中國大陸是世界自然災害發生、災情最嚴重的國家之一，具有災害種類多、發生頻率高、分佈地域廣、造成損失大等特點，對中國的經濟建設與社會發展，造成多方的嚴重破壞與影響。 目前中國大陸的災害管理主要是縱向的災害管理模式，即在中共中央「統一領導」下，主導災害管理，並堅持「政府集體領導、上下分級管理、部門分工負責、以地方為主、中央為輔」的災害管理體制，劃分為國家級減災管理、省級減災管理與地方級（城鄉社區）減災管理等三個層次，凸顯中國災害管理體制出現不少問題，也暴露出中國應急救援工作存在薄弱環節。 因此近年來，中國逐步形成自然災害的管理處置體系，災害危機管理工作也有一定程度的進展，但2008年發生的雪災、川震，是中國在「SARS」危機結束後，所遇到最為嚴重的危機事件，對中國「統一領導、分級負責、條塊結合、屬地管理」的處置體系，進行一次全面性的檢驗。同時，也對中國政權建設在政治、經濟、軍事、社會以及兩岸關係上，產生決定性的影響。所以，中國政府在面對自然災害格外謹慎，深怕直接影響其政府形象及認可度。 儘管中國因著災害事件接踵而來，在管理應處上逐步學習改善，但評估中國在2008年自然災害的應對中，災害管理仍落後於經濟的增長和社會的發展，與中共中央的要求還是有很大的差距，所以中國未來在應對自然災害管理組織、制度、能力和作為等，還需許多改進和完善的地方。 / Mainland China, having many features of disaster such as various species, high happening frequency, extensive distribution, great damage etc., is one of the countries with the most serious natural disaster situation experience in the world. These features also cause serious destruction to the economic construction and social development of China. Presently, Mainland China takes the vertical disaster administration mode to handle the situation. The government directly leads the disaster administration and insists forming a system of central collective leading, classifying administration , responsibility divided and giving region the priority. It is divided into three levels：national, provincial and regional disaster administration. It reveals many problems in disaster administration of China and exposes insufficient ability of China in dealing with emergency and rescuing sufferers. Therefore, in recent years, China gradually forms a administration system in dealing with natural disasters and makes a certain progress. However the snow disaster and the earthquake of Sichuan, occurred in 2008, were the most serious accidents we ever met in China after the SARS crisis, These contingencies urge China to entirely check the processing system of integrated leading, classified responsibility and possession administration. Simultaneously, these experiences also make a decisive influence to the China political power construction on political affairs, economy, military, society and cross-Strait relations. Thus, the China government carefully confront natural disasters and afraid it influences the image and approve of the government. Although China gradually learn and improves the measures in dealing with the continued accidents, but assessing that China in 2008 in response to natural disasters, disaster management is still lagging behind the economic growth and social development. Also it is still a large gap to conform with the requirements of the CPC Central Committee. Therefore in the future, for China it is still needed to be improved and perfected in response to natural disaster management organizations, systems, capabilities, and actions etc.

Les relations entre l’Etat et la religion sont déterminantes dans l’histoire de chaque pays. Au Kazakhstan, le statut de l’islam a varié au gré du régime sur place. Implanté en plusieurs vagues, commençant par la conquête arabe du sud du pays, puis officialisé par les Qarakhanides, la Horde d’Or sous le khan Özbek et les khans kazakhs, l’islam a trouvé une certaine régulation à partir du XVIIIème siècle avec la colonisation russe. L’Empire russe, intéressé par le fait de gagner les musulmans à sa cause, favorise leur religion en créant l’Assemblée spirituelle à Orenbourg. L’impératrice Catherine II envoie des mollahs tatars dans la steppe kazakhe et construit de nombreuses mosquées pour mieux contrôler les Kazakhs. Mais le renforcement de l’islam donne des résultats inverses à ceux escomptés et l’empire durcit sa position envers le dernier, il limite le nombre de mollahs et de mosquées par région. Avec l’arrivée des soviétiques au pouvoir, tout semble changer. Mais provisoirement seulement ; les premières « déclarations démocratiques » n’aboutissent qu’à se retourner contre toutes les religions par une série de répressions à la fin des années 1920, et l’idéologie communiste espère mettre fin à l’islam. Pourtant les Directions spirituelles musulmanes avaient été rétablies durant la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale par Staline qui avait voulu utiliser le potentiel religieux pour servir ses buts. Elles ont fonctionné jusqu’à l’effondrement de l’URSS en reflétant les décisions du parti. L’indépendance du Kazakhstan a donné une chance aux croyants de rétablir la religion, mais en même temps elle a contribué à l’apparition de mouvances radicales. Depuis les années 2000 le gouvernement revoit sa politique en matière religieuse, en effectuant de nouveau des restrictions. L’histoire recommence-t-elle ? / Relations between the state and religion are determining in the history of every country. At Kazakhstan the status of Islam has largely depended on the ruling regime. Islam was brought to Kazakhstan in several waves, starting from the conquest of the country’s south by Arabs. It was legalized by Qarakhanides, the Golden Horde under Khan Özbek and Kazakh clans and was further regularized with Russian colonization starting from XVIII century. Russian Empire, interested in attracting Muslims, has favored their religion by creating a Spiritual assembly at Orenburg. Empress Catherine II (The Great) had sent Tatar mullahs to the Kazakh steppes to establish Moslem institutions (mosques, religious schools, etc). This was aimed at gaining control over the Kazakh population. But reinforcement of Islam has led to rather opposite result and, as a consequence, Empire hardened towards Islam - the numbers of mosques and mullahs were reduced. It seemed to change upon arrival of the Soviets to the region, but only for a limited time, followed by anti-religious declarations of the Soviet Government and repressions at the end of 1920s, aiming to exterminate the influence of Islam once and forever. However during Second World War, under Stalin, Muslin spiritual institutions were once more re-established. They continued to function during the post-war era and collapse of USSR, being in the total support for the latter. Independence of Kazakhstan has provided an opportunity for the citizens to freely express their beliefs, and at the same time it led to the emerging of certain radical movements. From the years of 2000 the Kazakh government revises once again its policy on religion towards restriction. The history repeats itself?

Cette thèse traite de l’aide qu’apporte le renseignement à la prise de décision pour les pouvoirs politiques en place, de la période précoloniale à la période postcoloniale. La chronologie nous a conduit à étudier le renseignement, son infrastructure et son personnel pendant la période précoloniale, puis le renseignement pendant la période coloniale, que ce soit de la conquête à l’installation administrative française. Après l’indépendance, le service de renseignement a perduré en se restructurant, mais en conservant des liens avec l’ancienne puissance coloniale. Ce travail sur le long terme a fait apparaitre une large continuité dans le temps et des dynamiques d’adaptation entre les différentes périodes. Les informateurs traditionnels ont continué d’alimenter aussi bien les pouvoirs locaux, les pouvoirs coloniaux que postcoloniaux. (Ils constituent en quelque sorte les « soutiers » du renseignement). Plus que de ruptures, cette étude met en évidence de très larges continuités entre le passé et le présent. / The subject deals with the contribution that intelligence made to decision making by the political powers from the precolonial period to the postcolonial period. The chronology has lead us to examine the intelligence service, its infrastucture and its staff during the precolonial period, followed by intelligence during the colonial period, from conquest to the setting up of the French administration. Following independence, intelligence services continued to exist by restructuring themselves, while at the same time maintaining links with the old colonial powers. This long term study has revealed a broad continuity in time and the dynamics of adaptation between the different periods. The traditional informants continued to supply local and colonial powers as well as postcolonial powers. (In a way they constituted the firemen of the “furnace of information”). More than a departure, this study brings to light the very broad continuity between the past and the present.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-05-13T17:51:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 AnaMariaCarvalhoMetzler.pdf: 1811546 bytes, checksum: dade0b96393301aa2626f2add411b49c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-13T17:51:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AnaMariaCarvalhoMetzler.pdf: 1811546 bytes, checksum: dade0b96393301aa2626f2add411b49c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-19 / Nenhuma / Este trabalho trata da relação entre os poderes político e religioso na construção de representações identitárias de instituições de ensino superior de confessionalidade católica (IESCC) no período de 1995 a 2010. Inspirando-nos na teoria bourdieusiana consideramos as IESCC como um núcleo do campo educacional das instituições de ensino superior (IES). Como tal, sofrem influências e tanto do poder político, entendido como poder de Estado, quanto do religioso legitimado nas ações do Papa, dos agentes da Congregação para a Educação Católica do Vaticano, das Arquidioceses, Dioceses, Ordens e Congregações Católicas e respectivas Inspetorias e Províncias que administram e mantêm IESCC no território Brasileiro. Na relação entre os poderes, identificamos momentos de tensão, embates e negociações. Para identificação das representações identitárias das IESCC, utilizamo-nos de documentos como, acordos de cooperação, leis e decretos, códigos, constituições e sites institucionais de noventa e cinco IESCC. Através da análise documental, concluímos que o núcleo se constitui de instituições mantidas por Arquidioceses e Dioceses e Ordens e Congregações Católicas e apresenta três tipos de instituições: as Pontifícias ou Eclesiásticas; Católicas e Católicas de fato, mas não de direito. Entre as práticas adotadas pelos agentes das IESCC identificamos: criação de IES de pequeno porte como faculdades, escolas e Institutos Superiores; domínios de cursos de bacharelado nas áreas de Ciências Humanas, Sociais e Aplicadas e Tecnológicas; demarcação da indissociabilidade do ensino, pesquisa e extensão; aumento de instituições Católicas; formação de redes institucionais; inclusão de novas congregações mantenedoras, originariamente, não voltadas para a missão educativas; transformação de escolas formadora de religiosos em IES; ocupação de outros espaços regionais, adoção de políticas de gestão organizacional, etc. As IESCC evidenciam dois pontos de vista: um voltado para a formação humanista e outro parece acreditar que este propósito deve ser alterado para continuar se expandindo em um mercado competitivo. No entanto é senso comum que ser católico deve ser demarcado no campo seja enquanto marca ou como explicitação de uma formação ético-cristã. / This research project will explain the relation between the political and religious power in the construction of identitary representations of higher education institutions of Catholic confessionality (HEICC) in the period from1995 to 2010. Based on the Bourdieusian theory we consider the HEICC as an essential part of the educational field of higher education institutions (HEI). As such they suffer influences from both the political power, regarded as State power, and from the religious power legitimized in the Pope’s actions, the Congregation agents for Catholic Education of the Vatican, Archdioceses, Dioceses, Catholic Orders and Congregations and Inspectorates and Provinces which manage and keep HEICC in the Brazilian territory. We identified moments of tension, differences and negotiation in the relation between the powers. In order to analyze the identitary representations of HEICC we made use of cooperation agreements, laws and decrees, codes, constitutions and institutional sites of ninety-five HEICC. Through documental analysis we concluded that the core is constituted by institutions kept by Archdioceses and Dioceses and Catholic Orders and Congregations and presents three types of institutions: Pontifical or Ecclesiastical, Catholic and Catholic by right, butnot on the rule of law. We identified among the practices adopted by the agents of HEICC the creation of small HEI such as colleges, schools and Higher Institutes; Bachelor’s degree courses in Human, Social and Applied and Technological Sciences; demarcation of the indissociability of teaching, research and university extension courses; increase of Catholic institutions; formation of institutional networks; the inclusion of new sponsoring congregations originally not aimed towards the educational mission; transformation of religious professional schools into HEI; occupation of other local areas; adoption of organizational management policies, etc. The HEICC emphasize two points of view: One focused on the humanistic formation and another which seems to believe that this purpose must be altered in order to keep expanding in a competitive market. However it is common sense that being catholic mustbe demarcated in the field whether in mark or explanation of an ethical-christian formation.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mirian Gado Fernandes Costa.pdf: 1148833 bytes, checksum: 46a8a99b18e76a6f2ddb95575b9011a9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-28 / Paul Ricoeur was concerned, in his political essays, with a philosophy of action linked to the willingness of human coexistence. In order to understand Politics as an activity based on coexistence, we should recognize concepts such as power, sovereignty, violence, as permanent features in the task of stabilization of life in common. Thus, we should revisit some philosophical works that illustrates this unique capacity of men. This work discusses Paul Ricoeur s political paradox concept, which was first brought to light in 1957, in the article he wrote analyzing the Hungarian Revolution. Focusing on Ricoeur s work, this text intends to clarify the political paradox concept, as well as to explicit political power problems such as its relative autonomy with respect to social-economic relations. The Hungarian events illustrate such problems, but this work also demonstrates how Ricoeur s analyses unfolded into a universal reflection about the political realm. Ricoeur discussed some of Hannah Arendt s papers; according to the later, Politics is the source of meaning for human life and a long-term political project is the only possibility of historical immortality for us, mortals. Some of these discussions brought up at the end of this dissertation, aim to shed light on the reflection about the political paradox and the problematic of power / Paul Ricoeur preocupou-se, em seus textos políticos, com uma filosofia da ação voltada para a vontade de coexistência dos homens. Para entendermos a política como a atividade estabelecida na convivência entre os homens, somos convocados a reconhecer conceitos tais como poder, soberania, violência, como traços permanentes da tarefa de estabilização dessa vida em comum. Para tanto, devemos revisitar as obras filosóficas que reflitam essa capacidade singular dos homens. Este trabalho apresenta reflexões em torno do conceito que Ricoeur chama de paradoxo político , um conceito cunhado e discutido pela primeira vez em 1957, num artigo seminal, referindo-se aos eventos da Revolução Húngara. À luz da filosofia política desse autor francês, busca-se esclarecer o paradoxo político, explicitando os problemas do poder político e sua relativa autonomia em relação ao econômico-social. Os eventos húngaros ilustram a abordagem dos problemas enunciados, mas o trabalho demonstra como, a partir daquele estudo, a reflexão se desdobrou em uma reflexão universal sobre o político. Ricoeur analisou alguns textos de Hannah Arendt, para quem a política é a fonte de significado da vida humana e o projeto político de longa duração é a única medida de imortalidade histórica que é possível a nós, homens mortais. Algumas dessas análises constam no final desta dissertação, e têm o intuito de iluminar a reflexão sobre o paradoxo político e a problemática do poder

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanderlei Elias Nery.pdf: 1521379 bytes, checksum: 87bf77664eeed748e339ddb9666df4c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-18 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This thesis aims to analyze the campaign Diretas Já linking it to the Brazilian transition from military dictatorship to bourgeois democracy. We start from a Marxist definition of theState capitalist,the form of and political regime State, for from this theoretical concept to analyze the campaign Diretas Já. It is our goal to reconstruct the trajectory of the campaign, as well as the role of social classes and political parties to demonstrate how the bourgeois opposition leads the campaign, imposed a form of organization, filter the whole process of struggle for the Congress, with as single focus, the approval of the Dante de Oliveira amendment. We intend to demonstrate how the form of campaign organization Diretas Já imposed by the bourgeois opposition and accepted by the left parties and unions, prevented the labor movement and could use popular forms of struggle that confront capital and labor. From a Marxist conception of democracy and citizenship, we demonstrate the limits of institutionalist analysis, which state that the Diretas Já has been the rebirth of civil society and citizenship, consolidating an expansion of political and social rights / A presente tese visa analisar a campanha Diretas Já, relacionando-a com a transição brasileira da ditadura militar para a democracia burguesa. Parte de uma definição marxista do Estado capitalista, da forma de Estado e de regime político, para, com fundamentação nessa concepção teórica, analisar a campanha Diretas Já. Seu objetivo é reconstruir a trajetória da campanha bem como a atuação das classes sociais e dos partidos políticos, buscando demonstrar como a oposição burguesa, ao dirigir a campanha, impôs uma forma de organização, canalizando todo o processo de luta para o Congresso Nacional com um único objetivo, a aprovação da emenda Dante de Oliveira. Pretende-se demonstrar, neste trabalho, como a forma de organização da campanha Diretas Já, imposta pela oposição burguesa e aceita pelos partidos de esquerda e pelas centrais sindicais, impediu que o movimento operário e popular pudesse utilizar formas de luta que confrontassem o capital e o trabalho. Partindo de uma concepção marxista de democracia e cidadania, esta tese busca demonstrar os limites das análises institucionalistas, as quais afirmam que a campanha Diretas Já foi o renascer da sociedade civil e da cidadania, consubstanciando uma ampliação dos direitos políticos e sociais

Ma thèse présente une analyse du signifiant Europe dans trois corpus allemand, français, britannique. Chaque corpus contient les programmes électoraux européens des partis politiques nationaux qui ont obtenu au moins une fois un siège au Parlement Européen. La période commence aux premières élections européennes en 1979 et se termine avec les élections européennes de 2004.Une analyse lexicométrique du signifiant Europe dans les trois langues révèle de nouvelles perspectives pour la compréhension linguistique de la notion d'Europe dans ces champs politico-discursifs. Elle permet de tirer des conclusions sur les problèmes de communication au niveau européen, sur l'objectif politique de l'Union Européenne et la légitimation du pouvoir de l'UE. Selon notre hypothèse de recherche, une telle légitimation se fonde sur une conception imaginaire de l'identité européenne commune aux différents peuples. Même si le pouvoir politique peut considérer qu'il est légitimé par une telle conception, l'analyse révèle des différences importantes entre les conceptions imaginaires circulant dans les trois champs discursifs comparés.L'analyse lexicométrique est exploitée sur le plan quantitatif mais aussi au niveau qualitatif. A l'échelle quantitative, l'index, les spécificités d'Europe, ses quasi-synonymes et les cooccurrences d'Europe sont analysés et interprétés. L'approche qualitative du contexte du segment thématique répété Europe est...' conduit à des conclusions supplémentaires. L'analyse de ce segment définitoire cherche à rendre visible, dans une démarche pragmatique, le contenu impliqué des différents énoncés. Cela conduit à figurer l'horizon sémantique au sein duquel le signe Europe apparaît. Les positionnements de la notion d'Europe et les argumentations liées à l'expression linguistique dans les trois différents corpus sont comparés dans cette phase de la recherche afin de mettre en évidence l'horizon discursif dans lequel apparaît la notion d'Europe. / My PhD thesis analysis the signifier Europe in three corpora composed of German, French and British texts. Every corpus contains elections manifestos from national political parties that were represented in the European Parliament at least once with one a seat. The study starts with the first European elections 1979 and ends with the European elections of 2004.An analysis with the help of textual statistical measurements reveals new perspectives on the language comprehension of the notion Europe in the three different fields of political discourses. It allows conclusions about communication problems on a European level, about the political objectives of the European Union and about the legitimation of its political power. According to the research hypothesis the legitimation of the political power of the European Union is based on an imagined conception of a common European identity. Even if the political actors claim that they are legitimized by such an identity the study reveals something different. It shows some substantial differences between the imagined conceptions circulating within the three studied fields of political discourses.The textual corpora are explored with quantitative measurements and also with qualitative methods of text analysis. The frequency, the specific use of Europe and its quasi-synonyms, as the collocation of Europe are measured quantitatively. Additional conclusions were drawn from the qualitative analysis of the thematic word unit Europe is'. The analysis of this word unit is based on a pragmatic understanding of sense and tries to bring to evidence the implied content of the different utterances. In doing so, the semantic horizon of the sign Europe can be represented. During this research phase argumentations linked to the linguistic expression Europe are explored in order to analyse the discursive horizon in which the notion is used in the different discourses.

O objetivo desta dissertação é debater o lugar e importância dos elementos de origem católica nas práticas políticas no reino do Congo nas ultima quatro décadas do século XVIII. Evitamos lidar com tais elementos através de uma ideia de simples incorporação passiva ou imposição cultural, que seria um equivoco tratando-se da complexidade do processo histórico do reino do Congo. Nosso olhar direciona-se para a agência histórica dos congoleses, sobretudo das elites políticas ligadas ao poder central, assim como local (das províncias). O material que a pesquisa analisa são três relatórios redigidos por missionários que habitaram e trabalharam no Congo, em diferentes contextos, durante as quatro ultimas décadas do século XVIII. Além dessas fontes mais consistentes, dispomos de alguns documentos mais fragmentários, principalmente correspondências trocadas entre agentes das missões, autoridades congolesas e autoridades lusitanas em Luanda e no reino de Portugal. Ao empreendermos o trabalho histórico com as fontes notamos a centralidade dos elementos do cristianismo (africanizados e incorporados no contexto congolês) no funcionamento do complexo sistema político operante no período pós-restauração. Neste contexto, os sacramentos, insígnias, especialistas, rituais católicos tornam-se importantes ferramentas para a rememoração da tradição política do período da centralização, no qual se fundou a vinculação entre catolicismo e o poder político no Congo. / The objective of this work is to discuss the importance of the Catholicism in 18th century Kingdom of Kongo political system. We avoid dealing with those elements through an idea of cultural imposition or simple incorporation, which would be a mistake when we deal with the complexity of the historical process in Kongo. We focus on the African agency on the historical process, mainly the political elites acting in central or provincial powers. The research analyzes three reports written by catholic missionaries who lived and worked in Kongo in the last four decades of the 18th century. Besides these (more consistent) sources, we analyze a few other documents: mainly letters exchanged by Congolese authorities, missionaries and Portuguese authorities in Luanda and Lisbon. In our historical research we note the central importance of the catholic elements (Africanized and incorporated to the Congolese context) to the functioning of the operating political system of the post-restoration period. Our proposition does not focus on the Catholicism in a context of the missions or the cultural contacts between Europeans and Africans. Beyond that discussion; we choose to look to the Catholic elements as insights to understand the political practices and the solidification of a Congolese political identity. In this context; the catholic rituals, sacraments, specialists and insignia are seen as important tools of re-memorization of the political tradition that connected Catholicism and political power in the Kingdom of Kongo.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2018-08-23T13:05:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Clovis Donizeth Garcia Riesco.pdf: 3294066 bytes, checksum: 31f152064ebb30dbce4f1ea63743a02b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T13:05:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Clovis Donizeth Garcia Riesco.pdf: 3294066 bytes, checksum: 31f152064ebb30dbce4f1ea63743a02b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-05 / The Combined Agro-urban of Arraias-Goiás, agrarian reform project, and colonization were implanted in Arraias city, currently in Tocantins state, in the 1962-1964 period, by those days governor Mauro Borges Teixeira, that was an innovative proposal which intended to conciliate city life and country life. It was inspired in Israel rural co-operative societies: Kibutz, Moshav Shitufi and Moshav the analytical method of Goiás Economic Development Plan and by Mauro Borges Teixeira autobiography works and related works to the project that was possible to find out the causes that led to the unsuccessfulness: the distance from consumer markets, the economic barriers for implementation of the Combined Agro-urban of Arraias-Goiás Project, the social problems in the Combined Agro-urban of Arraias-Goiás, the capitalist expansion in the countryside, the landowner´s power and the technological breakthroughs in agriculture. This study demonstrates that on that period the capitalist expansion in the countryside was inherent to new technologies applied in agriculture and it was one of the determinant factors for the entrepreneurial failure, which was based on cooperative experiences and Israeli socialists. / O Combinado Agro-Urbano de Arraias-Goiás, projeto de reforma agrária e colonização, implantado na cidade de Arraias, atualmente município do Tocantins, no período de 1962 1964, pelo então governador Mauro Borges Teixeira, era uma proposta inovadora que procurou conciliar cidade e campo. Foi inspirado nas sociedades cooperativas rurais de Israel: Kibutz, Moshav Shitufi e Moshav Ovdim. Contudo, não foi bem-sucedido, sendo totalmente desativado em 1985. Por meio de uma análise do Plano de Desenvolvimento Econômico de Goiás e das obras autobiográficas de Mauro Borges Teixeira e de obras relacionadas ao Projeto foi possível constatar os motivos que levaram ao insucesso: a distância dos mercados consumidores, os entraves econômicos para a implementação do projeto Combinado Agro-Urbano de Arraias-Goiás, a questão social no combinado Agro-Urbano de Arraias Goiás, a expansão capitalista no campo, o poder dos latifundiários e as transformações tecnológicas na agricultura. Este estudo demonstra que naquele período a expansão do capitalismo no campo estava inerente as novas tecnologias voltadas à agricultura e foi um dos fatores determinantes para o insucesso do empreendimento, que se fundamentava em experiências cooperativistas e socialistas israelenses.

O objetivo desta dissertação é debater o lugar e importância dos elementos de origem católica nas práticas políticas no reino do Congo nas ultima quatro décadas do século XVIII. Evitamos lidar com tais elementos através de uma ideia de simples incorporação passiva ou imposição cultural, que seria um equivoco tratando-se da complexidade do processo histórico do reino do Congo. Nosso olhar direciona-se para a agência histórica dos congoleses, sobretudo das elites políticas ligadas ao poder central, assim como local (das províncias). O material que a pesquisa analisa são três relatórios redigidos por missionários que habitaram e trabalharam no Congo, em diferentes contextos, durante as quatro ultimas décadas do século XVIII. Além dessas fontes mais consistentes, dispomos de alguns documentos mais fragmentários, principalmente correspondências trocadas entre agentes das missões, autoridades congolesas e autoridades lusitanas em Luanda e no reino de Portugal. Ao empreendermos o trabalho histórico com as fontes notamos a centralidade dos elementos do cristianismo (africanizados e incorporados no contexto congolês) no funcionamento do complexo sistema político operante no período pós-restauração. Neste contexto, os sacramentos, insígnias, especialistas, rituais católicos tornam-se importantes ferramentas para a rememoração da tradição política do período da centralização, no qual se fundou a vinculação entre catolicismo e o poder político no Congo. / The objective of this work is to discuss the importance of the Catholicism in 18th century Kingdom of Kongo political system. We avoid dealing with those elements through an idea of cultural imposition or simple incorporation, which would be a mistake when we deal with the complexity of the historical process in Kongo. We focus on the African agency on the historical process, mainly the political elites acting in central or provincial powers. The research analyzes three reports written by catholic missionaries who lived and worked in Kongo in the last four decades of the 18th century. Besides these (more consistent) sources, we analyze a few other documents: mainly letters exchanged by Congolese authorities, missionaries and Portuguese authorities in Luanda and Lisbon. In our historical research we note the central importance of the catholic elements (Africanized and incorporated to the Congolese context) to the functioning of the operating political system of the post-restoration period. Our proposition does not focus on the Catholicism in a context of the missions or the cultural contacts between Europeans and Africans. Beyond that discussion; we choose to look to the Catholic elements as insights to understand the political practices and the solidification of a Congolese political identity. In this context; the catholic rituals, sacraments, specialists and insignia are seen as important tools of re-memorization of the political tradition that connected Catholicism and political power in the Kingdom of Kongo.