This project is an investigation into issues surrounding the placing of a building into the context of a site. The study manifests itself through the design of a museum for Phoenician sailing ships and their artifacts. / Master of Architecture

Dans le décor des coupes dites «phéniciennes», dont l’éclectisme a posé tant de questions, nous étudions les éléments d’origine mésopotamienne. Ces éléments concernent aussi bien les thèmes des représentations que leur mise en œuvre formelle ; nous en avons retracé la pénétration dans le corpus des coupes et leur diffusion. Du moment où la civilisation levantine a produit ces coupes, nous avons cherché à déterminer la façon dont elle a assimilé et adapté les types iconographiques mésopotamiens à l’expression de son propre univers culturel, ainsi que les critères qui ont pu orienter son choix des motifs parmi le vaste répertoire mésopotamien. Notre approche se veut iconologique : l’analyse du décor des coupes « phéniciennes » s’accompagne de l’étude de l’objet en tant que support matériel, de sa forme, de sa fonction, de sa valeur matérielle et symbolique, comme du cadre historique et culturel dans lequel cette catégorie spécifique de vaisselle a été produite. / This research concerns elements of Mesopotamian origin in the decoration of the so-called « Phoenician » bowls, whose eclectic nature has been long debated. My study focuses on two different aspects of this class of vessels. First, following the traditional iconographical approach, I study the formal and thematic elements of the various bowls in this series. Second, as the « Phoenician » bowls were produced within the Levantine culture, I aim to establish to what extend they reflect the way the Levantine culture assimilated and adapted Mesopotamian iconography for the expression of its own customs and values. I also intend to find out what cri-teria guided the Levantine artists in selecting which motifs to put on the bowls from the rich Mesopotamian iconographic repertoire.In addition, my approach is iconological: in order to ascertain what the Mesopotamian iconography reveals about the society where the « Phoenician » bowls were produced and used, I study the material aspects of the bowl in light of the figurative imagery, paying attention to its shape, its function, its material and symbolic value, foregrounding the historical context in which this class of vessel was produced.

Proefschrift--Rijksuniversiteit te Groningen, 1984. / Summary in Dutch. Includes bibliographical references.

This paper analyses the opposing views regarding the presence or absence of the Sikil at Dor in Palestine during Early Iron Age 1. Textual sources claim that the Sikil were pirates who came from the west and settled in Cyprus. Egyptian sources point to a Sikil presence at Dor. Some scholars regard the Egyptian sources and archaeological finds at Dor as evidence of a Sikil settlement at Dor. Others maintain that there is a continuity of ceramics at Dor from Canaanite to Phoenician. Though there were foreign influences at Dor during Early Iron Age 1 which point to newcomers, they propose that these newcomers probably came from Cyprus. No archaeological record of a Sea People-presence at Dor has been discovered. This study textually traces the Sikil from the Aegean to Cyprus, Egypt and finally to Dor and a theory is presented that the Sikil originated in the Aegean, temporarily settled in Cyprus and finally at Dor. / Old Testament & Ancient Near Eastern Studies / M.A. (Biblical Archaeology)

Euripides’ Phoenissae is a challenging work that is often overlooked by scholars of Greek drama. This study analyzes how the concept of autochthony occupies a central thematic concern of the play. On the one hand, autochthony unites humans to soil, political claims to myths, and present to past. On the other hand, autochthony was often invoked to exclude foreigners, women and exiles from political life at Athens. We observe a similar dichotomy in the Phoenissae. Autochthony unites the episode action–the story of the fraternal conflict—with the very different subject matter of the choral odes, which treat the founding myths of Thebes. By focalizing the lyric material through the perspective of marginalized female voices (Antigone and the chorus), Euripides is able to problematize the myths and rhetoric associated with autochthony. At the same time, Antigone’s departure with her father at the play’s close offers a transformation of autochthonous power into a positive religious entity. I suggest that a careful examination of the many facets of autochthony can inform our understanding of the Phoenissae with respect to dramatic structure, apparent Euripidean innovations, character motivation, stage direction and audience reception. / text

This paper analyses the opposing views regarding the presence or absence of the Sikil at Dor in Palestine during Early Iron Age 1. Textual sources claim that the Sikil were pirates who came from the west and settled in Cyprus. Egyptian sources point to a Sikil presence at Dor. Some scholars regard the Egyptian sources and archaeological finds at Dor as evidence of a Sikil settlement at Dor. Others maintain that there is a continuity of ceramics at Dor from Canaanite to Phoenician. Though there were foreign influences at Dor during Early Iron Age 1 which point to newcomers, they propose that these newcomers probably came from Cyprus. No archaeological record of a Sea People-presence at Dor has been discovered. This study textually traces the Sikil from the Aegean to Cyprus, Egypt and finally to Dor and a theory is presented that the Sikil originated in the Aegean, temporarily settled in Cyprus and finally at Dor. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M.A. (Biblical Archaeology)

La culture de l’olivier et la production d’huile, du Néolithique à l’Empire romain : le cas particulier de la péninsule Ibérique. Ce titre met en lumière les deux axes principaux de cette recherche doctorale. La première concerne la domestication de la plante à partir des zones refuges de l’oléastre en Méditerranée ; la deuxième, l’apparition des différentes technologies de production oléicole, leur évolution, ainsi que les héritages observés entre les différents peuples du Bassin entre le Néolithique et l’Empire romain. Toutes ces problématiques sont analysées à partir du cas précis de la péninsule Ibérique, extrémité occidentale de la Méditerranée, lieu d’échanges et d’influences d’origine orientale – phéniciennes et grecques, principalement. Grâce à l’étude de la domestication et des premières implantations de l’olivier il a pu être mis en évidence la nécessité d’associer l’archéobotanique – identification d’endocarpes, du charbon de bois et du pollen – à la génétique. Cette dernière a récemment permis de démontrer l’autochtonie de la plante en Méditerranée occidentale depuis les dernières glaciations, contestant ainsi les théories diffusionnistes d’une origine phénicienne – exclusivement orientale – de l’espèce et de l’oléiculture. La deuxième partie consacrée à l’étude de la technologie oléicole péninsulaire, démontre l’importance d’une machinerie de type artisanal et local, contemporaine d’une mécanique de type « préindustrielle » d’origine orientale. Les deux groupes typologiques se complètent et s’influencent jusqu’à l’arrivée de l’industrie oléicole romaine. / The culture of olive tree and the production of olive oil from the Neolithic Era to the Roman Empire: the case of the Iberian Peninsula. The title highlights the two main research lines of this doctoral thesis. On the one hand, the domestication of the olive plant from the refuge areas of oleaster in the Mediterranean Sea; on the second hand, the emergence of different technologies of oil production, evolution and legacy observed between the different cultures of the Mediterranean from the Neolithic Era to the Roman Empire. All these issues are studied within the specific context of the Iberian Peninsula, western end of the Mediterranean world and place of exchanges and influences of from Eastern cultures - namely Phoenician and Greek. Through the study of domestication and first implantations of the olive tree emerged the need of involving scientific research from archaeobotany - identification of endocarps, wood charcoal and pollen - to genetics. The latter has recently demonstrated the indigeneity of the plant in West Mediterranean since the last glaciations, thus disputing the “diffusionist” theories of a Phoenician origin - exclusively Eastern - of the varieties of olive and their production. The second part of the research, dedicated to the study the Peninsular technology of olive oil, demonstrates the importance of craft and local machinery, as well as contemporary ‘preindustrial’ types of Eastern origin. Both typological groups complement and influence each other until the introduction of Roman olive industry.

This study sets out to reveal the groundbreaking use of monody in the late plays of Euripides: in his hands, it is shaped into a potent and flexible instrument for representing emotion and establishing new narrative and thematic structures. Engaging with the current scholarly debate on music, affect, and characterization in Greek tragedy, I examine the role that monody plays in the musical design of four plays of Euripides, all produced in the last decade of his career: Ion, Iphigenia in Tauris, Phoenician Women, and Orestes. These plays are marked by the increased presence of actors’ song in proportion to choral song. The lyric voice of the individual takes on an unprecedented prominence with far-reaching implications for the structure and impact of each play. The monodies of Euripides are a true dramatic innovation: in addition to creating an effect of heightened emotion, monody is used to develop character and shape plot. In Ion, Iphigenia in Tauris, Phoenician Women, and Orestes, Euripides uncouples monody’s traditional and exclusive connection with lament. In contrast to the work of Aeschylus and Sophocles, where actors’ song is always connected with grief and pain, in these four plays monody conveys varied moods and states of mind. Monody expresses joy, hope, anxiety, bewilderment, accusation, and deliberation. Often, and simultaneously, it moves forward narrative exposition. The scope and dramatic function of monody grows and changes: passages of actors’ lyric become longer, more metrically complex, more detached from the other characters onstage, and more intensely focused on the internal experience of the singer. In the four plays under discussion we see a steadily increasing refinement and expansion of the form, a development that rests upon the changes in the style and function of contemporary music in the late fifth century. By 415 B.C., many formal features of tragedy had become highly conventionalized, and determined a set of expectations in the contemporary audience. Reacting against this tradition, Euripides successively redefines monody: each song takes over a traditional Bauform of tragedy, and builds upon it. The playwright uses the paired monodies of Ion to pose a conflict of ideas that might otherwise be conveyed through an agon. In Iphigenia in Tauris the heroine’s crisis and its resolution are presented in lyrics, rather than as a deliberative rhesis. In Phoenician Women, Antigone, Jocasta, and Oedipus replace the Chorus in lamenting the fall of the royal house. Finally, the Phrygian slave in Orestes sings a monody explicitly marked as a messenger speech that inverts the conventions of the form to raise questions about objectivity and truth in a disordered world. In examining these four plays, I hope to show some of the various potentials of this new Euripidean music as a major structural element in tragic drama, insofar as it can heighten emphasis, allow for the development of emotional states both subtle and extreme, reveal and deepen character, and mirror thematic movements. Euripides establishes monody as a dramatic form of considerable versatility and power. The poetry is charged with increased affect and expressivity; at the same time it articulates a new self-consciousness about the reciprocal capacities of form and content to shape one another. Here we may discern the shift of sensibility in Euripides’ late work, which proceeds pari passu with an apparent loosening of structural demands, or what one with equal justice might recognize as an increase in degrees of freedom. As the playwright repeatedly reconfigures the relationship between form and content, the range of what can happen onstage, of what can be said and sung, expands.

The Phoenicians were known as artisans, merchants, and seafarers by the 10th century B.C.E. They exchanged raw and finished goods with people in many cultural spheres of the ancient world and accumulated wealth in the process. A major factor that aided their success was the establishment of colonies along the Mediterranean and eastern Atlantic coasts. These colonies, established by the eighth century B.C.E., supplied valuable raw materials to the major Phoenician cities in the Levant, while also providing additional markets abroad. Excavations at a myriad of these colonial sites have recovered materials that can be used to identify connections between the colonies, the Levantine cities, and non-Phoenician cultures across the ancient world. By establishing these connections the system of maritime exchange can be better understood and modeled as the Phoenician Trade Network. This network involved both direct and indirect exchange of raw and finished products, people, as well as political and cultural ideas. The colonies were involved in various activities including ceramics production, metallurgy, trade, and agriculture. Native peoples they interacted with provided valuable goods, especially metals, which were sent east to supply the Near Eastern Markets. The Phoenician Trade Network was a system of interconnected, moderately independent population centers which all participated in the advancement of Phoenician mercantilism and wealth. Ultimately, the network collapsed in the sixth century B.C.E. allowing other powers such as the Romans, Carthaginians, and Greeks to replace them as the dominant merchants of the Mediterranean.

Ce travail mets à profit la connaissance que nous pouvons avoir des documents épigraphiques et littéraires concernant Chypre pour formuler de nouvelles interprétations à propos de la structure politique, économique et sociale de l’île avant l’âge classique. Dans le corpus de documents sont étudiées les sources primaires, celles qui ont été trouvées sur l’île (inscriptions chypro-syllabiques, phéniciennes, akkadiennes, égyptiennes), et celles qui ont une autre origine, mais qui concernent directement Chypre (inscriptions néo-assyriennes ; inscriptions chypriotes trouvées hors de Chypre ; documents en hébreu et en égyptien), ainsi que les sources sécondaires, (passages bibliques mentionnant Chypre ; passages d’auteurs classiques). Dans la synthèse, les documents sont analysés et interprétés selon des thèmes de recherche privilégiés. Une étude des données rassemblées par ville ou royaume permet d’introduire la problématique de l’origine et des caractères de la royauté chypriote ; à ce propos, une comparaison est proposée avec la royauté mycénienne et avec la structure politique de l’île à l’âge du Bronze Récent. Sont étudiés également les éléments dont on dispose pour la reconstruction de la structure sociale de l’île, et le problème de l’existence de la polis à Chypre. / This work draws informations from the epigraphic and literary documents concerning Cyprus in order to formulate new interpretations about the political, economic and social structure of the island before the Classical age. In the corpus of documents the primary sources are studied, those that have been found on the island (Cypro-syllabic, Phoenician, Akkadian and Egyptian inscriptions), and those that have a different origin, but dealing with Cyprus (Neo-Assyrian inscriptions ; Cypriot inscriptions found outside the island ; documents in Hebrew and Egyptian), as well as the secondary sources (biblical texts mentioning Cyprus ; passages of Classical authors). In the main text the documents are analysed and interpreted according to some main research themes. The study of the evidence collected for each city or kingdom allows to introduce the problem of the origin and characters of Cypriot kingship ; on this subject, a comparison is proposed with Mycenaean kingship, and with the political structure of the island in the Late Bronze Age. The evidence available for the reconstruction of the social structure of the island is also studied, as well as the problem of the existence of the Greek polis in Cyprus.