Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:12:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jair Gomes de Santana.pdf: 890868 bytes, checksum: 6e9887f99f7f49ef23fdfe441b9fbf16 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-23 / This work aimed to understand the social problems involving Catholicism and Protestantism, during the 1860s and 1880s, in Recife. We ve observed all the speeches presented in newspapers by that time,specially in Jornal do Recife and O Cathólico. This study considered the social, economical, political and cultural events in Brazil and in around the world, in the second half of the 19 th century. These changes made the religious practice become weak in Brazil, forcing it to change its model to the ultramontane. The attempt to make the popular Catholicism become an ultramontane model didn t succeed and most people were taken to the Protestant universe. In Pernambuco (1842) a Negro Protestantism rose because of a Protestant group called Divino Mestre . That movement had a negro as their leader, and he taught his followers how to read also rejected the Catholic tradition. All the local Protestantism feared him. The government was afraid of a rebellion similar to the Malês in Bahia or another like the one in Haiti. The missionary Protestantism didn t threaten the local economy and the social bases, so it was welcomed by the masons and liberals. However, the Protestant missionary s activity developed among, half-blood people and Negroes. All the incidents involving faith, which were studied here, were in the media, in newspapers. Protestants used the polemic presented by newspapers as strategies to occupy institutional spaces to which they didn t have access before. This way, they got the support of those who were against the Church and took advantage of the situation provided by the Religious matter in the Empire / O objetivo desta dissertação foi compreender os embates sociais entre católicos e protestantes nas décadas de 1860 e 1880, no Recife. Analisamos os discursos produzidos nos jornais da época, O Jornal do Recife e O Cathólico. Este estudo levou em consideração os acontecimentos sócio-econômicos, políticos e culturais do Brasil e do mundo na segunda metade do século XIX. Essas mudanças colocaram em cheque a prática religiosa da Igreja no Brasil, obrigando-a a transitar para um outro modelo: o ultramontano. A tentativa de enquadrar o catolicismo popular (uma seita católica) ao modelo ultramontano, não foi bem sucedida e levou uma parte dessas pessoas para o universo protestante. Em Pernambuco (1842), surgiu um protestantismo negro através do movimento do Divino Mestre , uma seita protestante. Esse movimento liderado por um negro, que alfabetizava os seus seguidores, e rejeitava as tradições católicas, trouxe pavor à elite política da província. O governo temia uma revolta semelhante aos malês da Bahia ou uma revolução como a do Haiti. O protestantismo missionário não ameaçava as bases econômico-sociais da província, por isso foi bem recebido, pelos maçons e pelos liberais. Mas a atividade missionária protestante se desenvolveu entre mestiços, mulatos e negros. Os embates da fé estudados aqui ocorreram na mídia, através dos jornais. Os protestantes aproveitaram as polêmicas nos jornais, como estratégia para ocupar espaços institucionais aos quais não tinham acesso. Dessa forma, conseguiram o apoio daqueles que se opunham a Igreja, aproveitando o clima proporcionado pela questão religiosa no Império

Exploration of the familial power women possess is growing as sociologists and anthropologists recognize the legitimacy of power internal to the family. The focus of this research was to uncover the forms of power German-Russian women held as they operated in the private sphere of the family. Attention also focused on the transference of women's power, and the family power dynamics unique to farm families. Members of three generations of one German-Russian farm family were interviewed. The results indicated German-Russian women operated from bases of power derived from their roles as farm wives who contributed to family sustenance, and as caretakers and kinkeepers, maintaining family cohesion. While male power is largely public and formal, women's reliance on the bonds of familial relationships across generations lend them greater power in that realm.

魏英杰. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-196) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wei Yingjie.

This thesis examines the viability of the concept of political liberalism. Since its emergence, the idea of a purely political liberalism has been the subject of a voluminous amount of discourse and debate. The concept of political liberalism has been presented as both a solution to the problems of justice and political stability troubling liberal democracies and an exemplar of all that is wrong with contemporary political philosophy; it has, quite literally, altered the landscape and the vernacular of contemporary political theory. Herein it is argued that, despite the significant amount of literature that has been devoted to the analysis of the idea of a purely political liberalism, the idea itself has yet to be subjected to the type of critique that is required if one is to assess its viability effectively. Though there have been a number of contemporary political theorists who have developed conceptions of political liberalism which they believe differ in important ways from those of their doctrinal colleagues, detailed analyses of the concept of political liberalism have and remain focussed almost exclusively on a single formulation: namely, Rawlsian political liberalism. This singular focus has precluded the completion of a comprehensive assessment of the viability of the concept (as opposed to a single conception) of political liberalism as represented both by Rawlsian and non-Rawlsian models. This thesis confronts this problem by expanding the scope of investigation to include a fulsome examination of other prominent paradigmatic conceptions of political liberalism namely, those developed by Charles Larmore and Judith Shklar and in so doing provides a more inclusive and, subsequently, thorough critique than has previously been offered. Adopting such an approach reveals that, despite protestations to the contrary, the prominent paradigmatic conceptions of political liberalism are sufficiently similar in all important respects to enable their conflation for the purpose of analysis; and when subjected to a thorough analysis, the idea of a purely political liberalism proves itself to be untenable. / Political Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Politics)

Disempowered Women? A Feminist Response to female Characters in Malory, Tennyson and Bradley takes an in-depth look at Elayne, Gwenyvere and Morgan of the Arthurian legend. The characters are examined within their contemporary context and from our modem perspective as portrayed in Malory, Tennyson, and Marion Zimmer Bradley. Patriarchy, closely connected with the Christian doctrines, is singled out as the main means of propagating women's disempowerment. The inquiry considers different ways in which fictional texts have contributed to creating false perceptions amongst our contemporary audience, about the reality of women's lives in the Middle Ages. It further examines the validity of the assumption that literary women are not real, but mere representations of male ideals about women's role and place in society. Issues of gender equality are raised and the author concludes that the literature studied assigns definite, gender-specific roles to men and women. The work also debates the perceived misogyny of the male authors: is it a conscious act or a reflection of their contemporary society's concerns? / English Studies / M. A. (English)

This study explores the triple imbrications of race, power and gender in the selected novels of Bessie Head. A critical analysis of Maru (1971) and A Question of' Power (1974) is undertaken with a view to identifying the subordinating and the marginalising tropes that result in silencing of female subjectivities in Head's protagonists. Linked to a critical reading of the novels, this study examines the role of cultural and psychological forces in maintaining patriarchal hegemony, which is based upon hierarchy and domination of women rather than equality. Furthennore, this dissertation suggests that Head's depiction of narrow ethnic and racial bigotry serves a broader etiological purpose of accounting for "the state of thingsff within the South African context. Thus this study oscillates between the abstract constructs and the concrete social experiences within which Bessie Head's literary imagination subsists. In this study, particular attention is paid, in addition to critiques of individual texts, to some of Head's biographical elements with a view on the one hand, to highlighting the moments, events and issues which are reflected as " contexts of her-story" and on the other, to amplifying how Head's formative experiences contribute to her critique of the exploitative racially structured narratives. By using Foucault's theories within the social constructionist model, this dissertation aims to demonstrate the insidious intersections between racism and sexism and how these constructs are implicated in the conception and construction of power. Specifically, this study argues that due to their arbitrary applications, racial and sexual difference be viewed as dynamic and contested, rather than fixed. A synthesis is reached which accords literarure a role within the framework of socio-cultural practice in general. / English Studies / M.A. (English)

Selves and Others: The Politics of Difference in the Writings of Ursula Kroeber Le Guin has two founding premises. One is that Le Guin's writing addresses the political issues of the late twentieth century in a number of ways, even although speculative fiction is not generally considered a political genre. Questions of self and O/other, which shape political (that is, powerinflected) responses to difference, infuse Le Guin's writing. My thesis sets out to investigate the mechanisms of representation by which these concerns are realized. My chapters reflect aspects of the relationship between self and O/other as I perceive it in Le Guin's work. Thus my first chapter deals with the representations of imperialism and colonialism in five novels, three of which were written near the beginning of her literary career. My second chapter considers Le Guin's best-known novels, The Left Hand of Darkness (1969) and The Dispossessed (1974), in the context of the alienation from American society recorded by thinkers in the 1960s. In my third chapter, the emphasis shifts to intrapsychic questions and splits, as I explore themes of sexuality and identity in Le Guin's novels for and about adolescents. I move to more public matters in my fourth and fifth chapters, which deal, respectively, with the politicized interface between public and private histories and with disempowerment. In my final chapter, I explore the representation of difference and politics in Le Guin's intricate but critically neglected poetry. My second founding premise is that traditional modes of literary criticism, which aim to arrive at comprehensive and final interpretations, are not appropriate for Le Guin's mode of writing, which consistently refuses to locate meaning definitely. My thesis seeks and explores aporias in the meaning-making process; it is concerned with asking productive questions, rather than with final answers. I have, consequently, adopted a sceptical approach to the process of interpretation, preferring to foreground the provisional and partial status of all interpretations. I have found that postmodern and poststructuralist literary theory, which focuses on textual gaps and discontinuities, has served me better than more traditional ways of reading / English Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (English)

This thesis examines a series of documents described as electoral charters, produced in monastic institutions of the Loire Valley from the late tenth to late eleventh centuries. By considering the variations in the formulas used for each charter, the study considers what the charters were saying about power or wanted to project about the powers at play in the events they described. Through this, the thesis demonstrates that the power of lordship projected by such documents was of a very traditional nature throughout the period in which they were being produced. The count's role on each occasion showed him to be a dominant force with a power of lordship composed of possession and rights of property ownership, but also intangible elements, including a sacral interest. By considering the context of events surrounding each charter of election, the thesis demonstrates that elements of this lordship could be more or less projected at different times in order that different statements might be made about the count. Thus, the symbolic expressions of power appear to have been bigger elements or more strongly emphasised in periods when the count's political or military power was under pressure. The differences in formulas used throughout the period of the charters' production demonstrate that, despite the appearance of new elements that may appear to have been important novelties, these processes were likely to have been original to proceedings, and therefore the notions of a reform of investitures taking place in the mid-eleventh century must be nuanced. Instead of demonstrating a mutation in relationships between lord and Church, the documents demonstrate an alteration in style and content, becoming more narrative and verbose and in these ways revealing elements of the process of abbatial elevations that had previously been hidden from view.

This thesis focuses on Lombard Southern Italy during the early middle ages and it analyses the history of political and social conflicts between the eighth and ninth century, taking into account the transformation of Lombard political power and social practices in this area. Starting from the eight-century judicial sources, this work explores political and social competition in the Beneventan region by taking into account its geographical position at the center of the Mediterranean see. Southern Italy was considered as a periphery, and sometimes as a frontier, by both the Carolingian and Byzantine empires, and endured almost a century of Muslims' attempts to conquer the peninsula. The first chapter focuses on the ducal period and investigates the formation and consolidation of the duke of Benevento's political authority before 774. During the seventh and eight centuries, the dukes developed a military and political autonomy in Southern Italy. This was due to the geographical position of the Duchy of Benevento in the Lombard Kingdom: it was far from Pavia, the king's capital city, and it was relatively isolated from other Lombard territories. Since a dynasty was established here as early as the seventh century, these dukes developed a strong and precocious political consciousness. As a result, they were particularly concerned with the formal representation of their authority, which is early attested in both coinage and diplomas. In this chapter, the analysis of the eight-century judicial records opens two important perspectives on the duke of Benevento's practices of power. Firstly, judicial assemblies were one of the most important occasions for the duke to demonstrate and exercise his authority in a public context. In contrast to all other Lombard dukes, who rendered judgement together with a group of officers, the duke of Benevento acted alone before the competing parties. By behaving exactly as the Lombard king would in Pavia, the duke was able to utilise the judicial domain as a sort of theatre in which to practice, legitimise and represent his own public authority in front of the local aristocracy. Secondly, the analysis of seven judicial case-studies suggests that the duke was not simply the sole political authority in Benevento but also the leading social agent in the whole Lombard southern Italy. Almost all the disputes transmitted by the twelfth-century cartularies implied a ducal action, donation or decision in the past, which became the main cause for later conflicts between the members of the lay élite and the monastic foundations of the region. Consequently, the analysis of judicial conflicts reveals more about the duke of Benevento's strategies and practices of power than about the lay and ecclesiastical élites' competition for power. Since there are no judicial records between 774 and the last decade of the ninth century, both conflicts and representations of authority in Lombard Southern Italy are analysed through other kinds of sources for this period. Chronicles, hagiographies, diplomas, and material sources are rich in clues about political and social competition in Benevento. By contrast, the late-ninth-century judicial records transmitted by cartularies and archives are quite different from the eighth-century documents: they have a bare and simple structure, which often hides the peculiarities of the single dispute by telling only the essentials of each conflict and a concise final judgement. In contrast to the sources of the ducal period, the ninth- and tenth-century judicial records often convey a flattened image of Lombard society. Their basic structure certainly prevents a focus on the representation of authority and the practices of power in southern Italy. On the contrary, these fields of inquiry are crucial to research both competition within the Beneventan aristocracy during the ninth century, and the relationship between Lombards and Carolingian after 774. After the fall of the Lombard Kingdom in 774, Charlemagne did not complete the military conquest of the Italian peninsula: the Duchy of Benevento was left under the control of Arechis (758-787), who proclaimed himself princeps gentis Langobardorum and continued to rule mostly independently. The confrontation and competition with the Frankish empire are key to understanding both the strengthening of Lombard identity in southern Italy and the formation of a princely political authority. The second account the historiography on the Regnum Italiae, the third section of this chapter focuses precisely on the ambitions of Louis II in Southern Italy and it analyses the implication that the projection of his rulership over this area had in shaping his imperial authority. Despite Louis II's efforts to control the Lombard principalities, his military and political experience soon revealed its limits. After the conquest of Bari in 871, Prince Adelchi imprisoned the emperor in his palace until he obtained a promise: Louis II swore not to return to Benevento anymore. Although the pope soon liberated the emperor from this oath, he never regained a political role in Southern Italy. Nevertheless, his prolonged presence in the region during the ninth century radically changed the political equilibrium of both the Lombard principalities and the Tyrrhenian duchies (i.e. Napoli, Gaeta, Amalfi). The fourth section focuses firstly on the competition between Louis II and Adelchi of Benevento, who obstinately defined his public authority in a direct competition with the Carolingian emperor. At the same time, the competition within the local aristocracy in Benevento radically changed into a small-scale struggle between the members of Adelchi's kingroup, the Radelchids. At the same time, some local officers expanded their power and acted more and more autonomously in their district, such as in Capua. When Louis II left Benevento in 871, both the Tyrrhenian duchies and the Lombard principalities in Southern Italy were profoundly affected by a sudden change in their mutual relations and even in their inner stability. The competition for power and authority in Salerno and Capua-Benevento also changed and two different political systems were gradually established in these principalities. Despite the radical transformation of internal competition and the Byzantine conquest of a large part of Puglia and Basilicata at the end of the ninth century, the Lombard principalities remained independent until the eleventh century, when Southern Italy was finally seized by Norman invaders.

Este trabalho de pesquisa tem como objetivo fundamental a análise relacional nos estudos de casais violentos, propondo-se a interpretar especificamente as construções discursivas de mulheres de classe média, com ensino superior e autonomia financeira que, mesmo sendo alvo de violência física e psicológica, permanecem por longos anos convivendo com seus parceiros íntimos. Optou-se por esta categoria de mulheres, pelo vácuo existente nos trabalhos que investigam este tipo de população, já que a maioria dos estudos sobre o fenômeno enfoca mulheres de baixa renda, justificando que a dependência econômica feminina como resultante da vinculação ao poder patriarcal. Quanto ao corpus de pesquisa, esse advém dos relatos de mulheres alocados no site eletrônico <wwwgilbertoresponde.com>. Trata-se de relatos sob forma de perguntas que procuram uma saída para o sofrimento amoroso. O site eletrônico é concebido pelas usuárias como uma plataforma de autoajuda. Também foram acrescentadas ao corpus, duas outras análises. O estudo de caso da autobiografia de Oliveira (2011) e uma entrevista com sete participantes do grupo de “Mulheres que Amam Demais Anônimas” (MADA), de 2016. Com o propósito de produzir conhecimento para a aplicação prática, dirigida à solução de problemas encontrados na realidade cotidiana, optou-se pela modalidade de trabalho denominada de Pesquisa Aplicada (BARROS; LEHFELD, 2000; GIL, 2002). Foi usado como método e referencial teórico a Análise de Discurso segundo Foucault (2012; 1986). Em relação ao escopo teórico, esta pesquisa guiou-se pelo diálogo entre a Antropologia, a Filosofia da Linguagem, a História, a Sociologia e contribuições da Psicanálise. A violência dos casais é analisada pela perspectiva dialógica-relacional de Santos e Izumino (2005), tendo como um dos objetivos problematizar o dualismo de certos discursos feministas que concebem a violência como sendo um produto originário e exclusivo da masculinidade. As antropólogas Gregori (1993) e Machado (1998), por exemplo, substituem a polarização da violência até então unilateralmente atribuída aos homens para uma forma relacional de se compreender o fenômeno, por intermédio do estudo de “casais violentos”. Sobre o machismo, adotamos a premissa da psicóloga Castañeda (2006) de que nem o machismo é um discurso exclusivamente dos homens e nem a violência um produto exclusivamente de um dos polos da relação ou do indivíduo particularizado. Violência e machismo não são apenas práticas concretas. Trata-se de um longo processo de socialização microscópica da “dominação simbólica” do homem Bourdieu (2009, p. 138). A violência entre casais não está localizada em um único lugar e/ou indivíduo, mas sim endentada no que Foucault (1982, p. 244) define como “dispositivos”. Selecionamos do corpus de pesquisa três dispositivos que alimentam a violência. São eles, o dispositivo de “amor-paixão” em Rougemont (1988), de sexualidade e de machismo. Esses dispositivos encontram uma fértil reverberação na seara de uma sociedade tremendamente violenta, emotiva, hierárquica e paradoxal como é o Brasil (DAMATTA (1987; 1990; 1993). Partimos também das contribuições teórico-políticas de Foucault (1982) sobre o poder para entendermos a violência enquanto uma “microfísica da violência” (FANINI, 1992; FOUCAULT, 1982;1984). Alguns dos resultados deste trabalho dão conta de que os argumentos da baixa renda e da falta de conscientização política das mulheres vítimas de violência orientaram boa parte das pesquisas feministas nos anos de 1970 e 1980. No entanto, atualmente, sabe-se que a violência contra a mulher “não se origina exclusivamente das desigualdades de classe” econômica, conforme Heilborn e Sorj (1999), nem da falta de consciência política e tampouco da sua condição financeira, considerando os intensos avanços da mulher no campo do trabalho e da vida pública. Pesquisas como Grossi (1991), Gregori (1993), Santos e Izumino (2005) relativizam as práticas de atendimento a mulheres espancadas nos anos de 1980, pois alguns grupos feministas da época que atendiam a mulheres vítimas de agressão, concebiam a violência, restringindo-a muitas vezes à uma produção masculina, quando ela é na realidade um fenômeno macroscópico da cultura da agressão. Outro aspecto a salientar sobre o atendimento a vítimas da violência e sobre as pesquisas feministas é a pouca importância dada ao discurso do amor-paixão (ROUGEMONT, 1998). As mulheres esperam muito do amor (BOURDIEU, 2011, p. 82-83) e dependem mais dele do que esperam os homens. Se elas são prisioneiras da lei do amor, eles estão presos à virilidade e à violência como uma “carga” nos termos de Bourdieu (2011, p. 64) destinados a carregá-la. Entende-se que, entre casais violentos, é tão difícil para a mulher desocupar o lugar da vítima, como é para o homem, sair do lugar da violência. / This research work has as main objective the relational analysis in the studies of violent couples, proposing to interpret specifically the discursive constructions of middle-class women, with higher education and financial autonomy that, although being the target of physical and psychological violence, remain for long years living with their intimate partners. This category of women was chosen because of the vacuum that exists in the studies that investigate this type of population, since most of the studies on the phenomenon focus on low-income women, justifying that women's economic dependence as a result of their attachment to patriarchal power. As for the corpus of research, this comes from the reports of women allocated on the electronic website <wwwgilbertoresponde.com>. These are stories in the form of questions that seek a way out of the suffering of love. The website is designed by users as a self-help platform. Two other analyzes were also added to the corpus. The case study of Oliveira's autobiography (2011) and an interview with seven participants from the 2016 group of "Women Who Love Too Much Anonymous" (MADA). With the purpose of producing knowledge for practical application, aimed at solving problems Found in the daily reality, we opted for the modality of work called Applied Research (BARROS; LEHFELD, 2000; GIL, 2002). The Discourse Analysis according to Foucault (2012, 1986) was used as method and theoretical reference. In relation to the theoretical scope, this research was guided by the dialogue between Anthropology, Philosophy of Language, History, Sociology and contributions of Psychoanalysis. The violence of the couples is analyzed by the dialogical-relational perspective of Santos and Izumino (2005). One of the objectives is to problematize the dualism of certain feminist discourses that conceive of violence as an original and exclusive product of masculinity. The anthropologists Gregori (1993) and Machado (1998), for example, replace the polarization of violence hitherto unilaterally attributed to men to a relational form of understanding the phenomenon, through the study of "violent couples." On machismo, we adopt the premise of the psychologist Castañeda (2006) that neither machismo is a discourse exclusively of men nor violence a product exclusively of one of the poles of the relationship or individualized individual. Violence and machismo are not just concrete practices. It is a long process of microscopic socialization of Bourdieu's "symbolic domination" (2009: 138). Violence between couples is not located in a single place and/or individual, but is indented in what Foucault (1982, p244) defines as "devices." We select from the research corpus three devices that fuel violence. They are the device of "love-passion" in Rougemont (1988), of sexuality and machismo. These devices find fertile reverberation in the heart of a tremendously violent, emotional, hierarchical and paradoxical society such as Brazil (DAMATTA (1987; 1990; 1993). We also draw on Foucault's (1982) theoretical-political contributions on the power to understand violence as a "microphysics of violence" (FANINI, 1992; FOUCAULT, 1982;1984). Some of the results of this study indicate that the arguments of low income and lack of political awareness of women victims of violence have guided much of feminist research in the 1970s and 1980s. However, it is now known that violence against women. The woman "does not originate exclusively from economic class inequalities," according to Heilborn and Sorj (1999), neither of the lack of political awareness nor of its financial condition, considering the intense advances of women in the field of work and public life. Researches such as Grossi (1991), Gregori (1993), Santos and Izumino (2005) refer to practices of care for women beaten in the 1980s, since some feminist groups of the time attended to women victims of aggression conceived violence, often to a male production, when it is in reality a macroscopic phenomenon of the culture of aggression. Another aspect to emphasize regarding the care of victims of violence and feminist research is the little importance given to the discourse of passion-love (ROUGEMONT, 1998). Women expect much of the love (BOURDIEU, 2011, pp. 82-83) and depend more on it than men expect. If they are prisoners of the law of love, they are bound to virility and violence as a "burden" in Bourdieu's terms (2011, 64) intended to carry it. It is understood that between violent couples, it is as difficult for the woman to vacate the victim's place, as it is for the man, to leave the place of violence.