247f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-11T19:39:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcia Macedoseg.pdf: 2163527 bytes, checksum: 6780afa8a23b65f3c47a7d37991c40b7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-16T17:33:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcia Macedoseg.pdf: 2163527 bytes, checksum: 6780afa8a23b65f3c47a7d37991c40b7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-16T17:33:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcia Macedoseg.pdf: 2163527 bytes, checksum: 6780afa8a23b65f3c47a7d37991c40b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Nesta tese busco entender a realidade ainda pouco conhecida das mulheres chefes de família de classes médias em Salvador, visto que a grande maioria dos estudos sobre chefia feminina vem insistindo na homogeneidade desse grupo social e tem associado sua expansão à ampliação dos processos de pauperização, contemporaneamente sintetizado na idéia de uma feminização da pobreza. Assim, através de estudo qualitativo, me proponho a discutir as trajetórias e experiências de 32 mulheres soteropolitanas de classe média, face à condição de chefia dos seus núcleos doméstico-familiares, tentando entender a pluralidade de caminhos que levou essas mulheres – na condição de separada, viúva, solteira e mesmo de casada – a assumir a responsabilidade pela provisão econômica e exercício da autoridade junto às suas respectivas famílias. Assim, busco ainda refletir, nesse contexto, como esta experiência de chefia vem sendo conformada face à articulação interseccional dos pertencimentos sociais de classe, gênero, raça/etnia e idade/geração, dando ênfase, portanto, às possíveis interconexões entre sistemas de opressão. Nessa perspectiva, me proponho ao duplo desafio de discutir os significados dessa experiência intra-classe, a partir do entendimento da combinação dos múltiplos pertencimentos sociais e, ainda, comparativamente, buscarei entender, mesmo que em menor profundidade, na dimensão inter-classe, como essas experiências se afastam e se aproximam quando confrontadas com a realidade vivida pelas mulheres chefes de família de classes populares, a partir de pesquisa realizada anteriormente como dissertação de mestrado. / Salvador

ROCHA, Nara Maria Forte Diogo. Relações étnico-raciais e educação infantil: dizeres de crianças sobre cultura e história africana e afro-brasileira na escola. 2015. 324f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2015. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-08-25T14:56:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_tese_nmfdrocha.pdf: 3563688 bytes, checksum: 7606dad5fb635c8d0be30f37e0de5a6e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-08-28T13:55:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_tese_nmfdrocha.pdf: 3563688 bytes, checksum: 7606dad5fb635c8d0be30f37e0de5a6e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-08-28T13:55:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_tese_nmfdrocha.pdf: 3563688 bytes, checksum: 7606dad5fb635c8d0be30f37e0de5a6e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / The study investigates ethnic-racial relations in the teaching of African culture and african-Brazilian from the perspective of childhood cultures in the context of early childhood education. It takes into account on the one hand, the historical moment of tackling racism in Brazil, translated into affirmative action policies, most notably education Law 10,639, and on the other hand the methodological discussion on research with children emphasizing the seizure child view. As a general objective aims to understand how children mean the knowledge on African history and culture and african-Brazilian school. Specifically, it aim to discuss the role of the early childhood school as a mediator of knowledge on African and african-Brazilian culture; to understand the movement of meanings attributed by children to ethnic and racial relations in schools rites and to thematize the experience of racial relations in the school context from the perspective of childhood cultures The theoretical perspectives adopted are the Cultural Studies, Postcolonial Studies and South Epistemologies Studies and the Sociology of Childhood and the Historical-Cultural Psychology. It's ethnographic case study carried out in a private school in kindergarten and elementary school in Fortaleza-CE. The corpus consisted of field diaries and video recordings of the activities performed by children as well as transcribed interviews (families and school staff). With regard to children, peer’s culture category allowed the understanding of the training criteria, maintenance and dynamics of their groups: previous cohabitation, gender and presence of disability. The ethnic and racial identity was taken by children as a control strategy in the peer group, which was neutralized by the school, and as identification of self and other. The significance of African history and culture and african-Brazilian is marked by dialogued heteroglossia and selective invisibility, organizing itself as a performative and paradoxical way. It is concluded that the placements of children ranged from positive identification with the indigenous and European culture at the expense of black/African culture, reproducing interpretively the paradoxes perceived in how African culture is transmitted in school and in Brazilian society. Finally, the thesis is that the meanings expressed by the children are organized around paradoxes that brings out the tensions, dilemmas and conflicts within an anti-racist education in Brazilian society. / O estudo investiga as relações étnico-raciais na transmissão da história e cultura africana e afro-brasileira na perspectiva das culturas da infância no contexto da educação infantil. Tem em conta, de um lado, o momento histórico de combate ao racismo no Brasil, traduzido em políticas de ação afirmativa, de maior destaque para a educação a Lei 10.639, e de outro lado, o debate metodológico sobre as pesquisas com crianças enfatizando a apreensão do ponto de vista infantil. Como objetivo geral visa-se compreender, como as crianças significam os saberes sobre a história e cultura africana e afro-brasileira na escola. Especificamente, discutir o papel da escola de educação infantil como mediadora dos saberes sobre a cultura africana e afro-brasileira; compreender a circulação dos sentidos atribuídos pelas crianças às relações étnico-raciais nos ritos escolares e então problematizar a vivência das relações étnico-raciais no contexto escolar, na perspectiva das culturas da infância. As perspectivas teóricas adotadas são os Estudos Culturais, os Estudos Pós-coloniais e as Epistemologias do Sul, bem como a Sociologia da Infância e a Psicologia Histórico-Cultural. Trata-se de estudo de caso de cunho etnográfico realizado em uma escola particular de educação infantil e ensino fundamental da cidade de Fortaleza-CE. O corpus foi constituído dos diários de campo e videogravações das atividades lúdicas e pedagógicas realizadas pelas crianças, bem como de entrevistas transcritas (famílias e funcionários da escola). A significação das crianças a respeito da história e cultura africana e afro-brasileira é marcada pela Heteroglossia Dialogizada e pela Invisibilidade Seletiva, organizando-se como de modo performativo e paradoxal. A categoria cultura de pares compreende os critérios de formação, manutenção e dinamicidade dos grupos de crianças: convivência anterior, gênero e presença de deficiência. A identificação entorracial foi tomada pelas crianças como identificação de si e do outro, e quando utilizada como estratégia de controle no grupo de pares, foi neutralizada pela escola. Conclui-se que os posicionamentos das crianças variaram entre a identificação positiva com a cultura indígena e européia em detrimento da cultura negra/africana, reproduzindo interpretativamente os paradoxos percebidos no modo como a cultura africana é transmitida na escola e na sociedade brasileira. Por fim, a tese é de que os sentidos expressos pelas crianças se organizam em torno de paradoxos que permitem problematizar as tensões, impasses e conflitos no âmbito de uma educação antirracista na sociedade brasileira.

Cette thèse analyse certaines formes de gouvernance de la jeunesse en matière de politiques de sécurité publique, celles-ci étant perçues comme des réponses de l’Etat à l’accroissement et à la généralisation d’un sentiment d’insécurité et de peur dans la société contemporaine. Pour ce faire, j’interroge des pratiques de gouvernementalité qui se manifestent dans les périphéries urbaines - et, en particulier, chez les jeunes qui y habitent - en les considérant comme le résultat d’un changement et d’une intensification de la façon dont l’Etat pratique la gouvernance des conduites. L’approche théorico-méthodologique utilisée ici se situe à l’interface des études de genre, des études culturelles et de l’anthropologie politique, s’appuyant notamment sur des perspectives qui proposent un rapprochement critique avec la théorisation foucaldienne. Le travail s’inscrit donc dans le champ d’une ethnographie post-moderne, à partir d’une combinaison de méthodologies et de modèles d’écriture divers. Pour procéder à mon analyse, j’ai choisi deux terrains de recherche. Le premier a été le quartier Guajuviras, à Canoas, ville de la région métropolitaine de Porto Alegre, dans l’Etat du Rio Grande do Sul, Brésil. Ce quartier accueille des actions du Programa Nacional de Segurança Pública e Cidadania (Pronasci), (Programme National de Sécurité Publique et de Citoyenneté), développées là-bas sous le nom Território de Paz (Territoire de Paix). Le deuxième terrain a été la ville de Grigny Centre, située dans la région métropolitaine de Paris et considérée comme l’une des plus « explosives » de la périphérie parisienne. J’y ai analysé un ensemble d’actions de prévention et de répression de la criminalité dans le cadre des politiques de la ville. Les sources de recherche ont été ainsi constituées : 1) documents officiels de la presse et tracts de diffusion ; 2) récits littéraires, musicaux et filmiques ; 3) annotations des souvenirs de terrain, transcriptions de groupes de discussion et entretiens ; 4) images photographiques. Les différents matériaux ont été analysés dans la perspective d’une analyse culturelle, ancrée dans la théorisation foucaldienne. Il a été possible de mettre en évidence le fait que les politiques de sécurité soient devenues des éléments capitaux dans l’agenda politique des deux pays, avec des propositions de solutions adressées aux jeunes hommes issus, surtout, des groupes considérés en situation de risque et de vulnérabilité sociale. Le Território de Paz au Brésil, se caractérise par une certaine technique de gouvernement. Il organise des activités de manière à (essayer) de réguler la diversité de la vie juvénile. En France, l’Etat procède de manière à criminaliser et à culpabiliser la jeunesse pauvre, arabe et noire, pour des situations considérées auparavant comme de simples incivilités. En ce qui concerne les jeunes et l’élaboration de leurs formes identitaires, fortement traversées par des marqueurs de classe, race et genre au Brésil, et de genre et race / ethnie en France, il a été possible de mettre en exergue une force vitale encore peu valorisée comme puissance de changement : il s’agit de la capacité des jeunes à élaborer des théories sur leurs propres conditions et trajectoires personnelles. En effet, les jeunes perçoivent l’écart entre ce qui leur parait important pour leurs vies et ce que leur proposent ou leur offrent les politiques de l’Etat. / Esta tese analisa determinadas formas de governamento da juventude em políticas de segurança pública, entendendo-as como respostas do Estado à expansão e à generalização de um sentimento de insegurança e medo na sociedade contemporânea. Para isso, discuto práticas de governamentalidade que atingem as periferias urbanas e, de modo particular, os/as jovens que lá habitam, considerando-as como resultados de uma alteração e uma intensificação dos modos como o Estado exerce o governo das condutas. A abordagem teórico-metodológica situa-se na interface dos estudos de gênero, dos estudos culturais e da antropologia política, principalmente as perspectivas que propõem uma aproximação crítica com a teorização foucaultiana; o trabalho posiciona-se no campo de uma etnografia pós-moderna, a partir de uma combinação de metodologias e de modos de escrita. Para efetivar minha análise elegi dois lócus de pesquisa. Um deles foi o bairro Guajuviras, em Canoas, cidade da região metropolitana de Porto Alegre, no Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. O bairro recebe ações do Programa Nacional de Segurança Pública e Cidadania (Pronasci), ali implementadas com o nome de Território de Paz. O segundo lócus foi a cidade de Grigny Centre, na região metropolitana de Paris, na França, considerada uma das cidades mais “explosivas” entre as periferias parisienses; analisei um conjunto de ações de prevenção e repressão à criminalidade situadas nas politiques de la ville. Constituíram fontes de pesquisa: (i) documentos oficiais, de órgãos de imprensa e panfletos de divulgação; (ii) narrativas literárias, musicais e fílmicas; (iii) anotações das recordações de campo, transcrições de grupos de discussão e entrevistas; (iv) imagens fotográficas. Os materiais foram analisados na perspectiva da análise cultural, ancorada na teorização foucaultiana. Foi possível evidenciar que as políticas de segurança tornaram-se elementos centrais da agenda política dos dois países, com propostas de soluções dirigidas aos jovens homens, principalmente de grupos considerados em situação de risco e vulnerabilidade social. O Território de Paz, no Brasil, se caracteriza como uma tecnologia de governamento. Organiza atividades de modo a (tentar) regular a diversidade da vida juvenil. As ações do Estado francês operam de modo a criminalizar e a culpabilizar a juventude pobre, árabe e negra por situações consideradas anteriormente como simples incivilidades. Com relação às elaborações dos/das jovens e de suas formações identitárias, fortemente atravessadas por marcadores de classe raça e gênero no Brasil, e de gênero e raça/etnia na França, foi possível trazer à tona uma força vital que pouco tem sido valorizada como potência de mudança: trata-se da capacidade dos/das jovens de elaborarem teorias sobre suas próprias condições e trajetórias. Com efeito, os/as jovens reconhecem a disjunção entre o que seria importante nas suas vidas e o que as ações de Estado lhes propõem ou oferecem. / This paper analyses certain forms of “governamentality” of the youth, as far as public security policies are concerned. Such policies are understood as reactions from the State to the expansion and generalization of a feeling of insecurity and fear in contemporary society. To that end, I discuss “governmentality” practices directed to suburban areas and in particular to the youngsters that live there. Such practices result from the intensification of State control over youngster behaviors. The theoretical-methodological approach results from the interaction of gender studies, cultural studies and political anthropology, in particular, the perspectives that maintain a critical proximity with Foucault’s thinking. Hence, this paper is situated in the field of post-modern ethnography resulting from a combination of methodologies and distinct narratives. To carry out my analysis, I have chosen two distinct research locations. One of such locations was the Guajuviras borough in Canoas, in the suburban area of Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. The National Program of Public Security and Citizenship (PRONASCI, from the acronym in Portuguese) carries out actions in Guajuviras borough. Those actions are implemented under the title of Território de Paz (Land of Peace). The second location was the town of Grigny Centre in the suburban area of Paris, France. Grigny Centre is considered one of the “hottest spots” among Paris suburban areas. I carried out the analysis of preventive and repressive measures to combat criminality in the context of politiques de la ville. The research sources employed were the following: (i) official documents, press reports and leaflets; (ii) literature, music and film; (iii) notes from field visits, transcripts of group discussions and interviews; (iv) photos. Such materials were assessed on the basis of the cultural analysis taking into account Foucault theoretical elements. Evidence confirmed that public security policies have become central elements in the political agenda of both countries. Based on that, solutions were proposed aiming at young men in situations of social risk and vulnerability. The Brazilian government initiative Território da Paz constitutes a “governamentality” technology. It organizes its activities (in an attempt) to regulate the diversity of situations in the life of juveniles. The actions by the French State, on the other hand, are carried out in a way that result in criminalizing and generating a sense of guilty in the poor youths of Arab or African origin for actions and situations that in the past were considered only as misdemeanors. As to the rationalizations from young men and women and to their identity construction, they were characterized by markers of class, race and gender in Brazil and, in France, by markers of race/ethnicity. It was possible to bring to the surface a vital energy linked to those rationalizations that has not been properly evaluated as an enabler for change. It represents the potential of young men and women to formulate their own theories regarding their own condition and life trajectories. It is my perception that young men and women acknowledge the existence o what is relevant to their lives and what is proposed or provided by the actions from the State.

Between 1847 and 1874 approximately 142,000 Chinese indentured laborers, commonly known as coolies, migrated to Cuba to work primarily on sugar plantations following the demise of African slavery. Comprised of 99.97% males and contracted to work for eight years or more, many of those coolies that survived the harsh conditions in Cuba formed consensual unions with freed and enslaved women of color. These intimate connections between Chinese indentures and Cubans of African descent developed not only because they shared the same living and working spaces, but also because they occupied similar sociocultural, political, and economic spheres in colonial society. This ethnography investigates the rise of a discernible Afro-Chinese religiosity that emerged from the coming together of these two diasporic groups. The Lukumi religion, often described as being a syncretism between African and European elements, contains impressive articulations of Chinese and Afro-Chinese influences, particularly in the realm of material culture. On the basis of qualitative research that I conducted among Chinese and Afro-Chinese Lukumi practitioners in Cuba, this dissertation documents the development of syncretism and discursive religious practice between African and Chinese diasporas. I conceptualize a framework of interdiasporic cross-fertilization and, in so doing, disassemble Cuba’s racial and religious categories, which support a notion of “Cubanidad” that renders Chinese subjectivity invisible. I argue that Afro-Chinese religiosity became a space for a positive association that I call “Sinalidad”. I also argue that this religiosity has been elaborated upon largely because of transformations in Cuba’s social and economic landscape that began during Cuba’s Special Period. Thus, the dissertation uses religious practice as a lens through which I shed light upon another dimension of identity making, transnationalism and the political economy of tourism on the island.

Environmental Justice defines the environment as the spaces where we live, work, and play. The Environmental Justice (EJ) Movement has traditionally used this definition to organize against toxics in communities. However, within EJ work, prisons or policing have often not been centralized or discussed. This means that the approximately 2.2 million people in prison are excluded from the conversation and movement. Additionally, communities and activists are identifying police and prisons as toxics in their communities, but an analysis of policing and prisons is largely missing in EJ scholarship. This thesis explores the intersection between prisons, policing, and pollution. It outlines how prisons, policing, and pollution are connected and reveals why this intersection is critical to understand in Environmental Justice (EJ) scholarship and organizing. Based on interviews with formerly incarcerated individuals in San Antonio, Texas, and a case study of the Mira Loma Women’s Detention Center in the Antelope Valley of California, this thesis expands the realm of EJ work to include and center the spaces of prisons and policing and complicates the definition of toxicity as it has been traditionally used and organized against in the EJ movement. I argue that policing and imprisonment are toxic systems to our communities and contradict and prevent the development of safe and sustainable communities. Thus, understanding prisons and policing as toxic to both people and to the environment, we should move toward abolishing these toxic systems and building alternatives to them. To this end, or rather, to this new beginning, [prison-industrial-complex] abolition should be explored as a framework within EJ to push us to fundamentally reconsider our ideas of justice, to better and differently approach the practice of making environmental justice available for all because abolition is not only about dismantling, but it is largely about building more just, safer, and more sustainable communities. This thesis brings abolition and EJ discourses together to assess the potential for coalition building between abolitionists and EJ activists to work toward a common goal of building safe, sustainable, and more just communities for everybody. I conclude that abolition should be embraced as a framework within EJ to liberate our carceral landscape and to imagine, and subsequently, create a new environmental and social landscape.

Cette thèse analyse certaines formes de gouvernance de la jeunesse en matière de politiques de sécurité publique, celles-ci étant perçues comme des réponses de l’Etat à l’accroissement et à la généralisation d’un sentiment d’insécurité et de peur dans la société contemporaine. Pour ce faire, j’interroge des pratiques de gouvernementalité qui se manifestent dans les périphéries urbaines - et, en particulier, chez les jeunes qui y habitent - en les considérant comme le résultat d’un changement et d’une intensification de la façon dont l’Etat pratique la gouvernance des conduites. L’approche théorico-méthodologique utilisée ici se situe à l’interface des études de genre, des études culturelles et de l’anthropologie politique, s’appuyant notamment sur des perspectives qui proposent un rapprochement critique avec la théorisation foucaldienne. Le travail s’inscrit donc dans le champ d’une ethnographie post-moderne, à partir d’une combinaison de méthodologies et de modèles d’écriture divers. Pour procéder à mon analyse, j’ai choisi deux terrains de recherche. Le premier a été le quartier Guajuviras, à Canoas, ville de la région métropolitaine de Porto Alegre, dans l’Etat du Rio Grande do Sul, Brésil. Ce quartier accueille des actions du Programa Nacional de Segurança Pública e Cidadania (Pronasci), (Programme National de Sécurité Publique et de Citoyenneté), développées là-bas sous le nom Território de Paz (Territoire de Paix). Le deuxième terrain a été la ville de Grigny Centre, située dans la région métropolitaine de Paris et considérée comme l’une des plus « explosives » de la périphérie parisienne. J’y ai analysé un ensemble d’actions de prévention et de répression de la criminalité dans le cadre des politiques de la ville. Les sources de recherche ont été ainsi constituées : 1) documents officiels de la presse et tracts de diffusion ; 2) récits littéraires, musicaux et filmiques ; 3) annotations des souvenirs de terrain, transcriptions de groupes de discussion et entretiens ; 4) images photographiques. Les différents matériaux ont été analysés dans la perspective d’une analyse culturelle, ancrée dans la théorisation foucaldienne. Il a été possible de mettre en évidence le fait que les politiques de sécurité soient devenues des éléments capitaux dans l’agenda politique des deux pays, avec des propositions de solutions adressées aux jeunes hommes issus, surtout, des groupes considérés en situation de risque et de vulnérabilité sociale. Le Território de Paz au Brésil, se caractérise par une certaine technique de gouvernement. Il organise des activités de manière à (essayer) de réguler la diversité de la vie juvénile. En France, l’Etat procède de manière à criminaliser et à culpabiliser la jeunesse pauvre, arabe et noire, pour des situations considérées auparavant comme de simples incivilités. En ce qui concerne les jeunes et l’élaboration de leurs formes identitaires, fortement traversées par des marqueurs de classe, race et genre au Brésil, et de genre et race / ethnie en France, il a été possible de mettre en exergue une force vitale encore peu valorisée comme puissance de changement : il s’agit de la capacité des jeunes à élaborer des théories sur leurs propres conditions et trajectoires personnelles. En effet, les jeunes perçoivent l’écart entre ce qui leur parait important pour leurs vies et ce que leur proposent ou leur offrent les politiques de l’Etat. / Esta tese analisa determinadas formas de governamento da juventude em políticas de segurança pública, entendendo-as como respostas do Estado à expansão e à generalização de um sentimento de insegurança e medo na sociedade contemporânea. Para isso, discuto práticas de governamentalidade que atingem as periferias urbanas e, de modo particular, os/as jovens que lá habitam, considerando-as como resultados de uma alteração e uma intensificação dos modos como o Estado exerce o governo das condutas. A abordagem teórico-metodológica situa-se na interface dos estudos de gênero, dos estudos culturais e da antropologia política, principalmente as perspectivas que propõem uma aproximação crítica com a teorização foucaultiana; o trabalho posiciona-se no campo de uma etnografia pós-moderna, a partir de uma combinação de metodologias e de modos de escrita. Para efetivar minha análise elegi dois lócus de pesquisa. Um deles foi o bairro Guajuviras, em Canoas, cidade da região metropolitana de Porto Alegre, no Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. O bairro recebe ações do Programa Nacional de Segurança Pública e Cidadania (Pronasci), ali implementadas com o nome de Território de Paz. O segundo lócus foi a cidade de Grigny Centre, na região metropolitana de Paris, na França, considerada uma das cidades mais “explosivas” entre as periferias parisienses; analisei um conjunto de ações de prevenção e repressão à criminalidade situadas nas politiques de la ville. Constituíram fontes de pesquisa: (i) documentos oficiais, de órgãos de imprensa e panfletos de divulgação; (ii) narrativas literárias, musicais e fílmicas; (iii) anotações das recordações de campo, transcrições de grupos de discussão e entrevistas; (iv) imagens fotográficas. Os materiais foram analisados na perspectiva da análise cultural, ancorada na teorização foucaultiana. Foi possível evidenciar que as políticas de segurança tornaram-se elementos centrais da agenda política dos dois países, com propostas de soluções dirigidas aos jovens homens, principalmente de grupos considerados em situação de risco e vulnerabilidade social. O Território de Paz, no Brasil, se caracteriza como uma tecnologia de governamento. Organiza atividades de modo a (tentar) regular a diversidade da vida juvenil. As ações do Estado francês operam de modo a criminalizar e a culpabilizar a juventude pobre, árabe e negra por situações consideradas anteriormente como simples incivilidades. Com relação às elaborações dos/das jovens e de suas formações identitárias, fortemente atravessadas por marcadores de classe raça e gênero no Brasil, e de gênero e raça/etnia na França, foi possível trazer à tona uma força vital que pouco tem sido valorizada como potência de mudança: trata-se da capacidade dos/das jovens de elaborarem teorias sobre suas próprias condições e trajetórias. Com efeito, os/as jovens reconhecem a disjunção entre o que seria importante nas suas vidas e o que as ações de Estado lhes propõem ou oferecem. / This paper analyses certain forms of “governamentality” of the youth, as far as public security policies are concerned. Such policies are understood as reactions from the State to the expansion and generalization of a feeling of insecurity and fear in contemporary society. To that end, I discuss “governmentality” practices directed to suburban areas and in particular to the youngsters that live there. Such practices result from the intensification of State control over youngster behaviors. The theoretical-methodological approach results from the interaction of gender studies, cultural studies and political anthropology, in particular, the perspectives that maintain a critical proximity with Foucault’s thinking. Hence, this paper is situated in the field of post-modern ethnography resulting from a combination of methodologies and distinct narratives. To carry out my analysis, I have chosen two distinct research locations. One of such locations was the Guajuviras borough in Canoas, in the suburban area of Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. The National Program of Public Security and Citizenship (PRONASCI, from the acronym in Portuguese) carries out actions in Guajuviras borough. Those actions are implemented under the title of Território de Paz (Land of Peace). The second location was the town of Grigny Centre in the suburban area of Paris, France. Grigny Centre is considered one of the “hottest spots” among Paris suburban areas. I carried out the analysis of preventive and repressive measures to combat criminality in the context of politiques de la ville. The research sources employed were the following: (i) official documents, press reports and leaflets; (ii) literature, music and film; (iii) notes from field visits, transcripts of group discussions and interviews; (iv) photos. Such materials were assessed on the basis of the cultural analysis taking into account Foucault theoretical elements. Evidence confirmed that public security policies have become central elements in the political agenda of both countries. Based on that, solutions were proposed aiming at young men in situations of social risk and vulnerability. The Brazilian government initiative Território da Paz constitutes a “governamentality” technology. It organizes its activities (in an attempt) to regulate the diversity of situations in the life of juveniles. The actions by the French State, on the other hand, are carried out in a way that result in criminalizing and generating a sense of guilty in the poor youths of Arab or African origin for actions and situations that in the past were considered only as misdemeanors. As to the rationalizations from young men and women and to their identity construction, they were characterized by markers of class, race and gender in Brazil and, in France, by markers of race/ethnicity. It was possible to bring to the surface a vital energy linked to those rationalizations that has not been properly evaluated as an enabler for change. It represents the potential of young men and women to formulate their own theories regarding their own condition and life trajectories. It is my perception that young men and women acknowledge the existence o what is relevant to their lives and what is proposed or provided by the actions from the State.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:56:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 susana.pdf: 988435 bytes, checksum: e0fae344ae5714e06dcd7be055dd3d7e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-18 / Fundação Araucária / The main objective of this work is to investigate the way students of fundamental levels are represented in theirs school´s books and materials - more specifically, English students and two 8th grade classes, and if they identify themselves being represented in race/ethnicity and gender in these materials. On other hand, I also noticed how the fundamental school teacher perceives the construction of the social identities and if him also perceives those same identities been worked out in the instructional materials and books being utilized, and the way that the English Teacher has to deal with social identity in class. In Brazil we have the cognitive perspective of the functionality of Foreign Language teaching as a social aspect, utilizing Critical Literacy, Paulo Freire (1980), Lankshear e Maclaren (1993), Norton (1995), Comber e Kalmer (1997), Pennycook (1998), Busnardo e Braga (2000), Rajagopalan (2003), Ferreira (2006), Jordão (2007), Coradim (2008), identidades sociais, Moita Lopes (2002), Jung (2002), Hall (2002-2006), Carvalho (2007), Carvalho (2007), among others. For the methodological development I made use of questionnaires and interviews. As the result of this research, I was able to perceive that the practical aspect is far from being achieved. However, teachers state that they realize the importance of critical teaching about race/ethnicity and gender in their classes, but yet they aren´t able to insert this matters in their daily learning routine, subject that extend to their students and they aren´t able too, to perceive themselves in their learning materials nor develop an array of learning of these matters, especially about gender. I conclude betting that the efficiency of the critical teaching has a way to change this matters, as the lack of critical sense in the classroom, the empowerment of the students, allowing their voice to be heard, both at school and in the other social contexts that they are inserted. / Este trabalho teve como objetivo investigar de que forma o aluno/a do Ensino Fundamental é representado nos materiais de ensino, mais especificamente, os de Língua Inglesa e de duas 8ª séries, e se ele/a se sente representado/representada nesses materiais no que se refere à questão de raça/etnia e de gênero. Por outro lado, também observei como o professor do Ensino Fundamental entende por construção de identidades sociais e se ele percebe essas mesmas identidades trabalhadas nos materiais de ensino que utiliza, de que modo o professor de inglês lida com isso em sua sala de aula, tem-se aqui a perspectiva do ensino da Língua Estrangeira em sua funcionalidade no contexto social, utilizando-se do Letramento Crítico, Paulo Freire (1980), Lankshear e Maclaren (1993), Norton (1995), Comber e Kalmer (1997), Pennycook (1998), Busnardo e Braga (2000), Rajagopalan (2003), Ferreira (2006), Jordão (2007), Coradim (2008), identidades sociais, Moita Lopes (2002), Jung (2002), Hall (2002-2006), Carvalho (2007), Carvalho (2007), entre outros. Como encaminhamento metodológico fiz uso de questionários e entrevistas. Como resultado desta pesquisa, foi possível perceber que o discurso ainda está longe da prática, ou seja, apesar de as professoras dizerem que percebem a importância da reflexão crítica sobre raça/etnia e gênero em suas salas, elas ainda não conseguem inserir estas discussões no cotidiano escolar, fato que faz com que seus alunos/as também não consigam se ver representados no material de ensino que utilizam nem realizar muitas reflexões sobre esses temas, principalmente sobre o tema gênero. Concluo, apostando na eficácia do ensino crítico para mudar essas questões, como a falta de reflexão em sala de aula, o auxílio do empoderamento dos alunos, dando-lhes voz, tanto na escola, quanto nos outros contextos sociais nos quais atuam.

The social sciences have developed robust bodies of scholarship on expertise and professionalism, yet literary analyses of the two remain comparatively sparse. I address this gap in Boundaries of Knowledge by examining recent Anglophone fiction and showing that expertise and professionalism are central concerns of contemporary authors, both as subject matter in fiction and in their public identities. I argue that the novelists studied use and abuse expertise and professionalism: they critique professions as participant observers, and also borrow the mantle of expert credibility to bolster their own cultural capital while documenting the pitfalls of expertise in their fiction. My first chapter shows how acquired technical knowledge and professionalism are the central concerns of Ian McEwan’s Saturday. In the novel, Henry Perowne’s professionalism is the site from which various ethical and political debates radiate. Perowne—depicted as a rather heroic expert in comparison to the other novels studied in the dissertation—is disturbed by a total outsider in the form of Baxter, a man with no prospects or future, professional or otherwise. McEwan aligns himself more closely with Perowne: in part through extensive research for Saturday, he has developed a reputation as a public figure who straddles the “two cultures” of the sciences and humanities, a reputation that exists in a synergistic relationship with his particular brand of realist fiction, which emphasizes hard work and professional credibility. Next, I demonstrate how Zadie Smith’s On Beauty reveals a deep suspicion of academia, which in the novel serves to cut disciplinary experts off both from the world outside campus and from an appreciation of the subjects they study. Smith’s academic professionals are well-intentioned but unable to look beyond field-specific boundaries to appreciate their objects of study (and unintentionally harm outsiders along the way). Larger issues such as race are always present but at the margins of the interpersonal drama that plays out between the novel’s numerous characters. I read Smith herself as reluctantly accepting academic life, teaching at New York University while maintaining a qualified distance from American academia in articles and interviews. Chapters one and two are broadly about the advantages and drawbacks of expert knowledge, respectively. In my third chapter, Abdulrazak Gurnah offers the most circumspect view of experts yet with a fear of a “summarizing” expert or colonizer of knowledge that is only resolved by the arrival of a more authentic Zanzibari expert. In an analysis of Gurnah’s By the Sea, I show how professional networks--the United Kingdom’s immigration and refugee system, the colonial education system in Zanzibar, and the professoriate--raise questions about who is entitled to and capable of narrating people’s lives. These questions dovetail both with the novel’s shifting narrative form and with the concerns of Gurnah’s own work as a scholar of literature. Beginning with McEwan and ending with Gurnah, Boundaries of Knowledge travels from the most socially and economically secure, elite experts to those left behind by contemporary professionalism. My title reflects this troubled landscape of expert knowledge and professionalism: who knows what, the benefits and drawbacks of the accompanying cultural capital, and the barriers between various fields, sets of knowledge, and finally people.

The wave of gurus in America brought with them cultural transformations particularly in how they interpret Hinduism, how their teachings have adapted in engaging a Western audience, and the sustainability of their religious communities, thus changing the landscape of contemporary Hindu spirituality. The traditional model of the guru and disciple relationship according to Yoga and Vedanta is undergoing a transformation allowing for greater autonomy of the disciple to make decisions in how they appropriate the authority of the guru. This thesis examines the guru and disciple relationship within the institutional organization of the Yoga Research Foundation, founded by the contemporary guru, Swami Jyotirmayananda. Research of Jyotirmayananda’s unique following of Western disciples illuminates the nature of his authority through the establishment of his order and methods by which disciples navigate identity formation and experience religious transmission.

This thesis investigates the nature of environmental racism, a by-product of “slow violence” under capitalism, from the perspective of Jain philosophy. By observing slow violence through the lens of Jain doctrine and ethics, I investigate whether the central tenets of ahimsa and karma are philosophically anti-capitalist, and if there are facets within Jain ethics supporting slow violence. By analyzing the ascetic and lay ethical models, I conclude that the maximization of profit and private acquisition of lands/resources are capitalist attributes that cannot thrive efficiently under a proper Jain ethical model centered on ahimsa (non-harm, non-violence) and world-denying/world-renouncing practices. Conversely, karma and Jain cosmology has the potential to support slow violence when considering their philosophical and fatalistic implications. Furthermore, by connecting the theory of slow violence with the theory of microaggressions, I assert that, while resolving microaggressions, Jainism’s highly individualistic ethical system can hinder confronting slow violence.