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在忽略企業主體性的情況下，國有企業往往被視為被動的行為體，然而「中國電信」卻透過破壞性創新模式，以「小靈通」突破政府的產業監管原則，為企業開創市場機會。本研究透過理性選擇制度論，恢復國有企業的主體性，探討在改革的制度環境中，「中國電信」經理人如何思維「小靈通」業務？政府如何考量監管內容的變更？以及管制與放鬆管制的變遷過程中，政企之間的互動。 研究發現，在政府政策預期的方向上，找到規制與企業利益的平衡點，乃是微觀放鬆與宏觀加強管理體制下，企業的生存之道。個案中，自主性提升的「中國電信」，便是在制度規範中找到追求利益的空間，推出「小靈通」，並透過改革過程中未能徹底解決的產權問題，利用國家重視國有資產保值增值的弱點，以及斬不斷的政企裙帶關係，促成最終的管制放鬆。 / Under the situation without caring about subjectivities of businesses, the state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have been defined as the passive actors. China Telecom, however, depended upon “Xiao-ling-tong” (China’s PHS system) to break through the norms of Chinese government by using Disruptive Innovation Model and got the opportunity into the market. This volume in the light of Rational Choice Institutionalism got the subjectivities of SOEs back and discussed with how the managers in China Telecom considered the strategies of “Xiao-ling-tong” in the circumstance during China’s telecommunication industry reform. And would like to know how the government faced the changing of norms and interactions among the SOEs into the process of control and vice versa at the same time. We found, fortunately, that getting the balancing act between government’s principles and SOEs’ interests is the way which could accord with expectations of government’s policy for businesses to exist. The cases showed the reason why China Telecom with added subjectivity can get its own rooms for profit in the norms is by using “Xiao-ling-tong” and through the property rights problems that couldn’t be resolved, by taking advantage of the fact that Chinese government cares about his properties perpetually or increasingly, and by utilizing the uninterrupted relationship between politics and commerce to push the deregulateon finally.

Submitted by Andréa Oliveira de Carvalho e Silva (andreadecarvalhoesilva@gmail.com) on 2016-08-19T14:38:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 de_carvalho_e_silva,_andrea_oliveira-master_thesis-2016-when_does_it_pay_to_be_corrupt_in_the_private_sector.pdf: 1804232 bytes, checksum: 4fec3231d6c23852b281d66d247d46c2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2016-08-19T14:45:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 de_carvalho_e_silva,_andrea_oliveira-master_thesis-2016-when_does_it_pay_to_be_corrupt_in_the_private_sector.pdf: 1804232 bytes, checksum: 4fec3231d6c23852b281d66d247d46c2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-19T16:58:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 de_carvalho_e_silva,_andrea_oliveira-master_thesis-2016-when_does_it_pay_to_be_corrupt_in_the_private_sector.pdf: 1804232 bytes, checksum: 4fec3231d6c23852b281d66d247d46c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-13 / Private-to-private corruption is a phenomenon that greatly affects both firms and countries they operate in. Both contextual and behavioral aspects of decision-making under corruption risk have been previously studied. However, as the phenomenon is very complex, the field lacks on understanding the causal relationships and comprehensive models for private-to-private corruption. Given the described research opportunities, this study investigated when it pays to be corrupt in the private sector. To conduct this study, it was employed a 3x2 (risk – high, medium, low and business as usual/not as) anecdotal field experiment through the vignette technique, emulating a procurement process. This experiment had a sample of n=168; respondents had, in average, both work experience and familiarity with the B2B procurement process. Through rational choice and expected utility theory, this thesis was able to combine contextual and individual factors for decisional process, disclosing the mechanisms through what a decision-maker opt whether to act or not corruptly. It was possible to establish the causal relationship of informal social norms and the risk of punishment in corruption inclination. Also, the present study assessed variables relationships’ robustness through employing three methods to analyze the empirical data. Variables were modeled jointly through two methods: OLS and SEM-PLS. This thesis contribution to literature is threefold. In the theoretical perspective, it contributed to literature by reinforcing rational choice theory appropriateness as a framework for studying decision making under corruption risk in the private sector. In the methodological perspective, there were built integrative multiple causation models for corruption (exploring mediating relationships, also), giving an important contribution to literature, which lacked on comprehensive models for corruption and where causal relationships were mostly ignored. In the practical perspective, it contributed by questioning current policy-making strategies: it was found that, despite bounded rationality evidences, people behave mostly rationally when deciding to engage or not in corruption. However, even then we found that punitive strategies that are based on this premise are effective on diminishing corruption, which implies the fact that other policies based on moral issues should be needed to combat this problem. / Corrupção entre agentes privados é um fenômeno que afeta enormemente tanto as firmas quanto os países em que operam. Ambos aspectos contextuais e comportamentais do processo decisório sob risco de corrupção foram estudados previamente. Contudo, como o fenômeno é muito complex, o campo carece de entendimento sobre relações causais e de modelos abrangentes para corrupção privada. Dadas as oportunidades de pesquisa descritas, esse estudo investigou quando vale se corromper no setor privado. Para realizar esse estudo, empregou-se um anecdotal field experiment 3x2 (risco – alto, médio e baixo e corrupção como regra do jogo/ não é regra do jogo) através da técnica de cenários, emulando uma situação de compra e venda. Esse experimento contou com uma amostra de n=168 respondentes; os respondents tinham, em media, tanto experiência de trabalho quanto familiaridade com o processo de compra e venda B2B. Através da teoria de escolha racional e de utilidade esperada, essa dissertção combinou a influência de fatores individuais e contextuais para o processo decisório, revelando os mecanismos através dos quais quem toma a decisão opta por agir ou não de forma corrupta. Foi possível estabelecer relações causais entre normas sociais informais e risco de punição na inclinação em se corromper. Além disso, o presente estudo investigou a robustez das relações entre as variáveis empregando três métodos para analizar os dados empíricos. As variáveis foram analisadas aos pares através de ANOVA e modeladas em conjunto através de dois métodos: OLS e SEM-PLS. A contribuição dessa dissertação para a literatura é tripla: teoricamente, contribuiu ao reforçar que a teoria das escolhas racionais é adequada para a investigação do processo decisório sob risco de corrupção no setor privado; metodologicamente, foi construído um modelo integrado de múltiplas causas para corrupção, explorando também as relações de mediação – oferecendo, portanto, uma importante contribuição à literatura, que carecia de modelos abrangentes para corrupção e em que a maioria das relações causais era desconhecida; por fim, contribui para a prática ao questionar as políticas atuais para o combate à corrupção: Foi descoberto que, embora haja evidências de que limitações à racionalidade, as pessoas se comportam basicamente de forma racional ao optar por se envolver ou não em corrupção; no entanto, ainda que tenhamos encontrado evidências de que estratégias punitivas baseadas nessa premissa seriam efetivas na redução da corrupção, outras políticas baseadas em questões morais devem se fazer necessárias para que se combata esse problema.

Submitted by Wilson Fernandes Pimentel (wfpimentel@hotmail.com) on 2018-03-29T17:49:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Pimentel, Wilson. Acesso responsável à justiça UL.pdf: 4166671 bytes, checksum: b792c817a34591552c4db4be7a9a834c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diego Andrade (diego.andrade@fgv.br) on 2018-04-04T14:46:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Pimentel, Wilson. Acesso responsável à justiça UL.pdf: 4166671 bytes, checksum: b792c817a34591552c4db4be7a9a834c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Almeida (maria.socorro@fgv.br) on 2018-04-12T15:16:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Pimentel, Wilson. Acesso responsável à justiça UL.pdf: 4166671 bytes, checksum: b792c817a34591552c4db4be7a9a834c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-12T15:16:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pimentel, Wilson. Acesso responsável à justiça UL.pdf: 4166671 bytes, checksum: b792c817a34591552c4db4be7a9a834c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-26 / A dissertação revisita o tema do acesso à Justiça sob a ótica da análise econômica do direito e analisa os incentivos criados pelas atuais regras de fixação e alocação dos custos do litígio. Principia demonstrando o atual cenário do judiciário brasileiro e as dificuldades de se lidar com o grande número de ações pendentes. Revela que uma parte substancial dos custos do sistema estatal de solução de conflitos é externalizada para a sociedade, estimulando a litigância. Examina o modelo econômico do conflito e o testa por meio de pesquisa quantitativa sobre o grau de recorribilidade de sentenças do Tribunal de Justiça Rio de Janeiro. Ao final, passa pelas diferentes regras de alocação dos custos entre os litigantes, pela necessidade de se atribuir valor jurídico ao comportamento das partes que tentam evitar o conflito e sugere formas de se regular os custos do processo de modo a tentar garantir um acesso responsável à Justiça.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-08-19Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:21:58Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 romano_cc_dr_fran.pdf: 759824 bytes, checksum: 2f89c5c153c90c17751684e6d284632a (MD5) / Este trabalho investiga a cultura política do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), do ABC ao Planalto. A chegada de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva à Presidência da República, em 2002, expôs o descompasso petista entre passado e presente. Em meio à crise enfrentada pelo partido – com dirigentes envolvidos em atos de corrupção –, proliferam interpretações que anunciam a morte do petismo, ao lado de defesas apaixonadas atestando sua vivacidade. Em ambos os casos, o ponto de chegada é o mesmo, qual seja, a conclusão de que o petismo atual não condiz com aquele de três décadas atrás, logo, em algum instante, os petistas romperam seus laços originais. Ao contrário, compreende-se aqui o petismo como uma cultura política sem cortes ou traumas. Admitindo que os historiadores pouco contribuíram até momento para clarear a questão, este estudo aplica o conceito de cultura política, valendo-se do marxismo gramsciano para concluir que o petismo não expressa propriamente uma tradição, mas um comportamento político específico, uma mudança políticocultural da sociedade “formada” durante o regime militar no Brasil. Controlada politicamente pelo arbítrio, transfigurada em sua face social tamanho o fluxo migratório aos grandes centros industriais e instigada em seu instinto egoístico pela nova dinâmica do capital, aquela sociedade passou a se organizar à margem do Estado, valendo-se, para tanto, de demandas econômicas e sociais em seus gestos de associação. O binômio crescimento-pobreza transbordou para além das estatísticas. Metalúrgicos de indústrias de ponta do capitalismo brasileiro passaram a expressar de modo visceral um comportamento social difuso e sistematizado de início pelo sindicalismo autêntico. Os movimentos grevistas de 1978-1980 foram assim expressões monográficas de uma nova... / This paper investigates the political culture of the Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores – PT), from the ABC region to the governmental headquarters, the Planalto. The arrival of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to the presidency in 2002 exposed the irregularities of his party between the past and the present. In the middle of the crisis faced by the party – with leaders being involved in corruption events – some interpretations that claimed the end of PT have risen, along with some passionate defense statements which attested its vivacity. In both cases, the final point is the same, that is, the conclusion that the current party policy doesn’t agree with the one in the past which shows that in some points the petistas (the politician from PT) had broken with its original bonds. However, the petismo (PT’s policies) is understood here as a political culture without cuts or traumas. Admitting that historians gave little contribution to clarify this issue so far, this study applies the gramscian marxism to conclude that petismo doesn’t express a tradition but a specific political behavior, a political and cultural change of the society “created” during the military regime in Brazil. Politically controlled by will, with transfigured social view due to the size of migratory flow towards the big industrial centers and instigated in its selfish instinct by new capital dynamics, that society began to be organized on the edge of the State, taking refuge with the economic and social demands in its acts of association. The binomial growth-poverty went beyond statistics. Metallurgists of Brazilian capitalistic industries began expressing a diffuse social behavior in a visceral way, systematized at first by authentic union acts. Striker movements from 1978 to 1980 were monographic expressions of a new political behavior experimented by Brazilians. PT has amplified the appropriation of ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Ese trabajo busca investigar la cultura política del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT), del ABC al Planalto. La llegada de Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva a la Presidencia de la República el 2002 expresó el desajuste petista entre pasado y presente. En médio a la crisis que impactó el partido – en razón del involucramiento de sus dirigentes en actos de corrupción – incontables interpretaciones fueran produzidas en las cuales se anunciava la muerte del petismo y al revés de la misma manera apacionantes defensas con vistas a certificar su vitalidad. El los dos casos el punto de llegada es el mismo, o sea, se concluye que el petismo actual no confirma aquel que se afirmó hace tres décadas, lo que significa que en su momento los petistas han roto sus vínculos con sus concepciones originales. Aqui, por el contrario, se comprende el petismo como una cultura política sin descontinuidad o traumas. Mismo con el reconocimiento de que los historiadores hasta el momento poco hicieran en el sentido de aclarar la cuestión esa investigación se utiliza del concepto de cultura política, traduzido por el marxismo gramsciano, para llegar a la conclusión que el petismo no expresa verdaderamente una tradición; más bien expresa un comportamiento político específico, un cambio político-cultural que se produjo en la sociedade bajo el influjo del regimen militar brasileño. Atrapada politicamente por el autoritarismo, desfigurada socialmente por el flujo migratório a los grandes centros industriales y fomentada en sus instintos egoísticos en razón de la nueva dinâmica del capital, la sociedad brasileña se volvió a organizarse al borde del Estado utilizando para ese movimiento las demandas econômicas y sociales en su empeño asociativo. El binómio crescimiento-pobreza traspasó las estatísticas. Obreros metalúrgicos de las industrias más avanzadas del capitalismo brasileño volveran a ... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletronico abajo)

This paper examines causal mechanisms of the process leading up to the Russian military intervention in Syria that began in September 2015. It aims to concretize the causal processes of three different hypotheses that are based on commonplace assumptions of Russian foreign policy on Syria. It thoroughly explores three different causal paths, mapping events that may have had implications to the apparent change of heart within the Russian leadership. The paper analyses the relevance of these processes through a rational choice theory framework.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:33:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Salete Polonia Borilli.pdf: 961192 bytes, checksum: 1481efd9b520753fbb339f4168f11673 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-12-05 / The objective of this work consists of an analysis of the economic crime of Paraná State through a case study developed in the Central (PCP), Feminine (PFP) and State (PEP) Penitentiaries in the city of Piraquara, based on a primary data collected from questionnaires/interviews which were applied to previously judged and condemned defendants for economic crimes. In this research, the hypothesis that the criminals migration to illegal activities was in the hope of earning more than the risks of the activity was not rejected. The option for the practice of crime of economic nature is a rational and individual one, with or without the influence of others, in face of the perception of costs and benefits such as those made by individuals in relation to others decisions of economic nature. The offenders make individual decisions when the results of criminal action fulfill their interest well or better than the collective action. The relation crime-unemployment did not prove to be so strong in this research, since the majority of the respondents were working when the practice of crime happened. The association of criminality with low level of education was confirmed; the majority of respondents have got only Educação Fundamental (first to four grades), what suggests that high levels of education and better jobs (well payment) can restrict or to retrain the criminality. We observed that more audacious criminal practices besides high levels of organization and planning are essential requisites to these tasks. The principal crime realized were: robbery deal in drugs, fraud, armed-robbery, abduction and extortion that the majority were realized by white young men from the State of Paraná, member of a religious community and having a family. The choice of the type of crime to be realized and the victims, was determined in function of material interest and possible earnings. The main personal motivation to act illegally vis-à-vis to legal was: the induction of friends, the greediness, to maintain the vice, the inconsequence and the wish of adventure, the difficult of money and the idea of easy earnings. The main factors of failure were: the informer, the police's action and their own failure; though, the failure do not refer to the punishment, but to the economic gains not reached. The research revealed that for most of respondents the illegal activity results in some degree of success and for a significant number the economic return was the expected, what justify the great number of relapsing. Finally, for the majority of them the Justice System was considered as insufficient to impede the criminal activity. / O objetivo deste trabalho consiste na análise do crime econômico no Paraná por meio de um estudo de caso nas Penitenciárias Central de Piraquara (PCP), Estadual de Piraquara (PEP) e Feminina de Piraquara (PFP), a partir de dados primários obtidos via aplicação de questionários/entrevistas a réus já julgados e condenados por crimes econômicos. Como corolário deste estudo, não se rejeitou a hipótese de que os criminosos migraram para as atividades ilegais na esperança de os ganhos esperados superassem os riscos da atividade. A opção pela prática do crime de natureza econômica é uma decisão individual tomada racionalmente, com ou sem influências de terceiros, em face da percepção de custos e benefícios, assim como os indivíduos fazem em relação a outras decisões de natureza econômica. Os criminosos agem individualmente quando os resultados da ação criminosa servem aos seus interesses tão bem, ou melhor, que a ação coletiva. A relação crime-desemprego não se constatou tão fortemente neste estudo, pois a maioria dos entrevistados estava trabalhando na época da prática do crime. A associação da criminalidade com o baixo nível de escolaridade foi confirmada, porquanto a maioria dos entrevistados possuía até o 1o grau, o que sugere que maiores níveis educacionais e melhores empregos (com maiores remunerações) podem vir a coibir e/ou tolher a criminalidade. Observou-se que práticas criminosas mais audaciosas e com maior nível de organização e planejamento fazem da educação um requisito essencial para execução de suas tarefas. Os principais crimes econômicos cometidos foram: roubo, latrocínio, tráfico de drogas, furto, estelionato, seqüestro e extorsão, concentrados na sua maioria nos homens brancos, paranaenses, jovens, tendo religião e família. A escolha do tipo de crime a ser praticado, bem como suas vítimas, foi determinado em função do interesse material e da possível renda auferida. Os fatores motivacionais que levaram o indivíduo a atuar no setor ilegal vis-à-vis o setor legal foram: a indução de "amigos", a cobiça/ambição/ganância, manter o sustento do vício, a inconseqüência e desejo de aventura, a dificuldade financeira e a idéia do ganho fácil. Os principais fatores que levaram ao insucesso foram: o dedo-duro (alcagüete), a ação da polícia e a falha própria - descuido, contudo o insucesso citado não se refere à punibilidade, e sim ao retorno econômico não alcançado. A pesquisa revelou que para a maioria dos entrevistados a atividade ilegal resultou em algum grau de sucesso e para um número significativo o retorno econômico foi o esperado, o que justifica o alto índice de reincidentes. Finalmente, o Sistema de Justiça foi considerado, pela maioria, como ineficiente para coibir a atividade criminosa.

The relations between Greece and Turkey have developed at an unprecedented level in recent years. Behind this development lay certain factors notably the Simitis Governments’ strategy of redefining the parameters of Greek national interests in foreign policy and the Turkish Governments’ subsequent positive responses to this favorable atmosphere. It is thus possible to use the term ‘détente’ to refer to the period which dates back to 1996, the rise of Simitis to the Greek premiership. Some observers on Greco-Turkish Relations tend to trace the origins of Greco-Turkish détente to the devastating 17 August earthquake in Turkey. Some others try to find the origin of détente in the 1999 Helsinki Summit where Turkey was offered the candidacy status for the EU membership. This thesis proposes an alternative approach by defending the view that the rise of Simitis to the prime ministry itself heralded the chain of events which would later pave the road to the relaxation of Greco-Turkish Relations. This thesis is a modest attempt to understand the anatomy of Simitis Leadership and its reflections on Greco-Turkish Relations. On the basis of certain turning points in a chronological fashion, it will uncover the background of an eight-year ruling term with its ups and downs. There is an irony in Greco-Turkish Relations: Outbreak of crises between the two neighbors led both the Greek and the Turkish political actors to re-examine their attitude in the following phase of their relationship. In the Simitis Era, the tensions created opportunities for building up networks of cooperation initiatives to a certain extent. I also argue here that spillover logic in Greco-Turkish Relations has started working- albeit cautiously- and that this spirit could be sustainable if managed by both sides wisely. Continuation of the Greco-Turkish détente even after the governmental change in Athens in April 2004 demonstrates that the Simitis Leadership has determined a new framework for Greco- Turkish Relations. This framework has been set through pushing Turkey to the future EU membership orientation and setting mechanisms of reward/punishment (or carrot/stick) policy on Turkey’s route to Brussels through the EU.

This study uses variables derived from Rational Choice Theory to examine the theory’s predicted covariancebetween public opinion and the parties’ policies. The collection of material has been guided by three arenas: the parliamentarian, the media and the voter’s. It has categorized the analysis based on the strategy concept, using ends, means and ways. It asks how the Moderate Party and the Social Democratic Party changed their strategy within the period of 31 May 2013 and 14 September 2014, and how this can be understood from a rational choice perspective. The purpose of the study is to examine the assumptions of Rational Choice Theory in the Swedish context in front of the election in 2014, and to understand this from the perspective of the theory. This can help in our understanding of defense policy formation and to our understanding of states’ relations on the international arena. The results show that there has been a more ambitious change in defense policy which covariates with the indicated positive change in public opinion on defense issues, but this did not make defense issues one of the 2014 election’s most important questions for the voters in choice of party to vote for. This can be understood as rational, seen from a RCT-perspective, since the other issues renders more support, a circumstance that is in line with the history of Swedish elections.

The essay’s main focus has been to investigate and analyze the political actions behind the 2015’s grade compromise; an agreement to introduce grades from the fourth year in primary school. Through a game-theory analysis, mainly based in Leif Lewin’s and Jörgen Herman's research on rationality in politics, this study examined the grade debate  during a fifteen year period. The primary task has thereby been to explain the grade compromise through game-theory. According to the study carried out it is possible to conclude that the conservative parties mainly used strategies as smart rhetorical actions and condemnation of the socialist school policies in order to achieve their goals. They also strategically tried to persuade the opposition to favor their policy. Finally, by postponing the decision process, concerning the grades from grade six, they could promote the election campaign in 2010 and maintain high influence in the government. The red and green parties had for a long time been having differing opinions regarding school policies and education, however, they started cooperating in order to promote their respective preferences. The strategies used were mainly small deviations from their own opinions to make the various outcomes more advantageous. After defeat they strategically embraced the new policy and made it their own to stay strong. The conservative alliance saw the compromise as a strategic way to implement their own policy without relying on the red/green governments execution. The red and green parties also benefited from the compromise. They did not have to discard and abandon their preferences, instead they could prevent the proposal from becoming another legislative change.