Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AnaCCA_DISSERT.pdf: 1036398 bytes, checksum: e92983fb66f4a9165f55b115a416e760 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-07 / The right to artistic expression, freedom granted in the western democratic constitutionalism, is a fundamental right that cyclically, compared to other cohesive rights of expression, has been forgotten and put in an irrelevant juridical-dogmatic position. The first reason for this behaviour that disesteems artistic freedom is the valorisation of rationalism and scientificism in the modern society, subordinating academic researches to utilitarianism, relegating the purpose of feelings and spirituality on men s elocution, therefore, we investigate, guided by philosophy, the attribution of art on human formation, due to its capacity in harmonising reason and emotion. After that, we affirm the fundamental right to artistic expression s autonomy in the 1988 valid constitutional order, after a comparative explanation of freedom in the Fundamental Laws of United States, Portugal, Spain and Germany; and the construction historic-constitutional of the same right in the Brazilian Constitutions. In this desiderate, the theoric mark chosen is the Liberal Theory of the fundamental rights, guiding the exam through jusfundamental dimensions: juridical-subjective and juridical-objective. Whilst the first, classical function of resistance, delimitates the protection area of the artistic expression right from its specific content, titularity and its constitutional and subconstitutional limits, the other one establishes it as cultural good of the Social Order, defining to the State its rendering duties of protection, formation and cultural promotion. We do not admit artistic communication, granted without legal reserve, to be transposed of restrictions that belong to other fundamental rights and, when its exercise collides with another fundamental right or juridical-constitutional good, the justification to a possible state intervention that tangentiates its protection area goes, necessarily, through the perquisition of the artist s animus, the used method, the many viable interpretations and, at last, the correct application of the proportionality criteria. The cultural public politics analysis, nevertheless, observes the pluralism principle of democratic substratum, developer of the cultural dialogue and opposed to patterns determined by the mass cultural industry. All powers are attached, on the scope of its typical attributions, to materialise public politics that have the cultural artistic good as its aim, due to the constant rule contained in ?1, art. 5? of the Federal Constitution. However, the access and the incentive laws to culture must be constantly supervised by the constitutional parameter of fundamental right to equality / O direito ? express?o art?stica, liberdade consagrada no constitucionalismo democr?tico ocidental, ? um direito fundamental que conjunturalmente, em rela??o aos outros direitos conexos da express?o, vem sendo olvidado, disposto em posi??o de irrelev?ncia jur?dico-dogm?tica. A primeira raz?o apontada para esse comportamento que desestima a liberdade art?stica ? a valoriza??o do racionalismo e do cientificismo na sociedade moderna, subordinando as pesquisas acad?micas ao utilitarismo, relegando o papel dos sentimentos e da espiritualidade na elocu??o do homem, portanto, investigamos, amparados pela filosofia, a atribui??o da arte na forma??o humana, devido a sua capacidade em harmonizar raz?o e emo??o. Em seguida, afirmamos a autonomia do direito fundamental ? express?o art?stica na ordem constitucional vigente de 1988, ap?s um quadro expositivo da liberdade tema nas Leis Fundamentais dos Estados Unidos, Portugal, Espanha e Alemanha; e a constru??o hist?rico-constitucional do mesmo direito nas Constitui??es brasileiras. Nesse desiderato, o marco te?rico escolhido ? a Teoria Liberal dos direitos fundamentais, orientando o exame pelas dimens?es jusfundamentais jur?dico-subjetiva e jur?dico-objetiva. Enquanto a primeira, fun??o cl?ssica de resist?ncia, delimita a ?rea de prote??o do direito ? express?o art?stica a partir do seu conte?do espec?fico, sua titularidade e seus limites constitucionais e infraconstitucionais, aquela lhe estabelece como bem cultural da Ordem Social, definindo ao Estado deveres prestacionais na prote??o, forma??o e promo??o cultural. ? comunica??o art?stica, prescrita sem reserva legal, n?o admitimos a transposi??o de restri??es que s?o pr?prias de outros direitos fundamentais e, quando o seu exerc?cio colide com outro direito fundamental ou bem jur?dico constitucional, a justifica??o para uma poss?vel interven??o estatal que tangencie sua ?rea de prote??o passa, necessariamente, pela perquiri??o do animus do artista, do meio utilizado, das v?rias interpreta??es vi?veis e, por fim, pela correta aplica??o do crit?rio da proporcionalidade. A an?lise da pol?tica p?blica cultural, por sua vez, observa o princ?pio do pluralismo de substrato democr?tico, fomentador do di?logo cultural e avesso aos padr?es determinados pela ind?stria cultural de massa. Todos os poderes est?o vinculados, no ?mbito de suas atribui??es t?picas, a concretizarem pol?ticas p?blicas que possuam como fim o bem cultural art?stico, devido ao mandamento constante no ?1 do art. 5?, CF. No entanto, o acesso e as leis de incentivo ? cultura devem ser constantemente fiscalizados pelo par?metro constitucional do direito fundamental ? igualdade

L'art actuel est fait, pour partie, de mobilités et de formes si diverses, que d'après certains critiques et commissaires, tels que Jean-Hubert Martin ou Bao Dong, la sensation d'exotisme existe encore. On peut d'ailleurs s'étonner, qu'à l'heure de la globalisation, elle soit toujours aussi vivace. Elle l'est effectivement ; mais elle est aussi distincte de ce sentiment particulier qui offrait aux voyageurs occidentaux du XVIII et XIX èmes siècles, l'assurance de leur supériorité. Victor Segalen a, en effet, donné à l'exotisme une autre définition, chargée, celle-là, de valeurs esthétiques et éthiques. Par exotisme, il ne s'agissait donc plus de qualifier une chose, une région ou encore un être, mais d'envisager une expérience profonde de la différence perçue comme étant irréductible. Quant au monde de l'art, il s'est laissé pénétrer d'exotismes et a produit une multitude d'oeuvres, provoquant, à leur manière, des débordements de différentes natures. Il s'agira dans cette recherche d'en analyser les caractéristiques et les enjeux, en prenant pour prétexte l'étude des constituants plastiques d'un tableau peint. Le jeu des analogies entre les espaces – réels ou représentés – permettra ainsi de dégager, dans le détail, certains aspects d'une géo-esthétique, et de manière plus générale, de rendre manifeste le fait qu'il n'y a pas un, mais des mondes de l'art. / Art today is partly made of mobilities and forms so diverse that according to art critics and curators such as J. H Martin or Bao Dang, the feeling of exoticism still exists. Besides one may be surprised that in the age of globalization that feeling is so vivid . Indeed it is,but it is also different from that particular feeling that gave the European travellers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the certainty that they were superior to the other people. Indeed V. Segalen gave exoticism another definition laden with aesthetic and ethical values.Through exoticism it was no longer a question of describing a thing, a region or even a human being but of considering a profound experience of the difference viewed as being resolutely different.As for the world of Art, it let itself be filled by exoticism and it has produced a vast number of masterpieces, creating in their own way diversions of all kinds. The purpose of my research will then be to analyze the characteristics and what is at stakes in exoticism, under the pretence of studying the plastic constituents of a painting.The game of analogies between the spaces- either realistic or as they are represented- will allow to single out in detail some aspects of a geo- aesthetics and more generally to make it obvious that there is not ONE world of Art but several.

This work has the purpose to study the principle of administrative morality, especially as to their content, as well as regarding how best to operationalize its interpretation / application. In this goal, it is evident the need for eticizar Public Administration, the Administrator and their respective acts performed in the exercise of public service, it can not allow the definition of what is ethical in a rule of law is fully open to arbitrary decisions . Against this background, we seek to answer with this study the following questions: the definition of the principle of administrative morality content has limits? And, if so, what are those limits and what are the parameters / methods suitable to be used during the process of interpretation and application of the principle of morality? It is in order to overcome these issues that the research will be developed. So, will begin with brief distinctions between Ethics, Morality and Law, presenting philosophical currents that sought to evaluate the relationship or separation of binding legal and moral systems over the years, ending the first part with some critical considerations as post-positivism, pointing to the need to establish interpretive parameters, especially in a postmodern context marked by pluralism and thirsty for increased security, including legal. The following will be addressed-the set of principles, while study of legal principles, addressing some definitions, distinctions between the rules, principles and normative postulates. In addition, the main functions of principles will be presented and attempts to demonstrate its importance in contemporary legal system, without, however, forget the need to reference point in the act of interpreting them and apply them in specific cases. Finally, the third and final chapter, it is a matter-of analyzing the legal principle of administrative morality, with some definitions, a history on the world stage and later in the Brazilian domestic level until you reach the treatment given to this principle by the Charter Magna 1988. In addition, even in the third chapter, will be differentiated juridicizada the morality of common morality; is also checked the question of the interpretation and application of the principle of morality, presenting a method and parameters aimed at greater legal certainty in achieving this hermeneutical process, concluding with the study of public administration in contemporary times and the role of the principle of administrative morality. Use it will, therefore, as theoretical references studies of Ronald Dworkin and Robert Alexy. Moreover, to achieve the purpose, the theoretical research will be performed after literature of scientific contributions on the subject, as well as documentary research, through the analysis of legislation and case law. Furthermore, the method to be used is the deductive, that part of inferences and general ideas for application to real situations, and the technical procedures to be used will be the thematic analysis and interpretation. / O presente trabalho tem por escopo estudar o princípio da moralidade administrativa, em especial quanto ao seu conteúdo, bem como no que tange a melhor forma de operacionalizar sua interpretação/aplicação. Nesse desiderato, se é notória a necessidade de eticizar a Administração Pública, o administrador e seus respectivos atos praticados no exercício da função pública, também não se pode permitir que a definição do que seja ético em um Estado de Direito esteja completamente aberta a decisões arbitrárias. Diante desse panorama, busca-se responder com o presente trabalho aos seguintes questionamentos: a definição do conteúdo do princípio da moralidade administrativa possui limites? E, em caso afirmativo, quais seriam esses limites e quais seriam os parâmetros/métodos adequados a serem empregados durante o processo de interpretação e aplicação do princípio da moralidade? É com o propósito de superar essas questões que a pesquisa será desenvolvida. Assim, iniciar-se-á com breves distinções entre a Ética, Moral e Direito, apresentando correntes filosóficas que buscaram avaliar a relação de separação ou de vinculação dos sistemas jurídico e moral ao longo dos anos, encerrando a parte inicial com algumas ponderações críticas quanto ao pós-positivismo, apontando a necessidade de se estabelecerem parâmetros interpretativos, mormente em um contexto pós-moderno marcado pelo pluralismo e sedento por maior segurança, inclusive a jurídica. A seguir, abordar-se-á a principiologia, enquanto estudo dos princípios jurídicos, abordando algumas definições, distinções entre as regras, os princípios e os postulados normativos. Além disso, serão apresentadas as principais funções dos princípios, buscando demonstrar sua importância no sistema jurídico contemporâneo, sem, contudo, esquecer-se da necessidade de balizamentos no ato de interpretá-los e aplicá-los em casos concretos. Por fim, no terceiro e derradeiro capítulo, tratar-se-á de analisar o princípio jurídico da moralidade administrativa, apresentando algumas definições, um histórico no plano mundial e, posteriormente, no plano interno brasileiro até chegar ao tratamento conferido ao referido princípio pela Carta Magna de 1988. Ademais, ainda no terceiro capítulo, serão diferenciadas a moralidade juridicizada da moralidade comum; será também verificada a questão da interpretação e aplicação do princípio da moralidade, apresentando um método e parâmetros voltados a conferir maior segurança jurídica na realização desse processo hermenêutico, concluindo com o estudo da Administração Pública na contemporaneidade e o papel desempenhado pelo princípio da moralidade administrativa. Utilizar-se-á, para tanto, como referências teóricas os estudos de Ronald Dworkin e de Robert Alexy. Outrossim, para a concretização do intento, será realizada a pesquisa teórica, após levantamento bibliográfico de contribuições científicas sobre o assunto, bem como a pesquisa documental, por meio da análise de legislações e jurisprudências. Outrossim, o método a ser utilizado será o dedutivo, que parte de inferências e ideias gerais para aplicação a situações reais, sendo que os procedimentos técnicos a serem usados serão a análise temática e a interpretativa. / Mestre em Direito Público

O trabalho apresenta uma revisão bibliográfica sobre a relação entre cinema, história e ensino de história e a reflexão sobre a forma como o cinema tem sido utilizado como recurso pelos professores de história. A partir da revisão, de entrevistas com colegas professores e alunos construiu-se uma proposta pedagógica de uso do cinema para abordar o tema da Pluralidade Cultural no contexto dos Temas Transversais. A proposta pedagógica lança reflexões sobre as possibilidades de uso do cinema e de outras fontes dentro de uma perspectiva interdisciplinar e que dá à Pluralidade Cultural espaço para fazer parte do currículo escolar no curso do ano letivo, retirando do tema o caráter de currículo eletivo, que aparece ocasionalmente como curiosidade no currículo escolar. Considerando o fato de que Pluralidade Cultural é um tema amplo, escolhi abordar o sincretismo religioso. A partir das relações entre cinema e história, esta proposta pretende contribuir para que estudantes da educação básica reflitam sobre o caráter móvel da cultura e das diferentes religiões. / This dissertation presents a bibliographic review of the relationship between cinema, history and history teaching, and a reflection on how cinema has been used as a teaching resource for history teachers. Based on this review, interviews with fellow teachers and students we aimed at developing a pedagogical proposal for using cinema as a means for approaching the subject “Cultural Pluralism” in the context of the “Tranversal Themes”. The pedagogical proposal evokes reflections on the possibilities of using cinema and other sources within an interdisciplinary perspective, giving Cultural Pluralism a space in school curriculum throughout the year, thus removing its character of an elective subject, appearing occasionally as a mere curiosity. Taking into account that Cultural Pluralism is a broad theme, I chose to approach the issue of religious syncretism. By looking at the relationships between cinema and history, this proposal intends to be a contribution for students from basic education, so they can reflect on the shifting character of culture and different religions.

Dans le monde arabe comme partout dans le monde, le numéro d’utilisateurs des réseaux sociaux ne cesse de croître reléguant ainsi le vieux media au second plan. Ce nouveau media par son accessibilité, est devenu le nouveau lieu de pèlerinage où se rencontre tout chercheur de la vérité. Or, malgré l’absence d’une vraie crédibilité des institutions médiatiques arabes, Al-jazeera était la seule chaîne qui a su gagner la confiance des spectateurs et qui a réussi à regrouper autour d’elle des millions de fidèles arabophones. Durant les révolutions arabes, le quêteur de la vérité a été témoin d’une concurrence de taille entre ces deux sacrées plates-formes, imposés comme alternatif susceptible de satisfaire la soif de l’homme pour la liberté longuement absente dans le media tout comme en société. Cette étude a donc pour ambition d’étudier la rivalité et puis la réconciliation entre « vieux media » en l’occurrence la chaîne satellitaire et les nouveaux medias (les réseaux sociaux) durant le printemps arabe. Il s’agit également d’analyser l’analogie entre la révolution en terre arabe et celle en ligne et d’examiner le potentiel de chacun à provoquer un changement sociopolitique commun. / The co-production of information with the Arab viewer has always been the directive editorial line that distinguished the Qatari channel Al Jazeera since its creation in 1996. Over the years, the recipe has paid off, making Al Jazeera the most watched international news channel in the Arab world. The strategic choice of the channel to make the Arab spectator, long marginalized in the media, an ally is explained by a desire for legitimacy by the emir Hamad ben Khalifa al-Thani especially after the coup against his father in 1995. Nevertheless, cutting off from the old regime imposes substantial changes. With the first political debates on Al Jazeera, the status of the Arab viewer changes dramatically. They become actors and participate with their questions and comments at the cost of a simple phone call. But at the same time, Al Jazeera becomes the enemy of the Arab regimes. Over the years, the Qatari channel won the trust of many viewers, especially during its coverage of major crises in the Arab world, like the second Intifada in 2000 and the American invasion of Iraq in 2003. Through its media coverage from the ground in hot zones, it differentiates itself from other news channels. The year of 2011 was a major turning point in the history of the channel. From day one, Al Jazeera covered the rising demonstrations in the Arab countries. The declared war of autocratic regimes against Al Jazeera does not prevent it from covering stories. Aware of the contributions of digital media, the channel gives spectators the means to participate in the creation and circulation of information. The promotional videos of Al Jazeera are a concrete example. Throuh their short form which enables them to travel from one medium to another; they become an object of media activism. As for the digital platform Sharek, it shows how the channel involves the Arab spectator in the process of spreading and archiving information.

In the first part of this article, the author discusses two types ofliberalism from the thoughts of prominent philosophers. On the one hand, sheanalyzes the ideas of Isaiah Berlin and Joseph Raz as examples of perfectionistliberalism and, on the other, those of John Rawls and Charles Larmore asexamples of political liberalism. It also identifies differences between Berlin’spluralism and Raz’s and between Rawls’ liberalism and Larmore’s. / En la primera parte del presente artículo, la autora discute dos tipos de liberalismo a partir del pensamiento de destacados filósofos. Por un lado, analiza las ideas de Isaiah Berlin y Joseph Raz como ejemplos del liberalismo perfeccionista y, por el otro, las de John Rawls y Charles Larmore como ejemplos del liberalismo político. Asimismo, identifica las diferencias entre el pluralismo de Berlin y el de Raz y entre el liberalismo de Rawls y Larmore.

Arbetskraftsinvandring har, under stora delar av 1900-talet, varit ett sätt för de svenska företagen att finna arbetskraft till den expansiva industrisektorn. Intresseorganisationerna på den svenska arbetsmarknaden, Landsorganisationen (LO) och Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen (SAF), ansåg att arbetskraftsinvandring var en förutsättning för att trygga den svenska arbetsmarknaden. LO var trots detta kritiskt inställd till arbetskraftsinvandring, då organisationen ansåg att lönekonkurrens bland arbetskraften kunde uppstå. Dock lyckades organisationen komma överens med SAF om att arbetskraftsinvandrarna skulle omfattas av de svenska kollektivavtalen och på det sättet undveks en konflikt på arbetsmarknaden. Under 1970-talet upphörde arbetskraftsinvandringen till Sverige, vilket till stor del berodde på den ekonomiska nedgång som drabbade Sverige. Under de senaste åren har arbetsmarknadens parter återigen börjat diskutera arbetskraftsinvandring. Denna gång beror diskussionen om arbetskraftsinvandring på att den svenska befolkningen, inom några år, inte kommer att räcka till för att upprätthålla välfärden. Syftet med uppsatsen är att analysera hur intresseorganisationerna LO och Svenskt Näringsliv har hanterat frågan om arbetskraftsinvandring. Vilka strategier har intresseorganisationerna använt sig av för att uppnå sina mål? Är intresseorganisationerna inriktade på samarbete eller konfrontation? Vilken roll spelar avvecklingen av de korporativa strukturerna? uppsatsen görs en jämförande studie av intresseorganisationerna LO och Svenskt Näringsliv. Materialet som uppsatsens litteraturstudie bygger på, består bland annat av propositioner och SOU-rapporter. Detta material har kompletterats med material från de två intresseorganisationerna samt artiklar från Dagens Nyheter. I uppsatsen utgår jag från korporativ teori och för att komplettera denna har jag valt att dels beskriva hur intresseorganisationer fungerar och varför människor väljer att gå samman kollektivt i intresseorganisationer, dels genom att jämföra korporativ teori med pluralistisk teori. För LO är det viktigt att arbetskraftsinvandring från de nya EU-medlemsstaterna inte leder till lönedumpning eller arbetskraftsöverskott på den svenska arbetsmarknaden eller att den redan arbetslösa och sjukskrivna delen av befolkningen fastnar i sin tillvaro. Svenskt Näringsliv och dess medlemsföretag däremot anser att minst 100 000 människor under de senaste åren skulle kunna ha anställts om rätt kompetens hade funnits i landet och därför har arbetskraftsinvandringsfrågan blivit mycket viktig för organisationen. För intresseorganisationerna LO och Svenskt Näringsliv har samarbetet under de senaste åren förändrats från ett generellt samarbete till att intresseorganisationerna istället väljer att samarbeta i de frågor de finner det möjligt att göra så. Detta har lett till att det har blivit viktigt för intresseorganisationerna att var för sig försöka påverka beslutsfattarna genom direktkontakter. I praktiken betyder detta att intresseorganisationerna har hållit sig fast vid delar av det korporativa samarbetet samtidig som både LO och Svenskt Näringsliv använder sig av pluralistisk påverkan för att utöva inflytande på beslutsfattarna.

Europe has under the last couple of years experienced the most critical migration problem yet, with a refugee crisis that has affected the European view on migration. In correlation with this change, right wing populistic parties have had an upswing. These parties have during the last couple of decades succeeded to become established in the political sphere in a great amount of countries all over the continent, including Sweden. The party in Sweden is called The Swedish Democrats and their aim is to market themselves as “Sweden’s only opposition party”. Despite the party´s great work on labeling itself as the “voice of the people”, many people in the public debate have started questioning this self-proclaimed status. They mean that The Swedish Democrats have approached the opinions of the establishment, making their stand as the only opposition party fake and populistic. The aim of this paper was to examine this thought, whether the public debaters were correct about the politics of The Swedish Democrats and if they have truly become closer to the political elite. This essay studied motions from The Swedish Democrats during 2010/2011 and 2016/2017, these were compared with motions from the two biggest parties in the parliament, The Social Democrats and The Moderate Party. By comparing the motions the paper hoped to see if the politics of the parties had closed in on each other and which party that had changed their political stand. The motions were examined by implementing the Toulmin-schedule, an analytical tool that structured the political stand of the parties. The theory of this paper was based on the anti-establishment theory by Jens Rydgren and an addition to this was Alain de Benoists utopian thoughts about Ethnopluralism. The conclusion of this essay was that the parties had not approached each other between the periods of 2010/2011 and 2016/2017. This was explained by applying the anti-establishment theory on The Swedish Democrats, to maintain their exceptional position in the political sphere they need to not come too close to the other parties’ political stand. By assimilating the ideas of Ethnopluralism, The Swedish Democrats becomes too radical and distant to the rest of the parties of parliament, insuring the exceptional political positioning. In the following chapter this empirical analysis is discussed and the paper lands in the conclusion that a more research-based debate about the political parties is necessary to shut down the ill arguments and discussions that flows all over the medial sphere, and that a firmer dialogue about nationalism and the Swedish identity is critical to not suffocate the public opinion.

Les conflits de normes ont fait l'objet d'analyses spécifiques dans le cadre du droit international privé, du droit transitoire ou encore de la logique juridique. Ils n'ont pas pour autant été systématisés afin d'extraire les conditions de leur émergence au sein des disciplines juridiques, plus particulièrement le droit du travail et le droit des affaires, et les effets de leur solution sur les situations appréhendées par le droit. Une perspective interdisciplinaire peut, en outre, être retenue. L'étude des conflits de normes envisagée sous l'angle d'une conception pluraliste du droit élargit le problème qu'ils posent traditionnellement et tente de trouver, dans le contexte actuel de la mondialisation, la voie d'une redéfinition de l'articulation des normes et d'un renouvellement du droit. Elle enrichit l'approche du droit déclinée sous forme d'organisations. Ces dernières sont fondées sur des mécanismes et des intérêts et produisent du droit, conformément à la théorie d'Hauriou et de Romano. Dès lors, compte tenu de l'hétérogénéité des intérêts surgissant de toute part sur la scène internationale, les organisations étatiques, privées, européennes, internationales, générant leur propre ordre juridique se confrontent. L'interaction entre les ordres juridiques se matérialise par des conflits de normes qui fragilisent leur autonomie intrinsèque. Leur revendication d'indépendance fait obstacle à l'interdépendance qui caractérise originellement leur relation. Néanmoins, la restauration de l'autonomie et le renforcement de l'interdépendance des organisations sont essentiels afin de garantir l'équilibre entre les intérêts économiques et sociaux, général et particuliers. Ils permettent de maîtriser le conflit de normes qui n'est plus subi mais choisi, ou de le faire disparaître. / Conflicts of norms made the object of specific analysis as part of private international law, as transitional law or else as legal logic. They were not systematized therefore to extract the conditions of their emergence within legal disciplines, more particularly labour law and company law, and the effects of their resolution on situations caught by law. An interdisciplinary perspective can, besides, be kept. And the study of conflicts of norms considered from the angle of a pluralist conception of law enlarges the problem which they put down traditionally and try to find, in the present situation of globalization, the way of a redefining of the articulation of norms and of a renewal of law. It enriches the approach of law declined in form of organizations. These last are founded on mechanisms and interests and produce law, in accordance with the theory of Hauriou and Romano. Since then, considering the heterogeneity of interests coming into sight on the international stage from everywhere, the international, european, private, state organizations, generating their own legal order are confronted. The correlation between legal orders materializes by conflicts of norms which weaken their intrinsic autonomy. Their claim of independence stands in the way of the interrelationship which characterizes their relation originally. However, the restoration of the autonomy and the strengthening of the interrelationship of organizations are essential to guarantee balance between economic and social interests, general and individual interests. They allow to control the conflict of norms which is not undergone any more but chosen, or to remove it.

Orientadores: Lucia da Costa Ferreira, Carlos Alfredo Joly / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas. / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T21:25:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mendes_AnaBeatrizVianna_D.pdf: 3210103 bytes, checksum: df2cf4871107f1a67eee53e11bd9b814 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Sob um prisma interdisciplinar, focado nas ciências humanas, este trabalho se dedica ao estudo de situações de ação que ocorreram em áreas destinadas à conservação ambiental. Selecionamos unidades de conservação (UCs) que carregam pressupostos distintos em relação à possibilidade de conservação ambiental e presença humana: o Parque Nacional do Jaú e a Reserva de Desenvolvimento Sustentável de Mamirauá, ambos situados no Amazonas. A análise de situações de ação observadas nestas UCs, a partir da ótica do pluralismo jurídico, permitirá discutir se e como as normas positivadas pelo Estado são impostas e como são manipuladas, negociadas e subvertidas no âmbito local. Tais situações de ação não envolvem apenas questões de direitos e deveres socioambientais vistos sob a ótica jurídica estatal - trata-se aqui da sobreposição de dois bens tutelados constitucionalmente: meio ambiente e diversidade cultural. Elas nos levam a refletir também sobre a importância e os limites do conhecimento científico, do direito positivado e do próprio Estado como entes legítimos para definir e gerir as políticas públicas brasileiras, notadamente as destinadas à proteção ambiental e à proteção da diversidade cultural. A partir do reconhecimento de que o direito estatal não tem o monopólio dos Direitos que regem a sociedade, e de que a ciência não tem o monopólio da verdade, este trabalho desnuda algumas fragilidades nas formas modernas de conhecimento e de juridicação, evidencia a crise das instituições estatais na criação, legitimação e efetivação de direitos e políticas públicas, e ressalta a importância da participação dos grupos sociais locais para a definição das regras e acordos socioambientais e, em última medida, para a efetivação da democracia / Abstract: From an interdisciplinary approach, focused on human sciences, this work is concerned with action situations that have occurred in protected environmental areas. We have selected two protected areas that have different presuppositions in relation to the possibility of conservation and human presence: Parque Nacional do Jaú (Jaú National Park and Reserva de Desenvolvimento Sustentável de Mamirauá (the Mamirauá Sustainable Development Reserve), both located in the Amazon. From a juridical pluralistic viewpoint, the analysis of action situations observed in these protected areas allows us to discuss if and how the positivated norms are imposed and how they are manipulated, negotiated and subverted on the local level. These action situations do not involve only questions regarding socio-environmental rights and obligations seen from a state juridical point of view - here we are dealing with the superposition of two constitutionally protected domains: environment and cultural diversity. These actions also lead us to reflect on the importance and limits of scientific knowledge, on the positivated rights, and on the State itself as legitimate delineators, capable of defining and managing Brazilian public policies, in particular those destined to the protection of the environmental and cultudiversity. After recognizing that state law does not have a monopoly on the Laws that regulate society, and that science does not have a monopoly on the truth, this work reveals some fragile settings in modern forms of knowledge and jurisdiction, highlighting the crisis of the state institutions in creating, legitimating and effectuating public policies and rights, and stresses the importance of the participation of local social groups in defining socio-environmental rules and agreements and, last but not least, effectuating democracy / Doutorado / Doutor em Ambiente e Sociedade