada país elaboraram no momento de criar (inventar) as nações emergentes. Desta forma se busca ressaltar as semelhanças dos processos sem extenuar nem forçar as comparações. O projeto contempla, também, a possibilidade de colocar em evidência alguns aspectos problemáticos das chamadas literaturas nacionais na atualidade. Para isso, analisar-se-á um corpus de textos de historiografia literária de ambos os países no contexto da produção historiográfica latinoamericana no século XIX, em particular, e ocidental, em geral. As ideias de romantismo, nacionalismo e historiografia literária e liberal do século XIX conformam o pano de fundo no qual se inscreve o projeto. / Brazilian literatura has been taken aside from literary studies (as academical, critical and historiographical) that try to comprise the so-called Latin American Literature. Based on a comparison between Argentinean and Brazilian historiographical literary production of romantic writers, this research had as object to make a direct relation between the discursive processe elaborated by the literate elites of each country while creating (inventing) emerging Nations-Satates. Therefore, we intend to emphasize the similarities of the processes without exhaust or forcing comparisons. The project considers also the possibility of highlighting some problematic aspects of the so-called current national literatures. In this regard, a corpus of written literary historiography of both countries will be analyzed in the historiographical production context of Latin America, particulary, and Occident, in general, during the 19th century. Ideas of romanticism, nationalism, and literary and liberal historiography configure the backdrop in wich the project is inscribed.

Dans cette recherche, nous avons opté pour une méthode à la fois descriptive, analytique et documentaire, fondée sur la collecte de données : enquêtes, entretiens et ressources de bibliothèque.Les résultats montrent qu’un pays nouvellement créé a besoin, pour se développer, de s’appuyer sur un sentiment d'intégration et d'identité nationale. Il semble que ce soit la raison fondamentale de la revendication par les Emirats arabes unis de ces îles appartenant à l’Iran, seul pays non arabe du golfe Persique. A travers ces revendications, les Emirats arabes unis ont pour objectif la création d’un Etat-nation. / In this research, we opted for a method that is descriptive, analytical and documentary, based on the collection of data in the forms of surveys, interviews and library resources. The results show that a newly created country, for its development, needs to build on a sense of integration and national identity. It seems that this is the fundamental reason for the claim by the United Arab Emirates on these islands belonging to Iran, the only non-Arab country of the Persian Gulf. Through these claims, the United Arab Emirates aim to creat a nation -state.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CARLOS LUIZ DAMACENA.pdf: 1834605 bytes, checksum: c68500fbee24a7adcafb6cbf627de3b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-02 / This dissertation analyses the mismaches of the European Integration process, after the rejection of the first Constitucional Treaty in 2009 by the French and Dutch electorates, interrupting a constitutional process of political union, which was happenning then. We base on the theoretical approach of Postfuncionalism, which considers classical schools, as Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernamentalism, unable to respond to the new facts that are happening in the European Union, as well as their questionings. The subject leads to a discussion about the deepening of the economic block in the direction of a political union, which has been led by elections and referendums,besides the mobilization of public opinion and political parties, showing that the crisis in the regional integration is caused not only by economic problems, but also by political ones, caused by the absence of an European identity. In this debate, the elaboration of an European demos, in confrontation with national identities, constitutes a critical contestatory ingredient in Europe. / Esta dissertação analisa os descompassos ocorridos no processo de integração europeia, após a rejeição do Primeiro Tratado Constitucional em 2005 pelos eleitores da França e da Holanda, interrompendo o processo constitucional para uma União Política então em curso. Tem-se como embasamento a abordagem teórica do pós-funcionalismo, que considera escolas clássicas, como o Neofuncionalismo e o Intergovernamentalismo Liberal, incapazes de responder aos questionamentos dos novos fatos que têm ocorrido na União Europeia. O tema leva à discussão a respeito do aprofundamento do bloco econômico em direção a uma união política que tem sido conduzida por eleições e referendos, além da mobilização da opinião pública e dos partidos políticos, apontando que a crise na integração regional é provocada não somente por problemas econômicos, mas também políticos, devido à ausência de uma identidade europeia. Nesse debate, a elaboração de um demos europeu, em confronto com a identidade nacional, manifesta-se como crítico ingrediente contestatório na Europa.

Nombreux sont ceux qui pensent que la dissolution de la Yougoslavie commence et finit au Kosovo. Il s’agit d’une suite logique de l’éclatement yougoslave une fédération fragile composée des différentes nationalités. Province autonome sous l’ère de Tito de 1974 - 1989, le Kosovo avait des prérogatives similaires à une république. Le régime de Milosevic supprima cette autonomie déclenchant ainsi des violences et des tensions. Face aux incessantes violations de leurs droits fondamentaux, les Albanais du Kosovo ont d’abord opté pour une résistance pacifique, toutes en boycottant les institutions serbes et yougoslaves. Ils ont réussi à crée une véritable société parallèle, une sorte d’Etat dans l’Etat. Les guerres yougoslaves ont initié la création des nouveaux Etats, il s’agit d’un processus de redéfinition des identités nationales de l’ex-Yougoslavie qui met en relation plusieurs conceptions de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Il y a de bonnes raisons de penser que la naissance d’un Etat du Kosovo peut amener la création d’une nouvelle Nation, cependant la création de cette nation suppose une conscience partagée et des circonstances politiques favorables. L’objectif de cette recherche était d’argumenter les causes de l’effondrement violent de l’ex-Yougoslavie et de tirer les enseignements d’une accession mouvementée et parfois tragique du Kosovo à l’indépendance et consistait aussi à analyser les difficultés, pour une société composite et fragmentée, d’accéder au XXIème siècle à la souveraineté nationale. Il ressort de cette thèse que la cause principale de l’effondrement violent de l’ancienne Yougoslavie était le programme national serbe qui cherchait à créer la Grande Serbie et que l’indépendance du Kosovo, au lendemain de la désintégration yougoslave, était la seule solution possible qui pouvait assurer la paix et la stabilité dans la région. / Many people believe that the dissolution of Yugoslavia begins and ends in Kosovo. This is a logical continuation of the Yugoslav breakup a fragile federation composed of various nationalities. Autonomous province under the Tito’s era of 1974 - 1989, Kosovo had similar powers to a republic. Milosevic 's regime abolished Kosovo’s autonomy triggering violence and tensions. Faced with constant violations of their human rights, Kosovo Albanians opted for a peaceful resistance, all by boycotting Serbian and Yugoslav institutions. They managed to create a real parallel society, a kind of State in the State. The Yugoslav wars initiated the creation of new States, it is a process of redefining of the national identities of the former Yugoslavia which connects several conceptions of nation and citizenship. There are good reasons to belive that the birth of Kosovo State can cause the creation of a new nation, however, the creation of this nation requires a shared awareness and favorable political circumstances. This thesis aims to argue the causes of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia and to learn of a turbulent and sometimes tragic accession of Kosovo to independence and also to analyze the challenge and difficulties for a composite and fragmented society, to access in the 21st century to national sovereignty. This research showed that the main cause of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia was the Serbian national program that sought to create a Greater Serbia and that Kosovo's independence after the disintegration of Yougoslavia was the only possible solution that could ensure peace and stability in the region.