Submitted by (lucia.rodrigues@ufrpe.br) on 2016-06-14T14:43:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Diego Henrique Barros Nery.pdf: 1819526 bytes, checksum: 6dc250cdb7f1cf6bc4c1817da2ff9bca (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-14T14:43:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Diego Henrique Barros Nery.pdf: 1819526 bytes, checksum: 6dc250cdb7f1cf6bc4c1817da2ff9bca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In this work we address the ways in Pernambuco in the first half of the nineteenth century, they saw and spoke about the conception of progress in the province, it’s relations with the practices from Europe, a type of civility, represented in journalistic discourses that circulated in the province, especially the capital. To this end we use the concepts of Michel De Certeau on the concept of strategy for the development of journalistic discourses, the category of representation of Roger Chartier to relate the understand of progress recorded in the journals. The focus of these representations of civility and progress has been analyzed in discursive disagreements, fights and the analysis done by their own parochial on this subject in journals. This analysis was performed in the eyes of the organizational structure of its own journal for this task we use the concepts of analysis Mouilland about the layout of newspapers and will also help the discourse analysis of Eni Orlandi. We see several ways to represent the progress and the ways it’s midst came to influence the partisan disputes existing in Pernambuco demonstrating the political culture. Together we look at the disputes thatoccured in the leaves of newspapers held by conservatives and liberals in order to get space on the political scene of Pernambuco making use of their own concepts of progress and modernity. / Neste trabalho propomos tratar das formas como os pernambucanos na primeira metade do Século XIX, percebiam e discursavam sobre a concepção de progresso na província, suas relações com as práticas vindas da Europa, modelo de civilidade, representadas em discursos jornalísticos que circulavam na província, principalmente a capital. Para tal faremos uso das concepções de Michel De Certeau quanto ao conceito de estratégia para a elaboração dos discursos jornalísticos, a categoria de representação do Roger Chartier para relacionarmos o entendimento de progresso inscrito nos periódicos. O foco destas representações de civilidade e de progresso foi analisado nos desencontros discursivos, nas brigas e nas análises feitas pelos próprios provincianos sobre a temática nos periódicos. Esta análise foi realizada aos olhos da estrutura organizacional do próprio periódico, e para tal tarefa, utilizamos as concepções de análise do Mouilland quanto à diagramação dos jornais e nos auxiliamos também pela análise de discurso da Eni Orlandi. Percebemos diversas formas de representar o progresso e as formas como seus meandros chegaram a influenciar nas disputas partidárias existentes em Pernambuco demonstrando a cultura política. Conjuntamente analisamos as disputas ocorridas nasfolhas dos jornais realizadas por conservadores e liberais com o intuito de conseguir espaços no cenário político de Pernambuco fazendo uso de conceitos próprios de progresso e modernidade.

Considerando que a qualidade de uma democracia depende não apenas de níveis altos de participação, mas de uma participação equilibrada entre diferentes grupos, o presente trabalho realiza uma investigação sobre os determinantes da participação e o perfil das pessoas que participam de atividades políticas diversas no regime democrático brasileiro. Foram realizadas regressões logísticas e ordinais com a participação em: petições, protestos, boicotes, voto; atividades de partidos políticos, Conselhos e Orçamento Participativo, e discussões. Os resultados demonstram que o interesse por política é importante para todos os tipos de participação, exceto a participação eleitoral. A educação só demonstrou relações estatisticamente significantes com protesto, petição e discussão, contrariando as tendências frequentemente achadas na literatura nacional e internacional. A participação em Conselhos demonstrou uma correlação robusta com variáveis relacionadas ao capital social. Destaca-se também a correlação negativa entre apoio à democracia e participação em alguns modelos estimados. / Given that the quality of democracy depends not only on high levels of political participation, but also on the equality of participation among different groups, this dissertation aims to investigate the determinants of participation and the profile of people who engage in several political activities in the Brazilian democratic regime. In order to attain that goal, we carried out logistic and ordered regressions on the participation in petitions, protests, boycotts, vote, party activities, Social Councils and Participatory Budget and political discussion. Results show that political interest is important for all kinds of participation, except for turnout. Education has shown statistical significance only with protest, petition and discussion, going against trends frequently found in both national and international literature. Engagement in Councils and Participatory Budget has shown a robust correlation with independent variables related to social capital. It is also worth to emphasize the negative correlation found between support for democratic regime and some kinds of participation.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-05-20T11:54:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandacristinadasilva.pdf: 684368 bytes, checksum: be626c6b9be9fb60bf1f30a4b4590a0d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-02T11:20:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandacristinadasilva.pdf: 684368 bytes, checksum: be626c6b9be9fb60bf1f30a4b4590a0d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-02T11:20:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandacristinadasilva.pdf: 684368 bytes, checksum: be626c6b9be9fb60bf1f30a4b4590a0d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-17 / Este trabalho objetiva analisar as mudanças produzidas na cultura política da Assistência Social no município de Leopoldina – MG após a implementação do Sistema Único de Assistência Social - SUAS. O estudo desenvolveu-se por meio de pesquisa qualitativa, realizado através de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com os profissionais da Proteção Social Básica do SUAS do município, tendo sido entrevistados 12 profissionais. Nessa direção, analisamos a intervenção e a percepção destes atores com relação à cultura política e com relação à Política de Assistência Social explicitando assim o debate acerca da cultura política da Assistência Social no município em questão. Os resultados apontaram que o SUAS trouxe diversos avanços para a Assistência Social em Leopoldina com destaque para a possibilidade de superação da histórica cultura assistencialista pautada na ideologia do favor, da ajuda, das relações pessoais, do patrimonialismo, do clientelismo dentre outros. Contudo, mesmo com todo o avanço democrático que o SUAS representa para a realidade da Política de Assistência Social de Leopoldina ainda é intenso no município um projeto conservador que, representado pelo assistencialismo e pelas relações pessoais e de poder, mantém na realidade local traços marcantes de um passado ainda muito presente e que aliado ao projeto neoliberal de características profundamente redutoras do Estado e dos direitos sociais impedem a total efetivação do projeto democratizador encampado pelo SUAS. / This work aims to analyze the changes produced in the political culture of the Social Assistance in the city of Leopoldina - MG after the implementation of the Unic Sistem of Social Assistance . The study was developed through qualitative research, conducted through semi-structured interviews with professionals from the Basic Social Protection of the Unic Sistem of Social Assistance of the city and 12 professionals were interviewed. In this direction, we analyze the intervention and the perception of this professionals in relation to political culture and in relation to the Social Assistance Policy expliciting the debate about the political culture of the Social Assistance in the city in question. The results showed that the Unic Sistem of Social Assistance has brought many advances to the Social Assistance in Leopoldina with emphasis on the possibility of overcoming the historical culture based on the ideology of welfare benefit, aid, personal relationships, patrimonialism, clientelism among others. However, even with all the democratic advance that Unic Sistem of Social Assistance represents to the reality of Social Assistance Policy in Leopoldina, is still intense in the city a conservative project that represented by the welfare and the personal relationships and power, remains in the local distinctive features of a past still present and that coupled with the neoliberal project of profoundly reducing characteristics of the state and social rights prevent the full realization of the project of democratization embraced by Unic Sistem of Social Assistance.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-02T11:39:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 luanadesouzafaria.pdf: 1557509 bytes, checksum: f1c63631794584a37323fffe3739426c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-02T12:06:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 luanadesouzafaria.pdf: 1557509 bytes, checksum: f1c63631794584a37323fffe3739426c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-02T12:06:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 luanadesouzafaria.pdf: 1557509 bytes, checksum: f1c63631794584a37323fffe3739426c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-09-25 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o modo como a prática dos descaminhos do ouro contribuiu para fomentar discussões no reino e na colônia. Tal prática, utilizada por diferentes indivíduos no ultramar gerou, em contrapartida, uma preocupação excessiva em conte-la, levando a intermináveis discussões em torno do melhor meio de arrecadação do quinto, trazendo para o centro do debate questões ligada aos valores e noções compartilhada no reino e no ultramar. Estando estes indivíduos inseridos em uma determinada cultura política ao migrarem para o ultramar, inevitavelmente, trouxeram consigo seus valores e visões de mundo, readaptando-a muitas vezes à realidade local. Tais homens, por meio de estratégias souberam utilizar desses valores, ora para promover a interiorização do poder régio, ora, e muitas vezes, em benefício próprio. Partindo do pressuposto que estes homens partilhavam os valores presentes em uma Monarquia Corporativa e Jurisdicional, tratamos de analisar os descaminhos do ouro nesta pesquisa a partir de dois eixos temáticos - a administração ultramarina e a aplicação da justiça no Antigo Regime. Para tanto, buscamos na ação dos diferentes indivíduos frente aos descaminhos do ouro que ocorreram em Minas Gerais, entre os anos de 1709 a 1750, perceber o modo como interagiam, os jogos de poder e por fim, o modo como a cultura política do Antigo Regime legitimava a ação desses homens, colocando em xeque, muitas vezes as determinações vinda da metrópole. / This paper has the purpose to analyze how the gold´s detours have contributed to promote some discussions on the Portuguese kingdom and in the colony. The detours was very commonly used by different individuals, and the concern to stop it and the discussions about the better way to collect the ‘quinto’, brought to the debate some matters about values and ideas about it, both at the kingdom and in their colonies. These individuals were inserted into a specific political culture and they brought his values and visions of the world when they migrate, and set it up to the local reality. At the end, they used some strategies to promote the kingdom´s control, but sometimes they used it in order to get own benefits. This paper is based on the idea that they shared the values of a Corporate and Jurisdictional Monarchy, in order to explore two central themes: the colony´s administration by the kingdom and the act to make justice in the monarchy´s era. In order to do that, we are going to analyze the actions of different individuals in face of the gold´s detours that have occurred in Minas Gerais between 1709 and 1750, in order to realize the way these people interact with each other, their game of power, and, the idea of how the political culture of the monarchy´s era legitimated the actions of these men, even when it put in doubt the determinations coming from the metropolis.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-28T10:42:21Z No. of bitstreams: 0 / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-08-30T14:34:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-30T14:34:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2016-05-19 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / As leis de combate à corrupção eleitoral (9840/99 e 135/10) que resultaram de projetos de iniciativa popular evidenciam a existência de, pelo menos, dois tipos de comportamento político frente à corrupção no Brasil de hoje. Cidadãos dispostos a trocar o voto ou a votar em políticos notoriamente corruptos evidenciam um comportamento permissivo em relação à corrupção. Cidadãos que se engajaram na coleta de assinaturas evidenciam um comportamento combativo em relação à corrupção. Essa tese tem como questão central a compreensão da coexistência das duas condutas diferentes e opostas frente à corrupção no Brasil, uma permissiva e outra combativa, identificando fatores e variáveis associados a cada uma delas. Consideramos a hipótese de que os diferentes modos de reagir à corrupção estão associados a fatores culturais e socioeconômicos, mais especificamente, ao controle diferenciado de recursos por parte dos cidadãos e seu grau de envolvimento em projetos coletivos (associativismo). Nesses termos, consideramos o comportamento político como um fenômeno associado à cultura política, à racionalidade econômica e à experiência associativa. O estudo de Putnam (2006) sintetiza as principais referências teóricas dessa tese, isto é, a Teoria da Cultura Política e a Teoria da Escolha Racional. Apresentamos ao longo da tese proposições teóricas e evidências empíricas difundidas na literatura especializada que reforçam a hipótese. Além disso, realizamos um estudo de casos através de entrevistas individuais guiadas por um roteiro semiestruturado. A amostra foi composta por 16 cidadãos residentes em Juiz de Fora entre os quais oito informantes engajaram-se na coleta de assinaturas a favor das leis mencionadas e oito não se engajaram naquele projeto. O resultado reforça a suposição de que os dois tipos de comportamento político frente à corrupção estão associados aos fatores culturais, ao controle diferenciado sobre recursos socioeconômicos e à experiência associativa. / The laws against electoral corruption (9840/99 and 135/10) that resulted from popular initiative projects demonstrate the existence of at least two types of political behavior against corruption in Brazil today. Citizens willing to exchange the vote or vote in notoriously corrupt politicians show a permissive attitude towards corruption. Citizens who engaged in collecting signatures show a combative attitude towards corruption. This thesis is a central issue to understand the coexistence of two different and opposite behavior against the corruption in Brazil, a permissive and other combative, identifying factors and variables associated with each. We consider the hypothesis that the different ways of reacting to corruption are associated with cultural and socioeconomic factors, specifically the differential control of resources by the citizens and their degree of involvement in collective projects (associations). In these terms, we consider the political behavior as a phenomenon associated with political culture, economic rationality and associative experience. The study of Putnam (2006) summarizes the main theoretical references of this thesis, that is, the Theory of Political Culture and the Theory of Rational Choice. Here along the thesis theoretical propositions and empirical evidence disseminated in the literature that support the hypothesis. In addition, we conducted a case study through individual interviews guided by a semi-structured script. The sample consisted of 16 residents in Juiz de Fora including eight informants have engaged in collecting signatures in favor of the laws mentioned and eight are not engaged in that project. The result reinforces the assumption that the two types of political behavior against corruption are associated with cultural factors, to the differentiated control over socio-economic resources and associative experience.

Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-11-30T15:11:05Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Valeria Cabreira Cabrera_Dissertacao.pdf: 1771696 bytes, checksum: b5d4b1b9886bbd648ea37744768fb0ab (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-30T15:11:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Valeria Cabreira Cabrera_Dissertacao.pdf: 1771696 bytes, checksum: b5d4b1b9886bbd648ea37744768fb0ab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-11 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul - FAPERGS / A literatura da área da Ciência Política aponta para a existência de uma cultura política híbrida no Brasil, ou seja, para a convivência de crenças, valores, atitudes e comportamentos autoritários e democráticos entre os cidadãos. Além disso, a crescente desconfiança do brasileiro nas instituições políticas tem sido considerada um sinal de alerta no que tange à legitimidade da democracia no país. Esse é um fenômeno aparente na cultura política de vários países da América Latina, o que tem fomentado o estudo do regime democrático sob a premissa de que esse não é um sistema político único e acabado, mas sim multidimensional e em permanente evolução. Nesse sentido, esta dissertação busca a analisar a relação entre a percepção do cidadão brasileiro sobre direitos humanos e a adesão à democracia no Brasil. Por meio do método estatístico, analisaram-se dados coletados em pesquisa survey, a partir dos quais se pode verificar o perfil da percepção sobre direitos humanos no Brasil, traçar a conexão dessa percepção à desconfiança do brasileiro no Poder Judiciário e na Polícia e, ainda, relacionar variáveis atinentes ao apoio à democracia no país a outras sobre os direitos humanos. Como resultado, em suma, descobriu-se que, embora o brasileiro apoie em maioria a democracia, tal apoio não se dá em relação aos direitos humanos. / The literature of Political Science points to the existence of a hybrid political culture in Brazil, that is, to the coexistence of beliefs, values, attitudes and authoritarian and democratic behavior among citizens. In addition, the growing distrust of Brazilians in the political institutions has been considered as a warning sign regarding the legitimacy of democracy. This is an apparent phenomenon in the political culture of several countries in Latin America, which has fostered the study of democratic rule under the premise that this is not a single nor an accomplished political system, but multidimensional and evolving. In this sense, this work tries to analyze the relationship between the perception of Brazilian citizens on human rights and adherence to democracy in Brazil. Through statistical method, analyzed data collected in survey research, from which one can see the profile of the perception of human rights in Brazil, trace the connection of this perception distrust of the Brazilians in the judiciary and in the police, and also , relate variables pertaining to support for democracy in the country to other human rights. As a result, in short, it was found that, although the Brazilian support in most democracy, such support does not occur in relation to human rights.

This thesis is about anti-popery in early modern England, how its meanings and political uses in printed literature changed in response to the dramatic developments of the Thirty Years' War. I contend that the languages of anti-popery, though structured by binary oppositions, were being used to express complex, multifaceted views about Catholic states in the 1620s and 1630s. The new perspective that this research offers is two-fold. Firstly, it asserts that anti-popery was an active and flexible tool of English Protestant debate about foreign affairs. 'Popish' tyranny, variously embodied in the Counter-Reformation papacy or Habsburg imperialism, was a malleable concept that adapted its meanings and associations with the political circumstances. Our early modern subjects were capable of separating anti-Catholic beliefs about idolatrous worship from political questions of how to identify, and combat, the threat of papal tyranny. Thus, this thesis argues that a greater range of irenic attitudes towards relations with Catholic powers were circulating than previously thought. Secondly, this thesis argues that several different anti-papal languages were operating alongside, and in competition with, one another in early Stuart political culture. As a fluid set of tropes, associations and prejudices, anti-popery had different meanings for different authors and incorporated a range of political and religious agendas. Anti-popery, therefore, was not simply a tool of Puritan opposition to the non-interventionist policy of the Stuarts, but, I argue, was also compatible with a more moderate or conciliatory attitude to Catholic states, including Habsburg Spain. The printed debates of the 1620s and 1630s expose the tensions that existed between competing ideas about the nature of the external popish threat. By 1635 and the reversal of Protestant fortunes on the Continent, these competing anti-papal ideas were exposing the tensions within England about the nature of its Protestantism, and thus helped precipitate the Civil Wars.

This thesis discusses the use of Daniel Elazar's theory of political subcultures in the United States. The first chapter is an introduction to the concept of political culture. The second chapter discusses Elazar's theory and method. The third chapter points out the problems in Elazar's theory and his method with a discussion of recent studies. The fourth chapter outlines the present analysis and the method used. The fifth chapter sets out the conclusions and offers avenues of new direction in the study of political culture.

Botswana has recently garnered analytic attention as an anomaly of the “resource curse” phenomenon. Worldwide, countries whose economies are highly skewed towards a dependence on the export of non-renewable natural resources such as oil, diamonds and uranium, have been among the most troubled, authoritarian, poverty-stricken and conflict-prone; a phenomenon widely regarded as the “resource curse". The resource curse explains the varying fortunes of countries based on their resource wealth, with resource-rich countries faring much worse than their resource-poor counterparts. However, Botswana, with diamond exports accounting for 50percent of government revenues and 80percent of total exports, has achieved one of the fastest economic growth rates in the developing world in the last 50 years. Furthermore, the Freedom House ranks it as the safest, most stable, least corrupt and most democratic country on sub-Saharan Africa. In attempting to answer why Botswana apparently escaped the “resource curse”, this research assumes that both formal and informal institutions within the state acted as intermediary variables in determining its fortune. This research thus addresses the deeper question of where Botswana obtained its unique institutional quality that facilitated its apparent escape of the resource curse. It traces Botswana’s history through four lenses: legitimacy and historical continuity, political culture, ethnicity and identity management, and external relations; as having explanatory value in understanding the Botswana exception. The research finds most evidence of Botswana’s institutional quality emanating from the country’s political culture which it found more compatible with the institutions of development and democracy that facilitate both positive economic and political outcomes. It also found evidence of legitimacy and historical continuity facilitating the robustness of both formal and informal institutions in Botswana, and identity management through assimilation as having buffered against the effects of ethnically motivated resource plunder. It however, found the least support for the assertion that external relations contributed to institutional quality.

This Diploma Thesis deals with obstructions within the legislative process of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, more precisely in hearings at the Lower House. The aim of the thesis is to describe the phenomenon of obstructions and their importance in the legislative process. In the beginning, the author establishes three basic research questions, which he then tries to answer through quantitative methods. Firstly, the author answers the question whether either site of the ideological spectrum tends to use the tactic of obstruction more often. Secondly, he inquires whether there are any differences between the obstructions of a right-wing or a left-wing party. Finally, the author aims to clarify if the long-established parties in the Chamber of Deputies have an advantage in the practice of obstructions and thus are more successful in it than new parties are. The text is divided into three separate chapters with a logical structure starting from theoretical themes and continuing with an empirical analysis. The first part, which is purely theoretical, is followed by a chapter dealing with the legislative process which can be considered as a transition between the theoretical and empirical parts. The following chapter is based on empiricism and analyses stenographic records and interviews with the representatives of political parties. The carried out analyses suggest that it is impossible to state clearly which site of the ideological spectrum tends to use the tactic of obstruction more often, as in the majority of cases parties using this tactic find themselves in the opposition. However, while obstructing, both left-wing and right-wing parties use almost identical tools. Ultimately, it can be stated that parties represented in the House of Deputies for a long period are not more successful in practicing obstructions than other parties, even though they use strategies that are more sophisticated.