This is an essay concerning the density of the city. An increasing amount of today’s cities have a shortage of space available for the erection of new buildings and settlements, especially in areas close to the city-centre. New buildings and settlements are therefore often found in the outskirts of the city, resulting in long distances between work and living for many people. These long distances are a waste of limited resources and are inconsistent with the vision of the sustainable city. The challenge for the future is to insert new buildings and settlements in the existing city-structure and in this way reduce the distances between different city-functions. The density of the city can be increased in two different ways; by inserting new buildings between existing ones or by extension existing buildings, for example by an additional floor. The subject of this essay is to examine the latter way of increasing the city’s density, that is through extensions of existing buildings by building on rooftops, so called “vertical concentration”. Vertical concentration lacks tradition in Sweden, but is quite common on the European continent, especially in the Netherlands. This essay therefore aims to examine the conditions for vertical concentration to be applied in the city-planning of Sweden, with the city of Norrköping as a case-study. A circumstance which has greatly simplified the implementation of vertical concentration in Sweden came with the introduction of a new regulation concerning “three-dimensional property formation” in 2004. For example, this regulation enables a floor in a building to become a property of its own, separated from the rest of the building. Vertical concentration gives new opportunities to obtain a mix between spaces for living and working in the same building. For instance it enables a floor of apartments to be put on top of a building consisting of offices. An important aspect to keep in mind when applying vertical concentration is to avoid an impoverishment of city-functions, for example by adding a floor of apartments on top of a dwelling complex. An analysis was carried out of Norrköping and its buildings in order to investigate the town’s suitability for vertical concentration. For a building to be used for vertical concentration it had to pass a number of restrictions formulated in different rules and regulations concerning city-planning. The analysis gave the answer that 137 hectare (approximately 191 football-fields) of rooftops in Norrköping could be used for vertical concentration, a result that exceeded the municipality’s expectations.

Den här uppsatsen behandlar presstoppet av den kommunala personaltidningen i Norrköping, Strömvirveln, 2006. Vikarierande redaktör på tidningen hade gjort ett temanummer på temat Mobbning på jobbet. Ansvarig utgivare stoppade numret eftersom han ansåg att det bland annat innehöll sakfel. Den vikarierande redaktören ansåg då att hon hade blivit utsatt för censur. Med utgångspunkt i de pressetiska regler som gäller för journalister och den ökande relevansen av en fungerande intern kommunikation inom organisationer, undersöks här händelsen på tidningen Strömvirveln, ett år efteråt. Studien har genomförts genom kvalitativa intervjuer med de inblandade i händelsen, däribland vikarierande redaktör, ansvarig utgivare, redaktionskommitténs ordförande för den aktuella tiden och kommundirektören. Den kvantitativa undersökningen baseras på innehållet i tre nummer av tidningen före och efter händelsen. Studien fokuserar på de problem som uppstår då den journalistiska integriteten krockar med intressena från högre ort, såsom en organisations ledning. Studien visar att åsikterna går isär om vem som agerat korrekt och inte. Enligt de pressetiska reglerna har både ansvarig utgivare och vikarierande redaktör agerat korrekt i sina roller, även om sociala faktorer spelat in. Den kvantitativa undersökningen visar att den procentuella fördelningen av personer som uttalat sig i tidningen är relativt oförändrad efter presstoppet.

1800-talet betraktas som statyresandets epok då särskilt under andra hälften av 1800-talet tusentals monument uppfördes runt om i Europa. Statyprojekt och invigningar är tillfällen då olika krafter mobiliseras för att markera vad som är värdefullt i det förflutna men också i framtiden. Den 20 oktober 1846 invigdes statyn av Karl XIV Johan i Norrköping. Syftet med den här uppsatsen var att undersöka vilken dynamik som skapades kring och genom Karl Johans statyinvigning under perioden 1844-1846. Det vill säga från statyprojektets initiativtagande till invigningen, samt tiden efter fram till december 1846. För att få ett så brett perspektiv som möjligt granskades dels Norrköpingsbornas involverande och deras tankar om Karl XIV Johan och statyn och dels kritikernas synpunkter om kungen, statyn och staden Norrköping. Uppsatsens teoretiska utgångspunkt är att en studie av ett monument inte kan avskiljas till en undersökning av bara monumentet vilket i sig inte är det minnesvärda, utan mer en hänvisning till en historia. Till följd därav måste undersökningen inkludera det som inträffade före, under och efter invigningen. Det undersökta källmaterialet består av brev, handlingar, tidningsartiklar och historisk litteratur. Undersökningen kom till slutsatsen att avsikten med att resa en staty till Karl XIV Johans ära, inte bara var för att visa sin tacksamhet, utan syftet var även att försöka övertyga kungens efterträdare, Oskar I, att fortsätta sin fars politik som gynnade staden Norrköping, särskilt tullpolitiken.

Undersökningens syfte är att utifrån en diskursteoretisk ansats beskriva och analysera bakgrunden till Norrköpings folkparks tillkomst samt folkparksstyrelsens uppfattning om den ideale besökaren under slutet av 1800-talet. Granskningen görs med utgångspunkt från frågorna: med vilka argument resonerade folkparkens styrelse att parken skulle byggas, vad kan man utifrån denna argumentation utläsa om folkparkens funktion och vem var den ideale besökaren enligt folkparksstyrelsen? De resultat som framkommit vid analysen bör ses som tolkningar gjorda utifrån Foucaults teorier om disciplinering och makt. Folkparken var under slutet av 1800-talet en social arena för disciplinering av arbetare. Folkparkens utformning i kombination med tillkomsten av ordningsregler och övervakning kan i det här sammanhanget bl.a. ses som ett led i arbetet med att förändra besökarnas beteende. Borgerlighetens förhoppning var att genom disciplinering utifrån de fastställda reglerna för korrekt beteende skapa ordningsamma, flitiga och tidsmedvetna arbetare. Detta gjordes delvis i syfte att höja fabrikernas effektivitet och kvalitén på den tid som arbetaren sålde till företagen. Borgerligheten sökte även förändra besökarnas relation till naturen och indirekt till nationen genom att skapa ideala förutsättningar för upplevelser och konsumtion av den genuint svenska naturen. Disciplineringen i folkparken skedde parallellt med indoktrineringen av det genuint svenska i andra sammanhang. I skolan förmedlades bilden av den svenska naturen via dikter, bilder, konst och sång och understödde upplevelserna i folkparken. Förhoppningen var att dessa erfarenheter skulle öka arbetarnas fosterlandskärlek och indirekt förbättra arbetarnas relation till nationen och borgerligheten.

Industrilandskapet is an area in central Norrköping who has undergone major changes during the 1900s. The area has in recent decades gone from being an important industrial area into a place that today is focused on knowledge production and visit activities. This study focuses on how four selected businesses in Norrköping look at the change that Industrilandskapet has undergone. The four businesses all have in common that they use and care of Industrilandskapet in both marketing and as a working place. The businesses are in this study represented by four informants who were interviewed with semi-structured interviews. The results from the informants are analyzed by support of theoretical points. The results shows that Industrilandskapet appear as an important area of the interviewed informants. The preservation and re-use of the old factory buildings is seen as a positive decision, and it has also established itself as a tourist resource. However, there is disagreement about how the term Industrilandskapet should be defined and what it really means. The informants are making extensive use of Industrilandskapet to both marketing and selling the area to potential visitors. The problem that Industrilandskapet is hard to define is overshadowed when businesses are using the area.

The rehabilitation of urban environments by giving old buildings new functions is an old practice, but policies meant for encouraging rehabilitation trace their American origins back to the 1960s with the growing criticism of urban renewal plans and the rise of historic preservation values. In the U.S., historic rehabilitation has proven to be a way of revitalizing cities which have faced deindustrialization, disinvestment and shrinking tax revenues. Built heritage is especially vulnerable in these places because of the willingness of city governors to attract investment and development at any costs. This willingness of local authorities to let developers run amock in their cities might prove to be a bad strategy in the long run, even though it can bring capital back into the city fairly quick. In a climate of toughening regional and global competition over tourism and the location of business headquarters, the images and cultures of cities have gained an increasing importance. Careful and well planned redevelopment of the built environment has an crucial role to play in the re-imaging of industrial cities. Not including the new jobs and other direct economic benefits of rehabilitation, historic structures carry a large part of a city’s character and identity, ingredients desperately sought after when cities need to get an edge and show why they are worth visiting or relocating to. This paper has argued that successful rehabilitation not only makes use of the historic built environment, but also that it has the potential of renegotiating and redefining the history of a city (or at least parts of it). In this way rehabilitation can prove to have great public benefits in making new spaces available for public access and civic intercourse. City governors should not just look at quick economic benefits. A city where the urban fabric has been destroyed through profit-oriented and shortsighted development runs the risk of having gone into a dead end. A more prosperous future for the population, not just the developers, might instead be found in democratically planned and financially scaled down solutions in which the built environment is systematically reused. American developers and cities have proven to be successful in making rehabilitation financially successful for the property owner. Considerably less interest have been shown for the public benefits of these projects, often making them into isolated enclaves lacking legitimacy among the public and causing conflicts within the neighborhood. Developers are repeatedly accused of gentrification, displacement and for ignoring the public need for affordable housing. Despite the unclear public benefits these projects are often heavily subsidized on federal, state as well as city level. After having dealt with the growing general importance of cultural policies for cities, U.S. policies on historic rehabilitation are discussed and two large redevelopment projects in Baltimore and Durham presented. After that a Swedish case of inner city redevelopment through rehabilitation is presented, showing a contrast in both national policy and local practice. Swedish redevelopment has not been subsidized in the same generous manner as in many states of the U.S., and it has been more integrated into urban planning. In the Swedish case the city governors were not interested in preserving the built environment, but due to disinvestment new construction did not occur. In the 1970s, there was a consensus between leading politicians and local developers that preservation values would not be allowed to stand in the way of development. Until the early 1980s there was also a lack of local public support for preserving industrial buildings, as in many deindustrialized cities where industry has come to symbolize unemployment and stigmatization. The unique environment of the Industrial Landscape was finally preserved not through the actions of local government, but of architectural historians and curators representing government authority. Development of the historic district needed close monitoring at a national level since the developer had a very strong influence on local politics. In Swedish preservation policies local authorities have the possibility to landmark and protect environments much in the same way as in many U.S. cities with preservation commissions. If an urban plan seems to interfer with preservation goals, however, national authorities have the possibility of intervening in a similar way to that of state preservation offices in the U.S. In the 1990s development within the Industrial Landscape went into a more mature and democratically influenced phase in which goals of public access and attractiveness became increasingly important. The lesson from Sweden shows that redevelopment through rehabilitation can be affordable and that it does not need a whole lot of public subsidy. It also shows that the historical and aesthetic values need to be stressed in order for the development project to win the public support that is needed in a democratically lead community. The political leadership in this city, paralyzed by economic crisis, was heavily influnced by the developer, who was a large property owner in the city. But through monitoring, academic research and participation in public debate by preservation professionals, the table was turned and the preservation of the Industrial Landscape gained more and more support from the city in the 1980s. Instead of giving subsidies to the developer, the government located a national museum of labor to the district at a time in which economic support was badly needed. This showed that successful rehabilitation was possible here and that it would have considerable public benefits. Finally, it is also argued that the historical experiences of the national preservation movements have influenced the way rehabilitation is carried out. In Sweden, historic preservation has largely been a task for national government, whereas in the U.S. it has to a large extent been organized through national and local non-profit organizations buying up properties and lobbying for preservation causes. In this way historic preservation has been more integrated in Swedish urban politics, whereas in the U.S. preservationists have been identified as just one interest among others.

Industrilandskapet i Norrköping kan sägas representera ett exempel på omvandlingen från industrisamhälle till postindustriellt samhälle. Området har tidigare varit ett framträdande nav för den tillverkningsindustri som länge präglat Norrköping. Men stora förändringar har skett och idag fungerar området istället som utgångspunkt för kunskapsstaden Norrköping. Miljön i området beskrivs ofta i termer av unicitet och attraktivitet och området utgör ett riksintresse för kulturmiljövård. Kontrasterna mellan att dels vara ett kulturarv och samtidigt representera den moderna kunskapsstaden och dessutom vara ett attraktivt levande stadsrum skapar en intressant balansgång mellan att bevara kontra att utveckla.   Industrilandskapet framträder som ett viktigt område för Norrköping och i relation till kulturarv, kunskapsstaden och ett levande stadsrum uppstår en grund för intressanta diskussioner både ur ett lokalt, nationellt och internationellt perspektiv.

<p>This is an essay concerning the density of the city. An increasing amount of today’s cities have a shortage of space available for the erection of new buildings and settlements, especially in areas close to the city-centre. New buildings and settlements are therefore often found in the outskirts of the city, resulting in long distances between work and living for many people. These long distances are a waste of limited resources and are inconsistent with the vision of the sustainable city.</p><p>The challenge for the future is to insert new buildings and settlements in the existing city-structure and in this way reduce the distances between different city-functions.</p><p>The density of the city can be increased in two different ways; by inserting new buildings between existing ones or by extension existing buildings, for example by an additional floor. The subject of this essay is to examine the latter way of increasing the city’s density, that is through extensions of existing buildings by building on rooftops, so called “vertical concentration”.</p><p>Vertical concentration lacks tradition in Sweden, but is quite common on the European continent, especially in the Netherlands. This essay therefore aims to examine the conditions for vertical concentration to be applied in the city-planning of Sweden, with the city of Norrköping as a case-study.</p><p>A circumstance which has greatly simplified the implementation of vertical concentration in Sweden came with the introduction of a new regulation concerning “three-dimensional property formation” in 2004. For example, this regulation enables a floor in a building to become a property of its own, separated from the rest of the building.</p><p>Vertical concentration gives new opportunities to obtain a mix between spaces for living and working in the same building. For instance it enables a floor of apartments to be put on top of a building consisting of offices.</p><p>An important aspect to keep in mind when applying vertical concentration is to avoid an impoverishment of city-functions, for example by adding a floor of apartments on top of a dwelling complex.</p><p>An analysis was carried out of Norrköping and its buildings in order to investigate the town’s suitability for vertical concentration. For a building to be used for vertical concentration it had to pass a number of restrictions formulated in different rules and regulations concerning city-planning.</p><p>The analysis gave the answer that 137 hectare (approximately 191 football-fields) of rooftops in Norrköping could be used for vertical concentration, a result that exceeded the municipality’s expectations.</p>

<p>Uppsatsen tar upp breddningen av Kungsgatan i Norrköping. Här listas orsakerna till varför ingreppet genomfördes, konsekvenserna detta fick för kulturmiljöerna och motståndet som uppstod när hotet började realiseras. Uppsatsen tittar på vilka faktorer (politiska, stadsplanemässiga, kulturvårdande, ekonomiska) som påverkar en gatas förändring och vad som värderas högst.</p>

Industrial heritage sites are special areas in a city. In recent years, China has paid more attention to the protection and renewal of industrial heritage. Because these areas have proved to be problematic, landscape architectures should work to solve these problems for future areas. This thesis asks the question: could there be a conscious way to deal with this issue? Using the five major models and Linda Groat’s four perspectives on contextual design as the theoretical approach, this thesis conducts a comparative study on the center of Norrköping and Xu Jiahui Park in Shanghai. In order to investigate if Linda Groat’s categories could be useful to landscape architectures, this thesis analyzes the two cases and discusses to what extent they fit in with Groat’s theory. The investigation produces some results to guide landscape architects; so when facing an industrial heritage, the landscape design might be dealt with in a more conscious way. / 0735-982552