The purpose of this study was to seek an understanding of the problem of low morale among Catholic priests based on the principles of Individual Psychology. The relationship of Adlerian life-style and social interest to job satisfaction among 210 pastors randomly selected from 13 of the 14 Catholic dioceses in Texas was investigated. The Life-style Personality Inventory (LSPI) was used to measure the Adlerian life-style. The Social Interest Scale (SIS) was used to measure the Adlerian concept of social interest. The Job Descriptive Index (JDI) was used to measure job satisfaction.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Esta pesquisa investigou a migraÃÃo realizada por agricultores moradores de fazendas, sÃtios e povoaÃÃes situadas na regiÃo do SertÃo Norte do Estado do Cearà atà a cidade de Sobral entre as dÃcadas de 1950 e 1980, objetivando conhecer, segundo suas percepÃÃes, os motivos deste movimento e as possibilidades para a permanÃncia nesta cidade. Realizou, para isto, vinte e sete entrevistas que se diferenciaram entre si conforme a situaÃÃo exigia, e as analisou escolhendo algumas que melhor representavam as questÃes propostas. Utilizou tambÃm fontes escritas (relatÃrios governamentais, registros pessoais de uma empresa, leis, artigos de um jornal), textos literÃrios e fontes iconogrÃficas (fotografias, mapas). Concluiu que os deslocamentos e os modos como se estabeleceram em Sobral podem ser vistos como aÃÃes polÃticas de resistÃncia, na busca por alterarem suas posiÃÃes sociais e culturais ligadas à convivÃncia com a propriedade privada da terra, secas, desemprego, dissensÃes familiares e sociais. / Esta pesquisa investigou a migraÃÃo realizada por agricultores moradores de fazendas, sÃtios e povoaÃÃes situadas na regiÃo do SertÃo Norte do Estado do Cearà atà a cidade de Sobral entre as dÃcadas de 1950 e 1980, objetivando conhecer, segundo suas percepÃÃes, os motivos deste movimento e as possibilidades para a permanÃncia nesta cidade. Realizou, para isto, vinte e sete entrevistas que se diferenciaram entre si conforme a situaÃÃo exigia, e as analisou escolhendo algumas que melhor representavam as questÃes propostas. Utilizou tambÃm fontes escritas (relatÃrios governamentais, registros pessoais de uma empresa, leis, artigos de um jornal), textos literÃrios e fontes iconogrÃficas (fotografias, mapas). Concluiu que os deslocamentos e os modos como se estabeleceram em Sobral podem ser vistos como aÃÃes polÃticas de resistÃncia, na busca por alterarem suas posiÃÃes sociais e culturais ligadas à convivÃncia com a propriedade privada da terra, secas, desemprego, dissensÃes familiares e sociais. / Esta pesquisa investigou a migraÃÃo realizada por agricultores moradores de fazendas, sÃtios e povoaÃÃes situadas na regiÃo do SertÃo Norte do Estado do Cearà atà a cidade de Sobral entre as dÃcadas de 1950 e 1980, objetivando conhecer, segundo suas percepÃÃes, os motivos deste movimento e as possibilidades para a permanÃncia nesta cidade. Realizou, para isto, vinte e sete entrevistas que se diferenciaram entre si conforme a situaÃÃo exigia, e as analisou escolhendo algumas que melhor representavam as questÃes propostas. Utilizou tambÃm fontes escritas (relatÃrios governamentais, registros pessoais de uma empresa, leis, artigos de um jornal), textos literÃrios e fontes iconogrÃficas (fotografias, mapas). Concluiu que os deslocamentos e os modos como se estabeleceram em Sobral podem ser vistos como aÃÃes polÃticas de resistÃncia, na busca por alterarem suas posiÃÃes sociais e culturais ligadas à convivÃncia com a propriedade privada da terra, secas, desemprego, dissensÃes familiares e sociais. / This research investigated the migration performed by residents of farms and villages located in the region of the Interior of Cearà state, north to the city of Sobral, between the decades of 1950 and 1980, with the intent to find out their reasons, according to their own perceptions, for this move and the possibilities for staying in that city. In order to accomplish that, twenty-seven interviews were conducted, which differed among themselves as the situation demanded; afterwards, they were analyse dand some, the best that represented the issues proposed, were chosen. The research also made use of written sources (governmental reports, a company personnel records, laws, and newspaper articles), literary texts and iconographic sources (photographs, maps). The investigation concluded that the migrations and the ways in which people settled in Sobral could be seen as political acts of resistance, in the pursuit for changing their social and cultural status related to the coexistence of the private land, droughts, unemployment, social and family dissensions. Keywords: Migration. / This research investigated the migration performed by residents of farms and villages located in the region of the Interior of Cearà state, north to the city of Sobral, between the decades of 1950 and 1980, with the intent to find out their reasons, according to their own perceptions, for this move and the possibilities for staying in that city. In order to accomplish that, twenty-seven interviews were conducted, which differed among themselves as the situation demanded; afterwards, they were analyse dand some, the best that represented the issues proposed, were chosen. The research also made use of written sources (governmental reports, a company personnel records, laws, and newspaper articles), literary texts and iconographic sources (photographs, maps). The investigation concluded that the migrations and the ways in which people settled in Sobral could be seen as political acts of resistance, in the pursuit for changing their social and cultural status related to the coexistence of the private land, droughts, unemployment, social and family dissensions. Keywords: Migration. / This research investigated the migration performed by residents of farms and villages located in the region of the Interior of Cearà state, north to the city of Sobral, between the decades of 1950 and 1980, with the intent to find out their reasons, according to their own perceptions, for this move and the possibilities for staying in that city. In order to accomplish that, twenty-seven interviews were conducted, which differed among themselves as the situation demanded; afterwards, they were analyse dand some, the best that represented the issues proposed, were chosen. The research also made use of written sources (governmental reports, a company personnel records, laws, and newspaper articles), literary texts and iconographic sources (photographs, maps). The investigation concluded that the migrations and the ways in which people settled in Sobral could be seen as political acts of resistance, in the pursuit for changing their social and cultural status related to the coexistence of the private land, droughts, unemployment, social and family dissensions. Keywords: Migration.

Datoranvändningen har ökat i samhället och datorspelandet har överrepresenterats av unga killar. Datorspelandet har relaterats till både hälsoproblem och positiva effekter. Studien utgick ifrån den subjektiva upplevelsen av aktivitetsbalans eftersom den är viktig för hälsan och inom arbetsterapin. Syftet var att beskriva självupplevd aktivitetsbalans hos killar (i åldern 16-20 år) som spelade datorspel. En kvantitativ enkätstudie gjordes på 58 datorspelande killar. Datainsamlingen gjordes med Occupational Balance Questionnaire. Urvalet var ett bekvämlighetsurval, deltagarna i studien studerade på gymnasieskolor. Deltagarna skattade i genomsnitt hög aktivitetsbalans. Resultatet visade en relation mellan antal timmar vid datorspel och självskattad aktivitetsbalans. Några deltagare upplevde att datorspelandet tog tid från andra saker de ville göra, exempelvis sömn, skolarbete och viktigare saker prioriterades bort. Samhällets normer kan ha påverkat att en del deltagare ansåg att det fanns viktigare saker de borde göra. Datorspelandet upplevdes meningsfullt och var en av flera aspekter som inverkade på deltagarnas aktivitetsbalans. Studien bekräftade arbetsterapeutens roll att se aktivitet i sitt sammanhang, ha en holistisk syn på människan och främja meningsfulla aktiviteter för individen. Ytterligare forskning behövs för att öka förståelsen för hur datorspelandet påverkar ungdomars aktivitetsbalans och hälsa. / Computer use has increased in society and young guys played the most computer games. Computer gaming has been related to both health problems and positive effects. The subjective experience of occupational balance is important for the health and within occupational therapy. The aim was to describe self-perceived occupational balance among guys (16-20 years) who played computer games. A quantitative survey was made among 58 computer gaming guys. Data collection was made through Occupational Balance Questionnaire. The sample was made with regard to convenience and the participants studied at high schools. They rated average high occupational balance. There was a correlation between the time playing computer games and self-rated occupational balance. Some of the participants experienced that playing computer games took time away from other things they wanted to do, for example sleep, school work and more important things were lesser prioritized. Societal norms may have influenced the participants to see computer gaming as unimportant. Computer gaming was meaningful and one of several aspects that influenced the occupational balance. The study confirmed the occupational therapists role to apply a holistic perspective and promote meaningful occupations. Further research would increase the understanding how computer gaming affects youths’ occupational balance and health.

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Université Paris-Sorbonne. La version intégrale de cette thèse est disponible uniquement pour consultation individuelle à la Bibliothèque de musique de l’Université de Montréal (www.bib.umontreal.ca/MU). / Si la vie musicale en France sous l’Occupation est aujourd’hui un champ de recherche bien balisé, le parcours de l’un des compositeurs majeurs de cette période, Marcel Delannoy (1898-1962), n’a encore fait l’objet d’aucune étude approfondie. Appuyé sur un large éventail de sources, dont le riche fonds Delannoy conservé à la BnF, ce travail vise à combler cette lacune en situant Delannoy dans le contexte plus large d’une génération particulièrement exposée sous Vichy. Dans ce contexte coercitif mais favorable à la création musicale, plusieurs compositeurs de cette génération (notamment Poulenc et Honegger) sont en effet impliqués dans diverses activités qui révèlent leurs engagements et leur degré d’accommodation face à la situation d’Occupation. Pour rendre compte des activités de Delannoy sous Vichy, il s’est avéré nécessaire d’élargir la périodisation. D’abord parce que son principal projet et succès de la période, Ginevra, un opéra créé en 1942 à l’Opéra-Comique, est le fruit d’une commande d’État de 1938. Et plus généralement parce que ses choix musicaux et extra-musicaux, comme ceux de ses contemporains, ne peuvent être compris dans le seul contexte des 4 années d’Occupation. Delannoy, qui se fait connaître à la fin des années 1920, est un compositeur actif dans les entreprises de popularisation de la culture des années 1930, tandis que son style musical éclectique et accessible conquiert un large public. En 1942, son opéra Ginevra est très bien accueilli en raison de son inscription dans le genre français de l’opéra-comique, de ses emprunts éclectiques et de ses références à la musique du passé. Mais ce moment de grande médiatisation s’accompagne de plusieurs compromissions : critique musical d’un journal collaborationniste, membre du groupe Collaboration et de la délégation française invitée à Vienne pour la Semaine Mozart du Reich allemand (1941), Delannoy prend part à plusieurs projets de collaboration culturelle. À la Libération, ces compromissions lui sont reprochées : il est sanctionné par différentes instances officielles d’épuration et fait en outre l’objet d’une épuration plus informelle. Au croisement de l’histoire et de la musicologie, cette approche monographique qui situe le compositeur étudié dans sa génération vise plus largement à rendre compte des conséquences de l’Occupation sur les carrières des compositeurs, de leurs engagements et du rôle qu’ils ont tenu dans la politique musicale de Vichy et de l’occupant. / Although the French musical life during the Occupation is now a familiar field of research, no detailed study has been made of Marcel Delannoy (1898-1962), one of the most important composers of the period. Supported by a wide range of sources, including the large collection of Delannoy’s papers conserved at the BnF, the present work aims to fill this gap by situating Delannoy in the larger context of a generation of musicians that were especially visible during the Vichy years. In this context, both coercive and favorable to musical creation, several composers (notably Poulenc and Honegger) were indeed involved in a number of activities that reveal their commitments and the degree of adaptation when faced with the Occupation. To account for Delannoy’s activities under Vichy, it was necessary to extend the period under study: his principal project and success of the period, Ginevra (an opera premiered in 1942 at the Opéra-Comique), was the result of a 1938 State commission; more generally, his musical and extra-musical choices, much like those of his contemporaries, cannot be understood if they are restricted to the four years of the Occupation. Having made his name in the 1920s, Delannoy participated in the 1930’s ventures of cultural popularization, while his eclectic and accessible style won him a large public. In 1942, his opera Ginevra was very well received thanks to its ties to the traditional genre of French opéra-comique as well as its eclectic borrowings and references to the music of the past. Very much in the public eye, Delannoy also compromised himself in different ways: as a musical critic of collaborationist newspaper, as a member of the “Groupe Collaboration” and of the French delegation invited to Vienna for the Mozart Week of the German Reich (1941), he took part in several projects of cultural collaboration. It is because of these activities that the composer was penalized by professional and judicial purges following the Liberation, and also by a kind of more informal épuration. At the intersection of history and musicology, this monographic approach which places the composer in the context of his generation aims at a broader understanding of the Occupation’s consequences on composers’ careers, their political commitments, and the roles they played in the musical politics of Vichy and the German occupier.

À l’origine, la nouvelle concernant l’occupation américaine d’Haïti en 1915 a suscité peu d’indignation aux États-Unis. En effet, on reproche à la république son instabilité politique et on juge aussi qu’une intervention américaine concourrait à l’édifice de l’autorité de la loi. À partir de 1915 et surtout en 1920, l’Association nationale pour l’avancement des gens de couleur (NAACP), fondée en 1909, critique cette ingérence et milite pour y voir un terme. W.E. B. Du Bois et James Weldon Johnson, deux figures publiques noires importantes travaillant au sein de l’organisation, dénoncent avec conviction l’occupation d’Haïti. Les historiens ont jusqu’ici jugé que la NAACP fut inspirée par des considérations de solidarité raciale en adhérant à la cause de la souveraineté haïtienne. Si la thèse présente ne réfute pas cette possibilité, elle cherche tout de même à démontrer que le cadre conceptuel de la solidarité raciale ne saurait illustrer toute la complexité de la campagne haïtienne érigée par la NAACP. Par conséquent, une attention dirigée davantage sur le contexte social et politique américain entre 1915 et 1922 révèle que pour la NAACP, la dénonciation de l’occupation américaine d’Haïti représentait d’une part une opportunité de discuter des problèmes sociaux touchant les Afro-Américains, et d’autre part, une occasion de renforcer sa position aux États-Unis. / Initially, the news of the U.S. occupation of Haiti in 1915 generated little concern in the United States. Indeed, Haiti’s political instability made it such that a U.S. intervention seemed unavoidable. As of 1915 and especially 1920, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded in 1909, denounced the U.S. interference in the Caribbean island. W.E.B. Du Bois and James Weldon Johnson, two of the association’s most influential black members, were deeply invested in condemning the U.S. occupation of Haiti. Historiographical tendencies have long located the NAACP’s engagement with Haiti in a conversation about black solidarity, but have failed to adequately consider the local politics that may have inspired the NAACP’s work. While this thesis does not refute the importance of black solidarity, it does recognise the limits of this conceptual approach in trying to explain the complexity of the NAACP’s work on the behalf of Haiti’s sovereignty. Placing more attention on the social and political context in the United States between 1915 and 1922 reveals that the NAACP utilised the occupation of Haiti as a means of attracting broader attention to domestic issues affecting black Americans, but also as a means of reinforcing the organisation’s own profile in the United States.

Cette recherche d’archéologie médiévale a pour objet l’incidence des pouvoirs locaux et régionaux sur l’occupation du territoire du pays de Forcalquier et sur son architecture. Nous nous sommes proposé d’éclairer les évolutions de l’occupation de ce territoire sur une séquence chronologique allant du IXe au XIIIe siècle. Cette période permet d’appréhender les implications des pouvoirs locaux tant politiques que religieux et de percevoir les mutations sociales, culturelles et matérielles communes à l’Occident médiéval. Les espaces religieux et les espaces politiques ont formé autour de Forcalquier une véritable mosaïque de terroirs dont la diversité de l’institution qui la dominait apparaît par le biais du vestige matériel. L’étude souhaite apporter sa contribution à une meilleure connaissance de la Provence médiévale. / This research on medieval archaeology focuses on the influence of local and regional powers on the territory occupation of the village of Forcalquier and on its architecture. Our purpose is to clarify the evolution of the occupation of this territory in the period going from IX to XIII century. This period gives us the opportunity to understand the implications of the local political and religious powers and to perceive the social, cultural and material changes which are common to the medieval West. The religious spaces and the political spaces created around Forcalquier a real mosaic of territories, where the diversity of the dominating institutions is shown by material vestiges. This study hopes to contribute to a deeper knowledge of the medieval Provence.

Groupe surréaliste en activité pendant l'Occupation allemande, la Main à plume représente un moment dense du communisme des esprits surréaliste. C’est une génération nouvelle caractérisée par la rencontre entre des héritiers directs du mouvement d'avant-guerre proches d'André Breton, et un groupement hétérodoxe composé de transfuges des Réverbères, une revue post-dadaïste active dans les dernières années d'avant-guerre, de personnalités plus périphériques et aussi par une proximité entre le surréalisme parisien et le surréalisme belge. À son actif, on compte de nombreuses plaquettes collectives et individuelles, dont le célèbre Poésie et Vérité 42 d'Éluard. Le groupe s'est approprié la geste surréaliste et a investi la question poétique autant comme signe d'un ralliement dans le champ littéraire de l'Occupation que comme lieu d'une vie plus valable. Elle a fait de la poésie collective et des œuvres en collaboration un des axes de son activité. La Main à plume est aussi une micro-société éprouvée par la guerre, comptant des juifs et des étrangers en son sein, des jeunes gens soumis au STO. Elle est marquée par un engagement, en lien avec les trotskistes d'abord, dans la lutte contre l'Occupant et que le groupe va payer durement. En quelques années, la Main à plume a abordé les grandes questions de la poétique surréaliste dans une approche expérimentale, propice à l'émergence de nouveaux protocoles d'invention et une valorisation des matériaux de la réalité, comme matière créatrice. Elle s'est penché sur de nouveaux médiums, comme la musique. Elle est également marquée par une approche théorique du surréalisme dont l’aboutissement sont les recherches collectives autour de L'Objet, un projet de plaquette collective qui va rester inédit. / La Main à plume, a surrealist group active during the German occupation, represents a particularly intense moment of communism of the surrealist minds. This generation is characterized by the encounter between the direct inheritors of the pre-war movement close to André Breton and a heterodox group built by deserters of Réverbères, a post-Dadaist magazine which had been active during the last years of the pre-war years, as well as more peripheral personalities, and a proximity between the Parisian and the Belgian surrealism. Whilst active they produced several collective and individual volumes of poetry, among them the famous Poésie et Vérité 42 by Paul Éluard. The group adopted the surrealistic gesture and invested the poetical question as a sign of joining the literary scene of the Occupation, as well as the place of a more valuable life. The group made collective poetry and collaboration the central themes of its activities. La Main à plume was also a micro-society struck by war, including Jews and foreigners within the group, a youth forced into the compulsory work service (STO). La Main à plume makes collective poetry and collaborative work one of the central themes of its activities. La Main à plume was also a micro-society hit by the war, including Jews and foreigners within the group, young people forced to Compulsory Work Service. The group is marked by its engagement, firstly in connection with the Trotskyists, then against the forces of the Occupation, for which they paid dearly. In a few years, La Main à plume had tackled the great questions of surrealist poetry through an experimental approach, offering new protocols of invention and valorizing the materials of reality as artistic materials. They looked to new mediums, such as music. They also conceived of a theoretical approach to surrealism, which took the form of intensive collective research around L’Objet, a poetry volume which remains unpublished.

Loin de la scène politique, Abbas II en exil, Nubar en retraite, chacun enregistre ses Mémoires pour offrir à la postérité leur précieux témoignage, en français non seulement sur leur vie publique mais aussi sur l’Égypte des vice-rois et sur les faits de leurs temps. Nubar, ce pacha d’origine arménienne qui a servi tous les vice-rois de l’Égypte depuis Mohamed Ali jusqu’à Abbas II, insiste dans ses Mémoires sur les projets qu’il a le plus défendus et les défis qu’il a relevés au fil des années : la réforme de la justice, la défense des droits du fellah, son refus du projet du canal de Suez, ainsi que son opposition aux caprices de Saïd et surtout à ceux d’Ismaïl qui ont conduit progressivement l’Égypte à la faillite.Abbas II se défend dans ses Mémoires devant l’Histoire et surtout contre les accusations de son rival Cromer, le consul général britannique, publiées dans Modern Egypt et dans Abbas II. Le Khédive met en avant la lutte nationaliste qu’il a menée aux niveaux politique, éducatif, culturel, entre autres, afin de faire face à l’occupation anglaise. Il explique l’évolution de sa relation avec les généraux britanniques de la politique de rupture sous Cromer à celle de l’entente qui a commencé en 1907 après l’incident de Denchaway (1906).Cette forme d’écriture de soi se distingue de ses formes voisines (le journal, l’autobiographie, le récit de voyage) par son identité mixte (historique, juridique, politique et esthétique). Cela explique la variété des stratégies suivies par le pacha et le Khédive dans leurs Mémoires : stratégie de dénégation, de disqualification de l’adversaire, de l’interprétation, de prudence, etc. Nous étudions ces deux textes en insistant sur le côté littéraire des Mémoires, qui est d’habitude marginalisé au profit de leur dimension historique.Les Mémoires constituent une arme de l’homme politique qui lui permettent de bénéficier d’une grande liberté grâce à leur identité mixte. Le mémorialiste homme de pouvoir multiplie les stratégies d’écriture pour prouver sa crédibilité. Il se défend et fait de son ouvrage un monument capable de traverser les siècles aussi bien par sa valeur historique qu’esthétique. Malgré le débat sur la subjectivité du mémorialiste et sa relation avec l’écriture de l’Histoire, la valeur historique des Mémoires est indéniable. Au terme de notre travail, nous revendiquons l’insertion des Mémoires dans l’enseignement : un moyen parmi d’autres pour tirer ce patrimoine précieux de l’oubli et lui octroyer la place qu’il mérite dans la mémoire collective. / Away from the political scene, Abbas II in exile, Nubar retired, each one has written his Memoirs to offer to the posterity their precious testimony in french, not only about their public life but also about Egypt’s vice-kings and about their time.Nubar, this pacha of armenian origin, and who served all the vice-kings of Egypt since Mohamed Ali to Abbas II, insists in his Memoirs on the projects which he defended the most and his won challenges over the years: the justice reform, the defense of the fellah’s rights, the rejection of the canal of Suez project, his opposition to the whims of Saïd and especially those of Ismaïl which have led Egypt to the bankruptcy.Abbas II defends himself in front of the history, especially against his rival’s charges: Cromer, the general British consul published in Modern Egypt and in Abbas II. The Khedive highlighted his nationalist struggle that he led in several fields: political, educational, cultural fields in order to face the British occupation. He explains the evolution of his relation with the British generals from the discord policy under Cromer leadership to the agreement that began in 1907 after the Denchaway incident (1906).This form of personnal writing differs from its related forms (the diaries, the autobiography, the travel novels) by its mixed identity (historical, legal, political and aesthetic). This explains the variety of the strategies followed by the pacha and the Khedive in their memoirs: strategie of denial, of disqualification of the opponent, of the interpretation, of the caution, etc. We study these texts focussing on the lirerary side which is usually marginalized in the benefit of their historical side.The Memoirs are weapons of the politician which give him free style due to their hybrid identity. The political memoirist multiplies his writing strategies to prove his credibility. He defends himself and makes his book a monument able to cross the centuries by both historical and aesthetic value. Despite the debate about the subjectivity of the memoirist and its relationship with writing the history, the historical value of Memoirs is undeniable. At the end of our study, we reclam to insert the Memoirs in the education programs: a way among others to save this precious heritage from oblivion and give it its rightful place in the collective memory.

Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, plus de 6,5 millions de sujets japonais, dont la moitié était des civils résidant dans les territoires japonais d’outre-mer, ont été rapatriés au Japon. Le Japon n’avait pas prévu l’éventualité d’un rapatriement en cas de défaite, et les Alliés, s’ils avaient planifié le retour des soldats japonais, n’avaient pas préparé le retour des civils. Pourtant, le rapatriement des civils japonais fut, dans sa majeure partie, rapide et efficace. Entre octobre 1945 et décembre 1946, 5,1 millions de Japonais purent rejoindre le Japon. Pour d’autres, le processus put durer jusque la fin des années 1950. Une fois au Japon, les rapatriés, confrontés à un Japon en ruines, se virent imposer une nouvelle identité, celle de hikiagesha, personne rapatriée. La mémoire et l’identité des rapatriés, confrontés à l’hostilité et la méfiance de la population de métropole, connurent plusieurs mutations pour finalement se réintégrer au sein du mémoriel discours dominant sur la guerre. Après une analyse des processus de rapatriement, cette thèse se penchera donc sur la formation de l’identité des rapatriés en tant que groupe, leur mémoire, et comment ce groupe au départ marginalisé est parvenu à intégrer son récit mémoriel au sein du discourra officiel. / After the Second World War, Japan saw the return of more than 6.5 million Japanese nationals, of which about half were civilian overseas residents of Japan’s colonial empire. Japan had no plan for the evacuation of foreign territories in the event of defeat, and but although provisions had been made by the Allies for the repatriation of the military personnel, the return of civilians was initially outside their scope, and left to the Japanese. The Allies would later assign military transports to help with the task of ferrying millions of men, women and children back to the mainland. However, despite this lack of previous planning, the repatriation of Japanese nationals was fast and efficient: between October 1945 and December 1946; over 5.1 million Japanese were brought back to the mainland. Some, however, had to wait until the second half of the 1950s. Once in Japan, the returnees found that a new identity had been imposed on them, one that stemmed from their shared experience as returnees: that of hikiagesha, or repatriates. Joined by their war experiences, they found themselves part of a heterogeneous group with an identity that still awaited definition. The meaning of the memory of their experience was shaped by the very way in which they defined and re-defined themselves and their experience, as they encountered marginalisation, hostility and distrust as they reintegrated to mainland Japanese society. After analysing the process of repatriation, this thesis will attempt to map out the process by which this initially marginalised group became acceptable, by integrating its narrative within an official discourse.

Cette thèse porte sur l’histoire de l’École primaire ‒ ou premier degré ‒ au cours de la décennie centrale du XXe siècle. Y sont analysés les processus décisionnels de la politique scolaire au niveau de l’administration ministérielle et académique, ainsi que l’exercice quotidien des prescriptions scolaires sur le terrain des écoles, grâce au recours à de nombreux éclairages monographiques. La première partie de l’étude s’attache à démêler les divers aspects de la politique scolaire de l’État français à l’aide d’analyses quantitatives originales, et en prenant appui principalement sur le point de vue des acteurs en charge de son application : hauts fonctionnaires du ministère, inspecteurs d’académie, jusqu’aux enseignants eux-mêmes. Une seconde partie propose un portrait du fonctionnement logistique quotidien des écoles primaires du pays dans le contexte de la guerre et de l’Occupation. Enfin, la troisième partie décrit le rétablissement de l’École républicaine sur le territoire et les multiples défis idéologiques, pédagogiques et matériels, auxquels est confrontée l’institution scolaire. S’appuyant sur un grand nombre d’archives publiques et privées inédit, cette thèse aboutit ainsi à renouveler le regard historiographique posée sur l’histoire scolaire de cette période. En effet, la décennie guerrière des années 1940 a vu éclore des réformes et des réflexions qui en font un temps d’expériences et d’apprentissages intenses pour la génération des acteurs appelés à forger l’École du second XXe siècle. C’est en ce sens que l’on qualifiera ce moment historique de véritable « classe de guerre ». / This thesis focuses on the history of French elementary school in the middle decade of the twentieth century. School policy is analyzed through the decisions of ministerial and academic administrations along with its daily enforcement in classes, exemplified by numerous monographs of interest. First, the study attempts to untangle the various aspects of school policy under the French State, relying mainly on the words of its enforcers: ministerial officials, schools inspectors and, of course, teachers. It exposes quantitative investigations on the repressive impact of the regime and on the unprecedented financial public support for free education, in addition to a detailed analysis of the Vichy educational reforms. It then depicts the everyday life of primary schools in the context of war and Occupation. The third part chronicles the restoration of republican school over the national territory, and emphasizes the multiple ideological, educational and material challenges it had to face. Based on a large number of original archives, both private and public, this thesis leads to reevaluate the historiographical standpoint on the history of school of this time. Indeed, the 1940s gave birth to reforms and reflections that made this decade of war a time for experiments and intense learning for the generation of professionals who were to shape the school of the second part of the century. It is in this sense that this historical moment may be called a “war class”.