This research project explored how young women involved in political organizations make sense of apartheid history and how they appropriate that history into their identities. Nine black women students who were involved in political organizations were interviewed from the University of Witswatersrand. The women that were chosen participated in a narrative style interview about their lives and the history of apartheid. The data were then analyzed using narrative thematic analysis and organised in the temporal zones of past, present and future. The analysis revealed the complexities of race, class and gender and how these are embodied, enacted and made sense of in the construction and reconstruction of the identities of these young women. In imagining and reflecting on the apartheid past, race was understood through both distant, public narratives and through personal and intimate family narratives. Gendered roles or positions were talked about in reference to three thematic symbols of women as nurturers, iconic wives and heroes. In progression from the apartheid past and its particular, separated and structured understanding of race and gender, the journey into the present and future, reflects increasingly complex, dynamic and multilayered understandings. In particular, the conflation of race and class under apartheid is beginning to fragment and these young women are thinking through their positionality in terms of personal class mobility and simultaneous identification as black and committed to the continuation of race struggles. It is also very clear that the question of gender equality is now very prominent for these young women as they navigate their roles in political leadership in the present and envisage themselves in the future.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:30:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alberto Monteiro Barroso de Sousa.pdf: 37574084 bytes, checksum: 84b2a04581263dbb60f9d5324a04b201 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-10 / Soccer in Brazil is a mass and elite Sport that crosses social classes and brings everyone together in one sole objective: the goal. Usually soccer is seem as leisure, beyond entertainment, and what are the values transmitted or reinforced by soccer? The present study has as its objective to research the relation between values transmitted through soccer with values in children between the ages of 10 to 12 years old. In observing a soccer game one finds that errors and subsequent injustices happen with frequency even though not always is the injustice committed perceived as being something bad, for at the same time it is seem a good by the team and supporters favored and bad for the team and supporters disadvantaged since that sentiment of justice and injustice frequently occurs during a soccer match generating the banalization of injustice since not always injustice is felt as something negative. This is an exploratory study, studying political values that are transmitted by means of soccer to children in their phase of political socialization and the study presents a new method for studying values in children. The main focus of the theoretical framework is based on the supposition that modalities of political conscienciousness and forms of individual and collective actions vary according with everyday life routines with restrictions found in everyday life and with cultural notions of values and beliefs in social relations. The findings of the study show that for adversaries the rules ought to apply more rigidly than for allies and a close personal affinity with some soccer player had a strong influence on the understanding of justice by the children under study / O futebol no Brasil é o esporte das massas e das elites, que rompe classes sociais e aproxima a todos num único objetivo, o gol. Usualmente, o futebol é visto como lazer, mas além da diversão, quais serão os valores transmitidos ou reforçados pelo futebol? O presente trabalho tem por objetivo investigar se há relação entre valores transmitidos através do futebol com valores em crianças com idades que variem de 10 a 12 anos de idade. Ao observar um jogo de futebol percebemos que erros e consequentes injustiças acontecem com frequência, porém nem sempre a injustiça cometida é percebida como sendo algo ruim, pois ao mesmo tempo ela é boa para torcida favorecida e ruim para a torcida prejudicada, sendo que esse sentimento de justiça e injustiça ocorre frequentemente durante uma partida de futebol podendo gerar a banalização da injustiça já que nem sempre a injustiça é sentida como sendo algo negativo. Trata-se de pesquisa exploratória, pois faz análise de valores políticos transmitidos por intermédio do futebol para crianças em fase de socialização política e desenvolve um novo método de aplicação da pesquisa com crianças. O eixo norteador do referencial teórico baseia-se no pressuposto de que as modalidades da consciência política e as formas de ações individuais e coletivas dos indivíduos variam de acordo com a vida rotineira/ cotidiana, com as restrições da vida cotidiana e com as noções culturais de valores e crenças das relações sociais. O resultado verificado na pesquisa demonstrou que para os adversários, as regras devem ser mais rígidas do que para os aliados e que a afinidade pessoal tem forte influência sobre o entendimento de justiça entre as crianças

Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo comparativo da socialização política nas escolas de ensino médio em Porto Alegre/RS, entre os anos de 2002 e 2015. Utilizando o conceito de competência cívica, buscou-se avaliar as dimensões afetivas e cognitivas que impulsionam os jovens à cidadania ativa. O objetivo principal foi verificar se o aumento de investimentos em políticas educacionais neste período gerou uma maior competência cívica nos jovens. A hipótese central é de que estas políticas não foram capazes de alterar os níveis de capital social, cultura e sofisticação política dos jovens, indicando a continuidade de uma cultura política híbrida e pouco participativa. Para isso, utilizam-se os dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina (NUPESAL) da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS), bem como dos investimentos realizados pelo Governo Federal nos anos de 2002 e de 2015 Os resultados obtidos comprovam a hipótese enunciada de que as políticas sociais e educacionais não foram suficientes para modificar o padrão de cultura política híbrida nos jovens. As escolas públicas não somente diminuíram seu índice de competência cívica em relação a 2002, como também ampliaram a distância dos seus indicadores em relação às escolas privadas em 2015. A conclusão da dissertação é de que as políticas implementadas entre 2002 e 2015 possibilitaram uma ampliação e universalização do acesso à educação sem expandir a qualidade de ensino, sobretudo quando em comparação à rede privada. Os índices encontrados demonstram que a desigualdade educacional no país, principalmente no âmbito da inclusão cidadã, ainda está longe de ser solucionada. / This dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization in secondary schools in Porto Alegre/RS, in the years of 2002 and 2015. Using the concept of civic competence, we sought to evaluate the affective and cognitive dimensions that impel young people to become active citizens. The main objective was to verify if the increase of investments in social policies in this period generated a greater civic competence among the youth. The central hypothesis is that these policies were not able to change the levels of social capital, culture and political sophistication of young people, indicating the continuity of a hybrid political culture. To do so, we used the survey data of the Research Centre on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) in the years of 2002 and 2015, as well as the investments made by the Federal Government through this period. The results obtained prove the hypothesis that social and educational policies were not sufficient to change the pattern of hybrid political culture in the public school system. Public schools not only reduced their civic competence index in relation to 2002, but also stretched the distance of their indicators from private schools in 2015. The conclusion of this dissertation is that the policies implemented between 2002 and 2015 allowed an expansion and universalization of the access without increasing the quality of education, especially when compared to the private schools. The index found in this study, indicate that educational inequality in the country, especially in the context of citizen inclusion, is still far from being solved.

A adesão de jovens às Manifestações de Junho de 2013, no Brasil, um país caracterizado por uma cultura política apática e não participativa, apresenta escassas explicações no campo da ciência política. Até o momento os estudos realizados apresentam análises não conclusivas sobre tais agitações públicas. Principalmente, as que buscam explicações no advento da internet. Este estudo se insere nas discussões sobre os efeitos do uso da internet na cultura política dos jovens no Sul do Brasil, tendo como problema que norteia a pesquisa “Qual a influência do uso da internet, enquanto mecanismo de socialização política, na cultura política e no capital social de jovens estudantes no Sul do Brasil?”. São testadas três hipóteses: (1) a internet se constitui em um novo agente socializador político dos jovens e influencia mais quando comparado aos demais meios de comunicação, como televisão, rádio, jornal impresso e revistas; (2) quanto maior o uso da internet maior a apatia e o desinteresse políticos, a percepção de polarização de opiniões políticas, o discurso de ódio político e a intolerância política dos jovens estudantes no Sul do Brasil; (3) quanto maior o uso da internet menor os níveis de capital social encapsulado, capital social emancipatório e capital social virtual dos jovens estudantes no Sul do Brasil. Os resultados encontrados confirmam que a internet é um novo agente socializador com maior influência que os demais meios de comunicação, no entanto não confirmam que a internet está associada com o tipo de cultura política e os níveis de capital social dos jovens entrevistados. No entanto, é importante ressaltar, que se constata que a cultura política e o capital social apresentam valores similares das gerações anteriores, fortalecendo a hipótese de que o uso da internet reforça o tipo de cultura política e os níveis de capital social existentes na sociedade. / Political Sciences have been unable to explain the huge crowds of young people attending the demonstrations in Brazil, in June 2013. This happens because Political Sciences appear to understand Brazilian society as one with a very low level of political participation. So far, studies about the demonstrations have been inconclusive. This study is part of the debate about the effects of the Internet on the political culture of the youth in south of Brazil. The research problem is “What is the influence of the internet as a political socialization instrument on the political culture and social capital of young students in south of Brazil?” The study will test three hypotheses: (1) the internet is a new agent of political socialization for young people and influences them more than TV, radio, newspaper and magazines; (2) As more young people use the internet for their source of information, apathy and their lack of interest in politics will increase, as will the perception of the polarization of political opinions, hatred speech and political intolerance among young students in south of Brazil; (3) increased use of the internet creates lower levels of encapsulated, emancipatory and virtual social capital among young students in south of Brazil. The results confirm that the internet is a new agent of political socialization and its influence is bigger than other conventional means of communication. However, the results are inconclusive that the internet is the main producer of the kind of political culture and social capital found among the young students interviewed for the research. The results also found that currently levels of social capital and political culture are comparable with the previous generations, confirming the hypothesis that the internet just reinforces the kind of political culture and levels of social capital already existent in a society. It doesn’t increase them.

本研究旨在探討「六四」以後中共高等學校的思想政治教育，藉此瞭解中 共四十餘年來意識型態教育失誤的原因、特徵及影響，並對未來中國前途 與大陸青年學生追求民主運動的展望作一預估。本論文約計二十八萬字， 共分六章:第一章，導論。說明本研究的動機與目的、方法與範圍、問題 與限制，而為從整體觀點(Holistic)透視中共思想政治教育的本質與概況 ，加列兩節，即「高等學校與政治社會化」和「意識型態與思想政治教育 」。第二章，理論背景的探討。說明中共高等學校思想政治教育的實施準 據，並從歷史沿革中探索思想政治教育的重要特徵，進而指出中共正面臨 「大氣候」與「小氣候」的種種衝擊，此乃留給「六四」後中共保守派整 頓高等學校思想政治教育的藉口。第三章，戰略方針的取向。透過對「四 項堅持」、「反資產階級自由化」、「社會主義精神文明」、「愛國主義 」和「反和平演變」等思想教育發展戰略的方針，發現此五項工作的方針 取向，仍延續中共傳統的意識型態教育為政治服務的手段。第四章，變革 措施的提出。說明中共為了降低一九八九年學生民主運動的衝擊，特從意 識型態防線的重建、高等教育政策的調整、領導管理體系的整頓、思想政 治理論的再學習、社會實踐活動的更落實，與校園文化環境的控制等六方 面，強化中國大陸高等學校的思想政治教育。第五章，實際成效的評估。 透過對中共實施高等學校思想政治教育的結果分析，以瞭解其教育理論、 政策與實踐的落差。換言之，中共在改革開放路線和思想箝制的矛盾環境 中，思想政治教育是經不起考驗的，且其癥結始終未解開，同時更對中國 大陸高等教育造成不良的影響。第六章，結論。首先從檢視中國大陸教育 何以落後四十餘年，其主因是中共指導思想的失誤，以致教育危機日趨嚴 重；其次，反思近四年來中共對高等教育政策所採行的變革措施，乃在箝 制高校師生的思想與行為，如此背道而馳的作為，只會加深大陸教育更多 的失誤；最後，探討中共高等教育與思想政治教育的出路，亦即跳出馬列 教條的框框，走民主中國的公民教育或政治教育道路。

This dissertation is a multi-layered examination of the practice of voting, with a focus on the electoral turnout of immigrants. Chapter Two’s statistical analyses show that pre-migration cultural familiarity with democracy, formalized as levels of democratization in source countries, strongly shapes the likelihood of post-migration voting among Canadian immigrants. These origin effects, comparable in size to the best predictors of turnout that we have, exert a persistent influence – affecting turnout not only among the foreign-born, but also among the native-born second generation. Multilevel models demonstrate that the shifting source country composition of immigrant period-of-arrival cohorts provides an alternate explanation for what have previously been identified as generational, racial, and length of residence or ‘exposure’ effects among immigrant voters. This provides further evidence that voting is in most cases habitual, and raises questions about the acquisition, transmission, and reproduction of a voting practice. Chapter Three’s narratives of political development, gathered through in-depth, semi-structured interviews, confirm the importance of parental influence, and suggest that the ‘stickiness’ of practical capacities like voting may be the result of powerful processes of observational social learning. Providing a new twist on dominant models of political socialization, observation of parental voting appears to be the pivotal event in a path-dependent process of political learning, with acquisition of values and beliefs playing a supporting, rather than a leading role. Chapter Four reviews recent efforts among sociologists to amend action theory to make more room for habit, and these efforts are discussed in reference to contemporary research on turnout. I argue that these theoretical revisions still retain too sharp a focus on the cognitive aspects of practice. There is a lack of appreciation for the ways that action itself – our own previous actions and the actions of those close to us – can directly structure outcomes. Evidence from cognitive neuroscience is used to more precisely delineate habitual behaviour and thought. Where the intergenerational transmission of voting behaviour is concerned, culture is often coded directly into embodied practice. Efforts to encourage electoral participation should be built on a better understanding of voting’s substantial behavioural aspects.

This dissertation is a multi-layered examination of the practice of voting, with a focus on the electoral turnout of immigrants. Chapter Two’s statistical analyses show that pre-migration cultural familiarity with democracy, formalized as levels of democratization in source countries, strongly shapes the likelihood of post-migration voting among Canadian immigrants. These origin effects, comparable in size to the best predictors of turnout that we have, exert a persistent influence – affecting turnout not only among the foreign-born, but also among the native-born second generation. Multilevel models demonstrate that the shifting source country composition of immigrant period-of-arrival cohorts provides an alternate explanation for what have previously been identified as generational, racial, and length of residence or ‘exposure’ effects among immigrant voters. This provides further evidence that voting is in most cases habitual, and raises questions about the acquisition, transmission, and reproduction of a voting practice. Chapter Three’s narratives of political development, gathered through in-depth, semi-structured interviews, confirm the importance of parental influence, and suggest that the ‘stickiness’ of practical capacities like voting may be the result of powerful processes of observational social learning. Providing a new twist on dominant models of political socialization, observation of parental voting appears to be the pivotal event in a path-dependent process of political learning, with acquisition of values and beliefs playing a supporting, rather than a leading role. Chapter Four reviews recent efforts among sociologists to amend action theory to make more room for habit, and these efforts are discussed in reference to contemporary research on turnout. I argue that these theoretical revisions still retain too sharp a focus on the cognitive aspects of practice. There is a lack of appreciation for the ways that action itself – our own previous actions and the actions of those close to us – can directly structure outcomes. Evidence from cognitive neuroscience is used to more precisely delineate habitual behaviour and thought. Where the intergenerational transmission of voting behaviour is concerned, culture is often coded directly into embodied practice. Efforts to encourage electoral participation should be built on a better understanding of voting’s substantial behavioural aspects.

The Best PhD Thesis in the Faculties of Architecture, Arts, Business & Economics, Education, Law and Social Sciences (University of Hong Kong), Li Ka Shing Prize, 2001-2003. / published_or_final_version / abstract / toc / Curriculum and Educational Studies / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This dissertation explores the relationship between intergenerational dynamics and politics outcomes in several distinct contexts. It is motivated by the remarkable demographic shifts exhibited by people in advanced countries over the past several decades. Individuals on average have longer lives and fewer children than ever before. Combining these shifts with the large intergenerational public policies that exist in many such states (education, old-age social welfare, healthcare) provokes several distinct yet related research questions addressed in the chapters below. First, do political traits matter for fertility behavior? If so, could the presence of differential fertility behavior across political groups lead to a shift in the position of the future median voter? Second, what are other significant determinants of fertility in contemporary Europe and the United States? Does more recent data support the findings of established “determinants of fertility” models? Finally, does the relationship between age and Social Security benefit preferences (and confidence in the Social Security system) seem to suggest the potential for intergenerational conflict over Social Security? The chapters below tie together disparate bodies of literature from multiple academic disciplines and use empirical evidence to answer these research questions. The results suggest political traits are significant determinants of fertility in some cases. The results also demonstrate that the relationship between wealth/education and fertility in many European states is positive – in contrast to much of the literature on this relationship and the common wisdom. Finally, the last empirical chapter illustrates the existence of potential age-based political conflict over Social Security in the United States.

Par une contestation radicale du patriarcat et visant une « libération des femmes », les mouvements féministes qui se développent dans les années 1970 ont contribué à remettre en question les rapports de genre dans de nombreux domaines. À partir d’une recherche combinant travail sur archives, enquête par questionnaire et entretiens, la thèse prend pour objet l’engagement de femmes dans ces mobilisations en France. Elle vise à comprendre comment la participation à ce mouvement social – caractérisé par la politisation de la sphère privée – a transformé les trajectoires de militantes « ordinaires » et celles de leurs enfants. Au moyen d’une approche localisée et comparée, la thèse analyse d’abord les contextes militants dans lesquels les féministes ont circulé et ont été socialisées. Retraçant les mobilisations féministes qui se déploient à Lyon et à Grenoble entre 1970 et 1984, elle revisite l’histoire des féminismes français de la « deuxième vague ». Étudiant ensuite les carrières militantes des féministes, la thèse montre les effets socialisateurs durables de ces engagements et leur empreinte sur les différentes sphères de leur vie. Des analyses séquentielles permettent de mettre au jour leurs principaux devenirs jusqu’à aujourd’hui, sur le plan politique comme sur le plan personnel. Resserrant la focale d’analyse sur les féministes devenues mères, l’enquête révèle finalement par quels pratiques et processus une transmission familiale du féminisme s’est opérée et quels héritages politiques en résultent chez les enfants. Elle dégage plusieurs facteurs pour comprendre les appropriations différenciées de ces héritages parmi la deuxième génération. / The feminist movements that arose in the 1970’s, promoting a radical contestation of patriarchy and committed to “women’s liberation”, helped challenge gender relations in many areas. Built upon an empirical research that combines archival work, questionnaires and interviews, my dissertation focuses on the women who took part in these mobilizations in France. It aims to understand how the involvement in this movement, characterised by the politicization of the private sphere, transformed “common” activists’ trajectories and those of their children. Using a local and comparative approach, this work first analyses the contexts in which the feminists evolved and were socialised. By tracing the feminist mobilizations that unfolded in Lyons and Grenoble between 1970 and 1984, it also revisits the history of the “second wave” French women’s movements. The study of the feminists’ activist careers then highlights the lasting socialising effects of their commitments and the impact they had on different areas of their life. Likewise, the use of sequence analysis reveals the trajectories they followed until present day, both from a political and personal prospect. Finally, a deeper focus on the activists who became mothers uncovers how intergenerational transmission of feminism occurred and which political contents the children inherited. In particular, this dissertation proposes several factors that help understand the differentiated appropriations of this heritage among the second generation.