Cette étude vise à comprendre la place du sentiment d’impuissance de l’intervenant dans l’établissement d’une alliance thérapeutique. La perception des intervenants à l’égard du sentiment d’impuissance et les conséquences possibles qu’ils lui reconnaissent sont analysées. Par les moyens développés par les intervenants pour contrer ce sentiment d’impuissance, des pistes de solutions sont proposées. Par une méthodologie qualitative, vingt-cinq entrevues semi-dirigées ont été réalisées dans le cadre de la recherche «L’identification des interventions qui permettent de bâtir une alliance thérapeutique avec les jeunes contrevenants : un enjeu de première importance» du professeur Louis-Georges Cournoyer de l’École de criminologie de l’Université de Montréal. Elles constituent les données principales de la présente étude. Un groupe de discussion, réalisé en milieu communautaire, a permis de les compléter. Les ruptures d’alliance thérapeutique constituent un contexte favorable au développement du sentiment d’impuissance de l’intervenant, conditionnellement au soutien de l’équipe et à la perception qu’à l’intervenant de son rôle et de son contrôle. Le sentiment d’impuissance peut mener à une remise en question positive. Toutefois, il peut aussi être à l’origine du développement de l’impuissance apprise, qui se traduit par les déficits cognitif, motivationnel et affectif. Parmi les autres conséquences du sentiment d’impuissance, une lutte s’exprime par l’évitement, l’expression de la colère et le contrôle, qui ne sont pas souhaitables en contexte d’intervention. En misant sur le soutien de l’équipe ainsi que sur la perception des intervenants à l’égard de leur rôle et de leur contrôle, il est possible de prévenir et de contrer le sentiment d’impuissance. / This study aims at understanding feelings of powerlessness of the helper and its place in the development of the therapeutic alliance with youths. The workers perceptions about the feeling of powerlessness and the possible consequences it has on their practice are analyzed. A number of solutions are proposed, based on strategies developed by workers. With a qualitative methodology, the twenty-five interviews from the research «Alliance building interventions with youth offenders», conducted by Louis-Georges Cournoyer, professor at the University of Montreal’s School of Criminology, are used. In order to complete this data, a focus group was held with community workers. The therapeutic alliance ruptures, who is mediated by team’s support and worker’s self-perceived role and control, can engender the feeling of powerlesness. This feeling might lead to a positive self-questioning. However, it might also lead to the development of learned helplessness, which manifest itself by cognitive, motivational and affective deficits. Among the other consequences of the feeling of powerlesness, is a struggle that is expressed by withdrawal, anger and control, whom are not suitable in an intervention context. By focusing on the team’s support and on the self-perceived role and control of the worker, it is possible to prevent and counter the feeling of powerlessness.

Traditionnellement, le construit de la phobie sociale a été défini selon une vision intrapersonnelle, en tant que trouble de l’anxiété. Une autre conception se propose de la définir d’un point de vue interpersonnel, comme un pattern global d’autoprotection. L’objectif principal de cette thèse est de tester des hypothèses tirées du modèle interpersonnel de la phobie sociale. Deux études, présentées sous forme d’articles, ont permis d’examiner si des patterns spécifiques d’autoprotection, tels que l’impuissance et la soumission, caractérisent le mode de fonctionnement des phobiques sociaux. Les études ont également évalué si l’autoprotection et l’anxiété sont interreliées. Pour la première étude, les patterns interpersonnels de 132 phobiques sociaux, évalués à l’aide d’une mesure dérivée du Circumplex interpersonnel, ont été comparés à ceux de 85 individus célibataires ayant une dysfonction sexuelle et 105 sujets normaux. La relation entre les patterns d’autoprotection, l’anxiété sociale, la détresse générale et le fonctionnement social a également été examinée chez les phobiques sociaux. La seconde étude a permis d’examiner l’évolution des patterns d’autoprotection ainsi que de l’anxiété sociale, de la détresse générale et du fonctionnement social, chez 85 phobiques sociaux à quatre moments : avant et après un traitement d’approche interpersonnelle, ainsi qu’aux relances de six mois et d’un an. L’étude a également comparé les participants en rémission et ceux satisfaisant les critères de la phobie sociale un an suivant la fin du traitement. Les résultats suggèrent que les patterns d’impuissance et de soumission sont caractéristiques de la phobie sociale. Plus précisément, ces patterns décrivent davantage les comportements des phobiques sociaux plutôt que ceux des groupes de comparaison. De plus, une réduction significative de l’autoprotection a été notée au post-traitement et maintenue jusqu’au suivi d’un an, surtout chez les participants en rémission.En outre, une relation entre l’autoprotection, l’anxiété sociale et la détresse générale a été mise en évidence chez les phobiques sociaux. Une amélioration de l’anxiété, de la détresse subjective et du fonctionnement social cohérente avec la dissolution des patterns d’autoprotection a également été obtenue au post-traitement. En conclusion, les résultats des deux études appuient une conception interpersonnelle de la phobie sociale. / Traditionally, the construct of social phobia has been viewed intra-personally, as a disorder of anxiety. In recent years, an alternative interpersonal account of the concept has been proposed, whereby social phobia is characterized as an overall self-protective pattern of specific fearfully self-protective patterns of interpersonal behaviour. The main objective of this dissertation was to test hypotheses drawn from this interpersonal approach. Two studies, presented in the form of research articles, were devised to examine whether specific self-protective interpersonal patterns of powerlessness and submissiveness are characteristic of the overall socially phobic pattern. The studies also examined whether self-protectiveness is interrelated with anxiousness. The first study compared the interpersonal patterns, assessed using an Interpersonal Circumplex measure, of 132 socially phobic individuals to those of 85 single sexually dysfunctional and 105 normal control participants. The relationship between self-protective patterns and social anxiety, general distress, and social functioning were also examined in the socially phobic group. The second study examined the evolution of self-protectiveness, as well as social anxiety, general distress, and social functioning, in 85 socially phobic individuals at four time-points: Prior to being treated by an interpersonal approach, post-treatment, as well as at a six-month and one-year follow-up. Remitted and non-remitted participants at the one-year follow-up were also compared. Results support the hypothesis that social phobia is characterized by self-protective patterns of powerlessness and submissiveness. Specifically, these interpersonal patterns were found to characterize the socially phobic group to a larger extent than either of the two contrast groups. They were also shown to improve meaningfully after treatment, especially in participants who achieved remission one year later.In addition, a relationship between the self-protective patterns and increased levels of social anxiety and subjective distress was found in the socially phobic group. Results also showed an improvement in anxiety, general distress, and social functioning consistent with the shrinking in self-protectiveness after treatment. In conclusion, the findings are consistent with predictions drawn from an interpersonal approach and provide support for this alternative conceptualization of social phobia.

<p>Anledningar till att ilska väcks till liv är individuella och kan exempelvis bero på orättvis behandling eller maktlöshet. Ilska känns på liknande sätt inombords hos alla individer vilket innebär att en student som känner ilska över att kamraten fuskat på en tenta, kan uppleva liknande känslor av ilska inombords som patienten som tvingas vänta på sina mediciner. När ilska väl kommit in i kroppen måste den ”komma ut”.  Ilskans väg ut ur kroppen skiljer sig åt från person till person där en del yttrar sin ilska fysiskt medan andra yttrar den verbalt eller via tårar. När ilska försvunnit ut ur kroppen skapas möjlighet för reflektion. En del upplever ilska som en drivkraft för förändring medan andra känner skam och ånger över sitt beteende. Ilska är något vi alla har upplevt och fortsättningsvis kommer att uppleva. Att skapa en förståelse för fenomenet ilska kan skapa förutsättningar för vårdpersonalen att förstå ilska hos patienter. Genom att förstå orsakerna till varför ilska uppstår kan en bra relation mellan vårdpersonal och patient skapas vilket är av stor betydelse för att en god omvårdnad ska kunna utövas.</p> / <p>Reasons why anger evokes is individual and can elicit when a person experience unfairness or feel powerlessness. Anger feels similar on the inside among all individuals which means that a student who feels anger due to a friend who as cheated on an exam can experience the same anger as the patient who is forced to wait for his/her medications. When anger has entered the body it has to “come out”. How anger leaves the body differs from person to person where some express their anger physically while others get their anger out verbally or through tears. When anger has left the body, reflections become possible. Some people experience anger as a driving force for making a change while others feel disgrace and regret due to their behaviour. Anger is something we all have experienced and will continue to do. Understanding the phenomenon anger can create conditions for professionals to understand the patient’s anger. A good relationship between professionals and patients can be founded through understanding why anger evokes which is important for developing a good nursing care</p>

Anledningar till att ilska väcks till liv är individuella och kan exempelvis bero på orättvis behandling eller maktlöshet. Ilska känns på liknande sätt inombords hos alla individer vilket innebär att en student som känner ilska över att kamraten fuskat på en tenta, kan uppleva liknande känslor av ilska inombords som patienten som tvingas vänta på sina mediciner. När ilska väl kommit in i kroppen måste den ”komma ut”.  Ilskans väg ut ur kroppen skiljer sig åt från person till person där en del yttrar sin ilska fysiskt medan andra yttrar den verbalt eller via tårar. När ilska försvunnit ut ur kroppen skapas möjlighet för reflektion. En del upplever ilska som en drivkraft för förändring medan andra känner skam och ånger över sitt beteende. Ilska är något vi alla har upplevt och fortsättningsvis kommer att uppleva. Att skapa en förståelse för fenomenet ilska kan skapa förutsättningar för vårdpersonalen att förstå ilska hos patienter. Genom att förstå orsakerna till varför ilska uppstår kan en bra relation mellan vårdpersonal och patient skapas vilket är av stor betydelse för att en god omvårdnad ska kunna utövas. / Reasons why anger evokes is individual and can elicit when a person experience unfairness or feel powerlessness. Anger feels similar on the inside among all individuals which means that a student who feels anger due to a friend who as cheated on an exam can experience the same anger as the patient who is forced to wait for his/her medications. When anger has entered the body it has to “come out”. How anger leaves the body differs from person to person where some express their anger physically while others get their anger out verbally or through tears. When anger has left the body, reflections become possible. Some people experience anger as a driving force for making a change while others feel disgrace and regret due to their behaviour. Anger is something we all have experienced and will continue to do. Understanding the phenomenon anger can create conditions for professionals to understand the patient’s anger. A good relationship between professionals and patients can be founded through understanding why anger evokes which is important for developing a good nursing care

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Ce mémoire présente une étude des travaux de Young sur « Les cinq faces de l’oppression » dans le but d’explorer plus en détail certains enjeux contemporains, en se concentrant particulièrement sur les manifestations discrètes ou invisibilisées des injustices, analysées à travers le prisme de « trois faces de l’oppression ». La pensée politique de Young critique les tendances réductionnistes du paradigme libéral rawlsien en philosophie politique anglo-américaine, qui tend à occulter les expériences singulières de l’oppression en simplifiant leur complexité jusqu’à des questions de redistribution. Bien que Young ne nie jamais l’importance de la justice distributive, ses travaux mettent en lumière des concepts tels que la marginalisation, l’impuissance et l’impérialisme culturel, soulignant leur importance comme outils analytiques pour identifier et comprendre d'autres dimensions de l’injustice dans le monde contemporain. Tout d’abord, ce mémoire expose la manière dont la marginalisation prive les groupes sociaux de ressources essentielles et d’opportunités, confinant les individus à des rôles qui limitent leur autonomie et alimentent des sentiments d'inutilité, d'ennui et de dévalorisation personnelle. Ensuite, cette étude traite de l'impuissance vécue par les non-professionnels, souvent privés de pouvoir décisionnel et de respectabilité dans la division contemporaine du travail. Finalement, l'analyse de l'impérialisme culturel révèle la façon dont l'universalisation des expériences et des valeurs du groupe dominant peut subjuguer les identités culturelles et les réalités sociales des groupes subordonnés, produisant ainsi des injustices épistémiques. En affinant notre analyse des diverses dimensions de l’injustice, ce mémoire aspire à enrichir notre compréhension de la justice sociale / This thesis conducts a study on Young's "Five Faces of Oppression," aiming to delve into contemporary issues, especially focusing on subtle or overlooked injustices through the lens of "three faces of oppression." It critiques the reductionist tendencies of the Rawlsian liberal paradigm in Anglo-American political philosophy for oversimplifying oppression to mere questions of redistribution. Young highlights concepts like marginalization, powerlessness, and cultural imperialism as analytical tools to understand different dimensions of injustice. The thesis discusses how marginalization deprives social groups of essential resources and autonomy, explores the powerlessness of non-professionals in the labor division, and examines how cultural imperialism can subjugate subordinate groups' identities, leading to epistemic injustices. This study aims to deepen the understanding of social justice by refining the analysis of injustice's varied dimensions.

This study explores trainee psychotherapists' experiences of double bind situations and inconsistency between explicit and implicit contexts of training. The epistemological foundations of this text are postmodern, social constructionist and ecosystemic. A review of the relevant literature is presented, which includes aspects such as explicit and implicit contexts, double bind and experiences of trainees in training. This is followed by an account of the qualitative research approach adopted, namely, discourse analysis. Themes that are extracted from the text of the transcribed interviews are assumed to reflect discourses in training and the broader societal contexts in which trainees find themselves. These discourses are seen to inform trainees' constructions of their experiences in training. The findings of the analysis are found to concur with the initial hypotheses of this dissertation, as well as with findings in the literature. Recommendations for future research are offered. / Psychology / M.A. (Clinical Psychology)

Thesis (M Social Work (Social Work))--University of Stellenbosch, 2008. / This research investigates the powerlessness and dependency on wine farms in the Western Cape from the viewpoint of an understanding the lived experience of farm labourers and the high incidence of habitual drinking, violence and other social phenomena. The first farm labourers in the Western Cape were Slaves. When Slavery was abolished in 1834, Cape Slaves were freed but not compensated and so remained on farms, working as labourers, and powerless and dependent. After slavery had been abolished, the relationship between landowner and labourer evolved into a paternalistic relationship where the labourer was tied to a particular farm through housing, debt ,economic impoverishment and political marginalisation. Over the last few decades constitutional and political developments have resulted in changes to labour laws and working conditions on farms. Change has filtered down to the level of labourer at different rates in different areas. By and large, while working conditions may have improved, many labourers remain dependent and powerless to become masters of their own destiny. They remain unable to break free of the legacy of Slavery. Slavery is not the only legacy that casts a shadow over farm labourers. The infamous Tot System, initiated by Jan van Riebeeck and continuing late into the twentieth century, has enslaved many labourers in a cycle of habitual drinking, social violence and poverty. Habitual drinking has become the norm on farms, a weekend ritual that few labourers manage to escape. The purpose of this research is to broaden the field of knowledge for practitioners and organisations dealing with substance abuse and other social problems on farms. One particular farm is used as a sample of farm life. The farm in question has a children’s programme (crèche and after–school). There have also been several attempts over the last five years at social development and income–generation projects aimed at empowering adults on the farm. The experience of the farm management when attempting to introduce and establish these projects has been an overwhelming sense of immobilisation and apathy from the labourers. The empirical research used a qualitative method to examine (by means of semi structured interviews and questionnaires) themes of hopelessness, dependency and powerlessness. The meaning and particular pattern of habitual drinking on farms was also explored through interviews and questionnaires. There is evidence that habitual drinking continues on wine farms, generation after generation. It has become a legitimate way of life, a ritual so entrenched, that the community cannot imagine life any other way. To not drink is to place oneself in the position of outsider, opening oneself up to ridicule, disdain and verbal abuse. Individuals who do give up drinking do so as a result of an external threat rather than a conscious choice to change the course of their lives. Furthermore, this study found that farm labourers consistently surrender responsibility for their children, their homes their behaviour, while they cling to the remnants of paternalism, avoiding at all costs becoming masters of their own destinies. This study indicates that the abolishment of the tot system has not significantly reduced the incidence of habitual excessive drinking. Whilst achieving sobriety is a key intervention in achieving social harmony, in isolation, the outlook for sustained success is poor. Working for change on wine farms is not the exclusive domain of any one role player. In any geographical area a partnership between farming communities is needed to address labourers’ needs, and gaps and overlaps in service delivery. A comprehensive plan should be formulated by all role players with the empowerment of workers as the key outcome. Concerning social and domestic violence, a zero tolerance of abuse and violence needs to be taken by farm management and implemented, making use of legislation and law enforcement agencies. Early childhood development, educational enrichment and primary health care facilities are essential services on farms and should be staffed by qualified professionals dedicated to the upliftment and empowerment of farming communities. Finally there remains a need for further research into accessible, appropriate and sustainable intervention strategies on farms that empower labourers and break the cycles of habitual excessive drinking, social violence and hopelessness on farms.

This study uses qualitative research consisting of six semi-structural interviews of treatment workers who, in various capacities, have worked with men who use violence against their female partners. The purpose has been to show what the treatment counselor understand to be the reasons behind the men’s violence, what kind of backgrounds and problems they believe these abusers have and, lastly, how they view the male abusers as clients. The empirical data was analyzed through four perspectives and explanatory models derived from the past thirty years of Scandinavian research on the reasons behind men’s violence against women. Connell’s theory of masculinity was used as a filter along with the four theoretical perspectives when interpreting the data. The study revealed that the respondents found no consistent group of men who abuse. The respondents brought up reasons such as possible earlier exposure to violence, fear of abandonment, jealousy, feelings of powerlessness, and failed expectations of gender roles to be some consistent causes behind the violence. In general, according to the treatment workers, the male abusers they encounter tend to struggle with their self-image and how they fulfill perceived male ideals.

(anglicky) The aspiration of this thesis is on behalf of (more authentic) Eros problematic "to shake" literary science, not to say its method of interpretation, and so open another, more sensitive approach to art. As a tangle of starting points, I used the dubious theories of authors such as late R. Barthes, G. Didi-Huberman, H. Bloom, G. Bataille or S. Sontag. But especially, I delve into the studies of European literature in order to expose my own "wounds", no less violently classified into thematic chapters (Cosmogony, God of Love, Desire, Philosophy, Heart, Arrow, Wing, Game, Topos, Instinct, Orpheus and others). Therefore I introduce Eros as multifaceted phenomenon, in contrast to monological tendencies of dominant (platonic or Christian) erotic interpretations. Moreover - in polemics with Bataille's eroticism - I try to make Eros "the work".