Situated in Virginia's Lower Shenandoah Valley, Winchester, Virginia, endured numerous occupations during the Civil War. Arguably the worst the townspeople endured was General Robert Huston Milroy's—January 1, 1863-June 15, 1863. A staunch abolitionist and fervent supporter of the Union, Milroy fought a war not only against Confederate troops, but against the Confederate population as well. He firmly believed that only an Old-Testament style scourge of the land could rid this country of slavery and restore the Union. Milroy's strong convictions moved him to inflict his will on Winchester's population. Exiles, arrests of civilians (women and children included), secret detectives, and widespread destruction of property, were the norm during Milroy's occupation. While this study examines Milroy's biography from birth to death, its focus is on his six month tenure as military commander in Winchester. General Milroy has never before been the subject of an in depth biographical study. His military career was plagued by his constant bickering with West Point graduates. Ultimately it was his contempt for West Pointers that brought a rapid conclusion to his military career. He despised professional soldiers and spent his Civil War career trying to prove that non-professional volunteer officers were equal or better in ability to graduates of the United States Military Academy. "My will is absolute law" also serves as a valuable tool for scholars interested in understanding the undying Confederate spirit on the home front and how Federal soldiers initially enforced President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation in occupied areas. / Master of Arts

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This thesis examines the decision to invade Iraq and the failed planning for the occupation of Iraq. Since Janis introduced groupthink in 1972, the groupthink perspective has been used to explain foreign policy disasters such as the failure to anticipate the Pearl Harbor attack and the Bay of Pigs. However, the groupthink perspective is not universally useful for explaining foreign policy mishaps. While some have attributed the Iraq war to groupthink, the groupthink perspective has not been systematically applied to these events. This thesis will examine Janis's original groupthink theory, and subsequent research that tested the effectiveness of the groupthink perspective. It will apply the groupthink perspective to the events leading up to the invasion of Iraq. It will also examine the failed planning for the occupation of Iraq. The application of the groupthink perspective to both the invasion decision and occupation planning suggests that groupthink was not the primary cause of either event. The thesis will conclude by describing alternative explanations for the decision to invade Iraq, such as ideological agenda setting, and other cognitive errors besides groupthink. / Master of Arts

Yes / Many older adults face challenges that prevent them from accomplishing common daily activities such as moving around, home maintenance, and leisure activities. There is still a need to examine and understand how environmental factors impact daily participation across gender. This study sought to make a qualitative comparison of gender differences regarding environmental barriers to participation in daily occupations from the perspectives of older adults who live alone in Puerto Rico. Twenty-six Hispanic older adults, 70 years or older participated in this study. We used a descriptive qualitative research design in which researchers administered an in-depth interview to each participant. The results elucidated that women were more likely than men to experience restricted participation due to lack of accessibility of the built environment and transportation systems. The findings could help with the development of tailored, occupation-based, preventive interventions that address gender specific environmental barriers and promote greater participation among both women and men. Further research is required to explore whether these environmental barriers to occupational participation remain consistent across living situations, socioeconomic status and ethnicity. / Research reported in this publication was supported by the National Institute of Health (NIH), National Institute of Minority Health and Health Disparities (NIMHD), Clinical Research Education and Career Development (CRECD) [R25MD007607] in collaboration with Puerto Rico Clinical and Translational Research Consortium (PRCTRC) [8U54 MD 007587-03].

Yes / Role emerging placements in occupational therapy training are contributing to professional and workforce development because of their strong occupational focus and placement of students in emerging practice. This manuscript explores how one role emerging placement challenged and developed student theoretical and clinical skills, presented new ways of working at the recipient site and enhanced service delivery. Methods: The to role emerging placements in occupational therapy is explored through the use of a case study which reflects on and analyses how the assessment and treatment of occupation enhanced service delivery at a local, no-traditional site is presented. Eight students in England developed and ran a psycho-education group to support the occupational needs of female service users who have experienced domestic abuse. Results: There was an overall increase in self-esteem scores and an expressed increase in knowledge and understanding by participants. Students reported developing a deeper understanding of occupation and the hosts identified the student’s clinical skills as unique contributors to service delivery. Conclusion: By focusing on occupation, role emerging placements draw on the roots of the profession and anchor its future to the theoretical foundations of its past. However, in order to employ occupational therapists, these organisations need to understand what the occupational therapy profession can offer them.

Yes / The continuing COVID-19 pandemic and social restrictions have impacted on the cognitive decline and mental health of people with dementia. Social isolation and loss of activities due to social restrictions may also have implications as to sense of identity for people with dementia. As part of the INCLUDE (Identifying and Mitigating the Individual and Dyadic Impact of COVID-19 and Life Under Physical Distancing on People with Dementia and Carers) component of the IDEAL (Improving the Experience of Dementia and Enhancing Active Life) cohort study, the overall aim of this subtle realist qualitative study was to explore the perspectives of people with dementia on living through the COVID-19 pandemic within the context of the ‘post-vaccine’ period and the national lockdowns in England and Wales; and to determine perceived challenges to and facilitators of ‘living well’ during the COVID-19 pandemic and beyond as restrictions were eased. In addition, the study findings are considered in relation to understandings of identity in dementia which the broader accounts of living through the pandemic have highlighted. Seven people with mild-to-moderate dementia were interviewed and themes were derived using framework analysis. Themes suggest interviewees' stoic acceptance of the pandemic and social restrictions but also fear of decline related to the temporality of their condition as well as loss of self-confidence to re-engage with the world. Interviewees managed threats to social identity by striving to maintain social and emotional connections, where the importance of a shared, social identity, particularly for people with young-onset dementia, was also apparent. Unlike in previous studies during the pandemic, the relevance of occupation for identity was observed, where maintaining previous or new activities or occupations was important to facilitate identity as well as to keep a sense of purpose. Therefore, as well as supporting people with dementia as the pandemic eases, future research into occupation and identity in dementia is of potential value. / ‘Identifying and Mitigating the Individual and Dyadic Impact of COVID-19 and Life Under Physical Distancing on People with Dementia and Carers (INCLUDE)’ was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC; grant number ES/V004964/1).

Nous avons cherché des relations empiriques entre l’abondance des macrophytes submergés et le développement résidentiel du bassin versant, les propriétés du lac et la présence de milieux humides dans 34 lacs de la région des Laurentides et de Lanaudière sélectionnés à travers un gradient de développement résidentiel. Les macrophytes submergés ont été échantillonnés par méthode d’échosondage à l’intérieur de la zone littorale. L’abondance moyenne des macrophytes a ensuite été estimée à l’intérieur de quatre zones de croissance optiquement définies (profondeur maximale = 75 %, 100 %, 125 % et 150 % de la profondeur de Secchi) ainsi qu’à l’intérieur de toute la zone littorale. L’occupation humaine a été considérée selon trois échelles spatiales : celle présente 1- dans un rayon de 100 mètres autour du lac, 2- dans la fraction du bassin versant qui draine directement vers le lac et 3- dans le bassin versant en entier. Nous avons aussi testé, lac par lac, l’effet de la pente locale sur l’abondance des macrophytes. Nous avons observé des corrélations positives et significatives entre l’abondance des macrophytes submergés et l’occupation humaine de l’aire de drainage direct (r > 0.51). Toutefois, il n’y a pas de relation entre l’abondance des macrophytes submergés et l’occupation humaine de la bande de 100 mètres entourant le lac et du bassin versant entier. Les analyses de régression multiple suggèrent que l’abondance des macrophytes submergés est faiblement corrélée avec l’aire du lac (+) et avec la présence de milieux humides dans le bassin versant entier (-). Localement, l’abondance des macrophytes est reliée à la pente et à la profondeur qui expliquent 21% de la variance. Les profondeurs de colonisation maximale et optimale des macrophytes submergés sont corrélées positivement au temps de résidence et à la profondeur de Secchi et négativement à l’occupation humaine et à l’importance des milieux humides. / We searched for empirical relationships between whole-lake submerged macrophyte abundance and residential development, lake properties and wetlands in 34 lakes from the Laurentides-Lanaudière region subjected to a wide range of residential development. Submerged macrophyte abundance was assessed by echosounding of the entire littoral zone. Human encroachment was measured at three spatial scales: Within 1- a 100 m-wide buffer strip circling the lake, 2- the fraction of the watershed that drains directly into the lake and 3- the entire watershed. Single and multiple regression were used to test the effect of residential development on macrophyte abundance in the entire littoral zone and within four optical growth zones defined by Secchi depth. The local effect of slope on local macrophyte abundance was also tested in individual lakes. We found significant positive correlations between submerged macrophyte abundance and dwelling density present within the direct drainage area (r > 0.51). In contrast, there was no significant relation between macrophyte abundance and human occupation of the 100 m-wide buffer circling lake and the entire watersheds. Multiple regression analysis suggest that submerged macrophyte abundance is weakly correlated with lake area (+) and wetland importance within the entire watershed (-). Locally, macrophyte abundance is related to slope and depth which explained together 21% of the variance. Maximum and optimum colonization depths of submerged macrophytes were positively correlated to residence time and Secchi depth and negatively to human occupation and to wetland importance.

Cette thèse est consacrée à l'étude du projet de création d’un Etat palestinien. Elle pose la question de la possibilité de la naissance d’un tel Etat, conformément aux critères juridiques et politiques de l'Etat. Analysées les causes de l’échec des tentatives précédentes. Nous avons constaté que depuis la défaite des armées arabes en 1967, et à ce jour, la direction palestinienne n’avait pas une stratégie claire, aggravé par les divisions internes, ainsi que par la volonté manifeste de l'occupant israélien de rendre plus difficile une telle création.Notre recherche vise à montrer que si l'Etat palestinien peut être créé en droit, sa viabilité reste subordonnée à la bonne volonté d'Israël, quand bien même il bénéficierait de soutiens diplomatiques sincères de l’ensemble des acteurs internationaux. Ainsi, les Palestiniens se voient proposer, après les accords d'Oslo, plus qu'une autonomie et moins qu'un Etat,(Etat client), car dépourvu de toute forme de souveraineté. La « communauté internationale » n'a manifestement pas fait assez de pressions pour contraindre Israël à geler la colonisation, et ce malgré ses promesses de créer un Etat palestinien viable et indépendant, selon les présidents américains successifs.Ce travail aboutit à la conclusion que le projet d'un Etat palestinien est devenu un projet irréaliste dans le contexte politico-juridique actuel. / This study investigates the proposal to establish a Palestinian State in accord with international policy and law. The research also looks into the reasons for the failure to establish such a state following the defeat of Arab armies in 1967 until the present time. These reasons can be summarized in the lack of clear strategic policy for the Palestinian leadership, the internal division of the Palestinian political institutions, and the Israeli practices and measures against Palestinians and the Palestinian leadership on both international and national levels to stop the establishment of this state.This study attempts to show that in the absence of true international support for a Palestinian State, the existence and vitality of such a state would depend on Israel's good intentions. However, the prospects to establish this state seem unattainable as a result of Israel's refusal to abide by international law and in the absence and inability of the international community including the consecutive American Presidents to exert pressure on Israel to even freeze settlement. Following Oslo Agreement, Palestinians found themselves in a situation to establish an entity that is more than autonomous self-rule but still less than a fully-fledged state. The study concludes that the possibility to create a Palestinian State has become unrealistic in current political and legal contexts.

La littérature académique sur la Palestine depuis les « Accords d'Oslo » a substantiellement avancé notre compréhension des aspects sociaux, politiques et économiques à leur sujet. Néanmoins, un examen en profondeur des structures juridiques qu'Oslo a créées et de leur rôle, et leur impact social et politique reste encore nécessaire. Cette étude se propose de contribuer à cette fin, en se concentrant sur le processus constitutionnel et de construction institutionnelle en Palestine depuis Oslo. Cette recherche essaie de répondre à certaines questions fondamentales soulevées par ce processus : D'abord, en ce qui concerne la rédaction constitutionnelle palestinienne elle-même : comment les forces politiques palestiniennes ont-elles (ou n'ont-elles pas) négocié et se sont-elles entendues (ou non) sur la rédaction et l'approbation de la Loi Fondamentale de 1997 et sur ses modifications ultérieures ? Qui étaient les principaux acteurs de ce processus, et comment leurs propres positions et objectifs politiques ont-ils influencé le processus constituant ? Quels ont été les principaux déterminants sociaux, politiques et juridiques du processus constitutionnel dans chacune de ses étapes ? Dans un second temps, ce travail s'intéresse à l'impact que les structures juridiques, les pratiques et les discours légaux ont eu sur la société palestinienne : quel rôle a joué le droit dans les transformations sociales et politiques ayant lieu dans les territoires palestiniens occupés après Oslo ? / Most studies about the “Oslo process” have done much to advance our understanding of the social, political and economic aspects of the agreements. Nevertheless, a deep consideration of the legal structures that “Oslo” created, their role and socio-political impact has not yet been sufficiently addressed. This work intends to contribute to this end by focusing on the constitutional-institutional developments in Palestine during Oslo. This study intends to suggest answers to some fundamental questions regarding the constitutional process – defined as both legal text and practices – in Palestine: First, regarding the Palestinian constitutional drafting itself, how did (or did not) Palestinian and external political forces negotiate and agree on the drafting and approval of the Basic Law of 1997 and on its subsequent amendments? Who were the main actors in this process and how did their own political positions and objectives influence it? What were the main social, political and juridical determinants of the constitutional process in each of its stages? Second, this study looks at the impact that legal structures, practices and discourse had in the Palestinian social and political space: i.e. did law have a role or influence in the social and political transformations that took place in the occupied Palestinian Territory after Oslo? What were the main social, political and symbolic structures, relations, categories, and representations which were transformed or redefined and the orientations of the new definitions?

Au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la politique d'occupation américaine de l'Allemagne prévoit la mise en place d'un programme de « réorientation » dont l'objectif est d'éliminer toute influence nazie et militariste au sein de la société allemande et d'encourager le développement de pratiques démocratiques. Instauré durant le conflit, le programme hebdomadaire d'information des troupes américaines a pour objectif, non plus d'éveiller l'envie de combattre, mais de faire des soldats des « ambassadeurs » des États-Unis. L'armée déploie une multitude de moyens d'information afin de former les soldats à leur nouvelle mission, celle de promouvoir le modèle américain de démocratie en Allemagne. L'Army Assistance to German Youth Activities, mis en place par l'armée américaine en 1946, vise à projeter une image positive des États-Unis et à transmettre, notamment à travers la pratique d'activités sportives, les valeurs et les idéaux de la démocratie américaine. Cette volonté de guider et d'influencer la population civile allemande témoigne de l'intention des responsables américains de développer le pouvoir d'attraction des États-Unis en Allemagne dans un contexte d'occupation quadripartite et de montée des tensions Est-Ouest. / After World War II, the American occupation policy of Germany provided for an "affirmative program of reorientation ... designed completely to eliminate Nazi and militaristic doctrines and to encourage the development of democratic ideas". The American soldiers, as "ambassadors of democracy" became key actors in the reorientation process. The troop information program encouraged servicemen to promote democracy in their informal contacts with Germans. Soldiers and dependents had to display a friendly face of hard power. In 1946, the Army devised a comprehensive program for German youth designed to teach them democratic principles: the Army Assistance to German Youth Activities, (GYA). Sports activities were regarded as an effective tool to reach and influence German children's thinking. Sports also promoted American traditions while serving as a cultural instrument against the growing influence of communism. In the context of occupation and Cold War, members of the U.S. armed forces exerted soft power influence in order to promote the American model of democracy in Germany