A vasta obra de Lev Nikoláievitch Tolstói inclui um intenso trabalho pedagógico. A partir do final da década de 1850, e até o fim de sua vida, Tolstói dedicou-se também a escrever duas cartilhas e quatro livros de leitura, todos empregados na alfabetização do povo russo, durante décadas, não apenas na Escola de Iásnaia Poliana, mas igualmente em várias escolas daquele país. Além de apresentar a tradução do Terceiro Livro de Leitura e de expor algumas das soluções encontradas durante o processo de tradução da referida obra, esta Dissertação procura mostrar a importância desta fase literária de Lev N. Tolstói, ainda pouco conhecida do leitor brasileiro e, em meu entender, essencial para uma melhor compreensão da literatura que ele produziu no período que a crítica literária em geral chamou de crise que acometeu o escritor. Optei por acrescentar a tradução da correspondência mantida entre Lev N. Tolstói e Mahatma K. Gandhi porque entendo estar nela, tratada de maneira mais explícita do que em outros textos, a questão da não-violência, essencial, por sua vez, à compreensão da produção literária que inclui sua obra pedagógica. / Lev Nikolayevich Tolstoys vast creative work includes an intense pedagogic activity. From 1858 to 1875 Tolstoy wrote two ABCs and four books of reading for the alphabetization of the Russian people, not only for the pupils of the school of Yasnaya Polyana, but equally for many other schools around the country. Beyond presenting the translation of the Third Book of Reading and exposing some solutions found out during the translation process, this dissertation aims to show how important was this phase in Lev Tolstoys literary life. Although not much known in Brazil, this phase, in our understanding, is essential for a better comprehension of the literary period the critics use to call the crisis time in Tolstoys life. We add a translation of the letters exchanged between Tolstoy and Gandhi dealing with the non-violence question, an essential one to understand the Tolstoyan literary creative work.

The academic interest in diasporas has mushroomed in recent decades. More specifically, a debate about the role of diasporas in violence/peace and whether these groups should be seen as spurring violence from afar or acting as agents of peace. This thesis contributes to this debate by investigating the Tibetan diaspora in Sweden. The Tibetan diaspora has not yet to featured in this debate, and their role has in general been undertheorized. As this diaspora is traditionally considered a Buddhist diaspora, the work also relates to and draws on a second academic debate, ie. the Buddhism-violence nexus. The research questions addressed were:  (1) In what way has the conflict in Tibet had an impact of the lives of the members of the Tibetan diaspora in Sweden, and how, if at all, do they respond to it? and (2) Do members of the Tibetan diaspora in Sweden believe that there is room within Tibetan Buddhism to legitimize violence, and if yes; how and under what circumstances? These questions were answered through semi-structured interviews with fourteen adult members of the Tibetan diaspora in Sweden. Two analytical frames were adopted, one being the Triadic Relationship of diasporas and the second Igor Kopytoff’s Frontier Model. The findings suggest that the conflict in Tibet has influenced the interviewees both practically and emotionally. The interviewees shared a view of Buddhism as utterly non-violent but saw Buddhists as human beings, and as such; capable of violence. Buddhism is perceived as something distant and as posing ideals that cannot be achieved. Besides what the Frontier Model suggests two other potential explanatory models presented themselves. Firstly, that the answers were influenced by the particular-ness of the diaspora setting as detached from the homeland conflict, hence enabling diaspora members to keep an idealized stance. Secondly, that Tibetan Buddhism is a particularly peaceful branch of Buddhism and that a more nuanced understanding of the religion is needed when discussing the Buddhism-violence nexus.

This thesis presents a quantitative study that aims to investigate whether Brian Martin is right in his theory about how more powerful actors have a greater capacity to prevent outrage and anger after opressions and thus suffer less from political jiu-jitsu, a process in which oppression becomes counterproductive. This is done by looking at whether more powerful regimes getaway more easily with repressing nonviolent campaigns. By designing a measuring scale for the scope of political jiu-jitsu, the connection between the scope and three different aspects of power - national capacity, wealth and state oppression - is investigated. The results shows that the more powerful the oppressive states are in terms of national capacity and wealth, the less extensive political jiu-jitsu. On the other hand, a higher degree of state oppression results in more extensive political jiu-jitsu. The results linked to the degree of staterepression are statistically significant and it can thus be said that the differences in the extent of political jiu-jitsu are not due to chance. The results indicate that more powerful states getaway with repressing nonviolent campaigns more easily, if power is measured in terms ofnational capacity or wealth. If, on the other hand, power is measured in the amount of noppression, it is more costly for the states that exercise more oppression.

In this article, I offer not only an alternative but also a superior account of how we might reconcile Gandhi’s perpetrator and victimhood perspectives on violence (himsa). Appealing to both critical social studies and philosophy, I emphasize both the intersections of these two perspectives and their intersection with his metaphysics. I reject the standard approaches to reconciling Gandhi’s commitment to nonviolence with his remarks on the occasional necessity and unavoidability of violence. Instead, I focus on how truth-seekers use their political freedom to ‘pass over,’ or cross and join, many different social viewpoints to gain knowledge and insight concerning the minimum of violence compatible with keeping everyone a path to ahimsa (nonviolence), truth and transcendence. Further, I contend my account of the intersections of nonviolence, violence, truth, and transcendence helps clarify a Gandhian contribution to UNESCO’s vision of knowledge societies through highlighting the kinds of knowledge required for such a path.

This thesis paper set out to investigate the research puzzle of why some nonviolent conflicts lead to democratisation while others do not, as well as what explains this variation. A time series, cross-case comparison between the Arab Spring revolutions of Tunisia and Egypt was conducted exploring the link between organisational structure of prominent organisations participating in the movement and the success or failure of the countries’ later democratisation efforts. The hypothesis formulated claims that formal organisational structures are more likely to lead to successful democratisation. After the empirical material was collected, the results of the analysis lead to the conclusion that there is a link between organisational structure and successful or failed democratisation via the mediating variables of clear leadership and the presence of durable organisations. Afterwards, the limitations of the study are discussed. To strengthen the existing body of literature, potential avenues for future research are presented.

Pentecostals were the largest religious group among conscientious objectors in Sweden between 1967 and 1971, a time characterized by passionate debates on the ethics of war in the shadows of Vietnam and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This thesis aims to review and analyze how the Pentecostal periodicals Evangelii Härold and Dagen described and ethically motivated military violence and pacifism in different contexts during this period. The purpose is to identify potential motivations for pacifism and/or military support during a time when a large number of Pentecostals refused to bear arms, with particular interest in how these motivations related to ethical evaluation on contemporary wars.  Pacifism and conscientious objection were regularly promoted and seldom criticized, while most contemporary military violence was condemned with one glaring exception: Israeli warfare. Unlike the American war effort in Vietnam, Israel’s wars were commonly viewed as eschatologically significant and biblically predicted holy wars, with several writers suggesting that God himself has waged and will wage war on Israel’s behalf. Pacifism was primarily motivated by obedience to the Bible rather than empathy, fitting with Lisa Cahill’s theory of obediential pacifism being distinct from empathic pacifism in the Christian tradition. Support for Israeli warfare was also derived from biblical interpretation, primarily based on Old Testament texts. It was further motivated by ideas of Jewish suffering and death being part of God’s plan, with several Pentecostal writers speculating that an apocalyptic genocide greater than the Holocaust would precede the second coming of Christ. Many Pentecostals did not see this as standing in conflict with personal pacifism and conscientious objection, as both views were perceived as biblical. Future research could further explore the relationship between Pentecostal eschatology and empathy, along with how mid-century Pentecostal Zionism might have been influenced by antisemitic ideas from the 1930’s. / Pingstvänner utgjorde den största religiösa gruppen bland vapenvägrare i Sverige mellan 1967 och 1971, en tidsperiod som karaktäriserades av passionerade debatter om krigsetik i skuggan av Vietnamkriget och Israel-Palestinakonflikten. Denna uppsats ämnar presentera och analysera hur de pentekostala tidskrifterna Evangelii Härold och Dagen beskrev och etiskt motiverade militärt våld och pacifism i olika kontexter under denna period. Syftet är att identifiera möjliga motiveringar för pacifism och/eller stöd för militärt våld i en tid då många pingstvänner vägrade bära vapen, med ett särskilt intresse för hur dessa motiveringar relaterade till etisk reflektion kring samtida krig. Pacifism och vapenvägran förespråkades regelbundet och kritiserades sällan, medan majoriteten av det samtida militära våldet kritiserades med ett uppenbart undantag: israelisk krigföring. Till skillnad från den amerikanska krigsinsatsen i Vietnam ansågs Israel bedriva eskatologiskt signifikanta och bibliskt förutsedda heliga krig. Flera skribenter menade att Gud själv har stridit och kommer att strida å Israels vägnar.  Pacifism motiverades framför allt utifrån lydnad till Bibeln snarare än utifrån empati, vilket stämmer väl med Lisa Cahills teori om att lydnadsbaserad pacifism är distinkt från empatibaserad pacifism i kristen tradition. Stödet för israelisk krigföring motiverade också med bibeltolkning, främst utifrån gammaltestamentliga texter. Därtill motiverades det med idéer om att judiskt lidande och död är en del av Guds plan. Flera skribenter spekulerade i att ett apokalyptiskt folkmord större än förintelsen kommer föregå Jesu återkomst. Få pingstvänner uttryckte att dessa idéer stod i konflikt med personlig pacifism och vapenvägran, då allt ansågs vara bibliskt.  Vidare forskning skulle vidare kunna utforska förhållandet mellan pentekostal eskatologi och empati, samt hur pentekostal sionism i mitten av 1900-talet kan ha influerats av antisemitiska idéer.

By examining Gandhi as a political organiser it may be possible to bridge the gap between two interpretations of his importance -- one which focuses on his propagation of nonviolence "as a way of life", the other- which treats him as a pioneer in the use of nonviolence "as a conflict technique. " Gandhi named his philosophy and his method of action, "satyagraha". Between 1915 and 1922 he emerged as the organiser of local satyagraha campaigns in Bihar and Gujarat. He moved quickly, however, to leadership of further struggles at a national level, in particular the hoxlatt Satyagraha in 1919 and Noncooperation eighteen months later. The thesis explores, through a series of case studies, how Gandhi developed his methods as he moved over a period of about five years from local to national scale. At the national level, Gandhi failed to take India by storm as he had hoped through organisations founded by himself to propagate his principles like the Satyagraha Sabha and the Swadeshi Sabha. He therefore forged alliances with political figures from other perspectives within the Khilafat movement and the Indian Rational Congress who nonetheless were prepared to follow his direction. A principal means which Gandhi developed for generating solidarity between the nation's educated "classes" and the "masses" and for mobilising people short of civil disobedience, was the promotion of campaigns of constructive work. This is particularly clear in his planning and leadership of the Noncooperation movement. Presentation of nonviolent action in the West, by overstressing the "conflict" aspect of satyagraha and neglecting the "constructive", has been one-sided. The importance in Gandhi's method as an organiser of a concept of constructive programme and its application in practice suggests that advocates of nonviolent action as a technique should look more closely at the balance between the two aspects in his approach. The thesis concludes with a review'of the rules and stages in Gandhi's satyagraha campaigns which have been proposed in the work of Joan Bondurant. / Long Dene Fund

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This dissertation analyzes the problem of political violence in popular struggles for freedom and regime change. It seeks not only to explicate the different arguments for and against the use of violence in political struggle, but also the extent to which these various ways set the conditions for the political landscape after the struggle. To do that, I engage the arguments of Frantz Fanon, M. K. Gandhi, and Hannah Arendt. While these authors diverge with regard to the role of violence in popular struggles, all three conceptualize ways to achieve nonviolent politics or at least to reduce the role of violence in normal everyday politics. While Fanon and Gandhi offer viable diagnoses of the problem of violence and liberation, by stressing the structural and affective dimensions of political violence, Arendt challenges the traditional equation between political power and violence and offers an institutional alternative in her theory of a federated council system. My analysis reconstructs the link between the critique of violence (state, colonial, or mass violence) and the constructive theory of foundation and preservation of stability and effective relations of trust. These relations of trust are necessary to prevent recurring violence and escalation in the period following the struggle. By analyzing the intersections of violence, political action, and ethics in the work of Fanon, Gandhi, and Arendt, I provide a theoretical framework for understanding the role of violence in popular struggles and everyday politics, while avoiding the limitations of each theory. The aim of this study is threefold: first, to provide an alternative to the prominent positions of realism and moralism in political philosophy through an evaluation of ethical argumentation in politics regarding the problem of violence; second, to contribute to debates about political freedom, and sovereignty in democratic theory through examination of different solutions for the conservation of power and freedom in the transition from struggle to ordinary politics; and third, to develop a critical lens with which to examine situations of conflict and popular struggles, the place of violence, and the transition to ordinary politics. By way of conclusion, I demonstrate the relevance of this study through examination of a concrete case from the Middle East: the Egyptian revolution of 2011. The theoretical framework set by the multifocal debate provides a resource to analyze the promise and the ensuing crisis of the Egyptian project. / Philosophy

This thesis aims to explore the conceptualization, practice, and motivations behind nonviolent resistance among Palestinian activists and organizations in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Addressing a notable gap in the literature, this study examines how these actors navigate between pragmatic and principled strategies of nonviolence, utilizing Burrowes’ framework on the pragmatic-principled dimension. Through in-depth interviews with key activists and organizations, the research provides valuable insights into their experiences and beliefs. The findings of the study reveal a prevalence of principled approaches, challenging existing research and theory on Palestinian resistance. Thereby, this thesis contributes to a better understanding of nonviolent resistance in the Palestinian context, and by emphasizing the nonviolent aspect of Palestinian resistance, the research introduces a perspective that challenges traditional narratives of conflict.