The purpose of this study is to analyse the parliamentary structure and tasks of Bosnia and Herzegovina to see the limitations it has on the progress to democracy. By studying the Dayton accords appendix four (the constitution) and article four (the parliamentary assembly). In the analysis two theories was used, historical institutionalism and rational choice theory to help find answers to the purpose. With the thematic analysis method to analyse the material and to find themes in the data these three themes was put together, complex parliamentary structure, discrimination against minorities and the balance of power between the various institutions and actors. The material was some scientific reports and books by a variety of different authors and the Dayton accords. The analysis shows that the parliament structure is structured in a non-democratic way, the function of the structure is to keep and preserve the peace in the region. In conclusion the Dayton accords is the main reason for the structure of parliament and that it was made for peacekeeping, not necessarily to create a democratic state. Why there has not been any reform or change in the structure is because the political elite has it easier to gain their own interest with this structure rather than a democratic structure.

The purpose appears to examine the Swedish Moderate Party and their political development regarding migration politics between 2010 and 2022 with the aim to discover if voting maximization and adjust politics from that view, or if holding on to earlier beliefs exceed. Election manifesto, party programs and post-roll analyzes from the Moderate Party will constitute the material and be analyzed with the help of rational choice and utility maximization through four different political strategy arenas. In the discussion a comparison of the result of the analysis with the migration politics in a party program from 2011 by The Swedish Democrats, which the Moderate Party has lost several voters to in the last couple of years, to see if the migration politics of the Moderate Party has developed closer to The Swedish Democrats standing point.

Der Beitrag geht dem Verhältnis von Zielen und Collective Agency im politischen Handeln nach. Dabei wird die These entwickelt, dass das unmittelbare Erfahren und Gestalten von gemeinsamen Handlungsverhältnissen die Zielorientierung in der Politik nicht ersetzen kann, sondern als eine wichtige Bestandsbedingung des politischen Handelns zu verstehen ist. Ausgangspunkt sind dabei Positionen, wie sie in der politischen Theorie bisher am deutlichsten von Hannah Arendt vertreten wurden und in unserer Gegenwart insbesondere in neuen sozialen Bewegungen verbreitet sind: Diesen zufolge besteht der Kern politischen Handelns in der Erfahrung einer Collective Agency. Der Beitrag rekonstruiert diesen Zugriff anhand der Schriften Hannah Arendts und verortet ihn im Umfeld bestehender Theorieansätze sowie von Erkenntnissen der Aufstands- und Rebellionsforschung. Schließlich werden handlungstheoretische Überlegungen angestellt (u. a. im Hinblick auf die Unterscheidung zwischen Haupt- und Nebenprodukten und die Zweistufigkeit in Handlungsprozessen). Sie laufen darauf hinaus, die Collective Agency in eine komplexere Zielorientierung aufzunehmen. Dadurch ergibt sich eine Korrektur sowohl instrumenteller Politikverständnisse als auch von Theorien, die den Sinn von Politik im Vollzug der Handlungsprozesse selbst ansiedeln. / The article explores the relationship between goals and collective agency in political action. It is argued that the experience and shaping of collective agency cannot replace goal orientation in politics, but must be understood as a resilience condition for the existence of political action. First, the article critically discusses theories of political action that are centered on collective agency. The article then reconstructs this approach from Hannah Arendt’s writings and places it in the context of existing theoretical approaches as well as insights from research on insurgency and rebellion. Finally, reflections are made on how to improve the modeling of political action. Here, among other things, the distinction between main and by-products and the two-stage nature of political action are important. These reflections then allow for incorporating collective agency into a more complex goal orientation. This, in turn, leads to a correction of approaches centered on both instrumental and collective agency.

No description available.

Minimal research has been conducted regarding the connection between white collar crime, cybercrime and the effectiveness of digital forensic tools that can assist in combating this new type of crime. The aim of this study is to understand and examine the role that digital forensic tools play during the investigation of white-collar cybercrimes and to evaluate how effective these tools are when implemented in white-collar cybercrime investigations. By conducting in-depth interviews and using a Rational choice theory driven thematic analysis, the findings of this research have revealed how important adaptability of digital forensic tools is to the emerging cybercrime techniques, together with their integration of existing systems, and the adherence to legal and ethical standards. The findings also noted the challenges that are faced by digital investigators when implementing these digital forensic tools in white-collar crimes investigations and the importance of using updated digital forensic tools and skill developed cybersecurity experts to enhance the outcome of investigations. This study concludes by discussing that it is important for digital forensic tools to be continuously updated and skillfully utilized in the investigation of white-collar cybercrimes and that the significant challenges must be addressed for accurate and more reliable investigative outcomes. Various evaluation methodologies should also be developed as different variations of methodological approaches can improve the standards of research and thus provide frameworks that are more reliable for digital forensic studies and white-collar cybercrime investigations.

This thesis examines whether two sharing economy organisations, Uber and Bilpoolarna, can be characterized by Elinor Ostrom’s principles for cooperation of common goods or not. The idea for the research question came from the global difficulties with the decision-making regarding the climate issue and Elinor Ostroms studies about the possibility to create sustainable cooperations regarding the distribution of common goods. If cooperation is possible, we might be able to together develop the climate actions in the right direction and make sustainable distributions of resources we have despite missing actions on a global level. The current growth of the sharing economy could be a sign of that possibility. The final result is that the association Bilpoolarna fulfills all principles more or less while Uber fails to fulfill principle 3, 5 and 6, and only to a small extent fulfills the remaining principles. The result indicates that Ostrom’s principles of cooperation not only characterizes common, non-excludable goods such as water and land, but also can extend its principles to the distribution of modern resources, such as the cars of Bilpoolarna – as long as the cooperation is voluntary and on a local level.

Betrügerisches Verhalten bei geschlossenen Fonds ist in Deutschland Statistiken zufolge für jährliche Kapitalverluste im mittleren dreistelligen Millionenbereich verantwortlich. Der Gesetzgeber hat sich in der Vergangenheit wiederholt dem Problem angenommen und eine Vielzahl von zivil-, straf- und öffentlich-rechtlichen Maßnahmen zur Verbesserung des Anlegerschutzes auf den Weg gebracht, die mit dem Inkrafttreten des Kapitalanlagegesetzbuchs (KAGB) im Jahr 2013 ihren bisherigen Höhepunkt erreicht haben. Die Zweckdienlichkeit dieser Maßnahmen wird von Kritikern indes bezweifelt, darüber hinaus scheint sich in jüngerer Zeit ein neuartiges Phänomen des „sanktionslosen Betrugs“ auf dem Kapitalmarkt zu etablieren, bei dem es den Tätern gelingt entweder ohne, oder ohne nennenswerte Sanktionen – insbesondere in strafrechtlicher Hinsicht – davonzukommen. Als Beispiele seien hier die Debi Select Fonds aus Landshut sowie die POC-Fonds aus Berlin genannt, bei denen die im Hintergrund agierenden „Strippenzieher“ trotz millionenschwerer Anlegerschädigung weder in zivil- noch in strafrechtlicher Hinsicht zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden konnten. Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich der systematischen Erkundung dieses Phänomens, indem sie die Themenkomplexe „(sanktionslose) betrügerische geschlossene Fonds“ und „Anlegerschutz“ aus ökonomischer und rechtlicher Perspektive theoretisch analysiert und hieraus Verbesserungsvorschläge ableitet, die anschließend durch eine explorativ-empirische Expertenbefragung abgesichert und ergänzt werden. Konkret beantwortet die Arbeit folgende zentrale Forschungsfrage: „Was ist betrügerisches Verhalten bei geschlossenen Fonds und warum ist dies zum Teil sanktionslos?“ sowie vier ergänzende Forschungsfragen: (1) „Wie sieht die Anatomie betrügerischer geschlossener Fonds aus?“ (2) „Was sind die Ursachen und Anreizstrukturen, die betrügerisches Verhalten bei geschlossenen Fonds begünstigen?“ (3) „Welche Maßnahmen eignen sich zur Abwehr bzw. zur Eindämmung des betrügerischen Verhaltens bei geschlossenen Fonds?“ (4) „Bieten die zivil-, straf- und öffentlich-rechtlichen Maßnahmen des Gesetzgebers, insbesondere das KAGB einen ausreichenden Schutz vor betrügerischen geschlossenen Fonds?“ / Fraudulent behavior in closed-end funds is, according to statistics, responsible for annual capital losses in the mid-triple-digit millions. Legislators have repeatedly addressed the problem in the past and initiated a large number of civil, criminal and public-law measures to improve investor protection, which reached their peak in 2013 with the entry into force of the so-called “Kapitalanlagegesetzbuch” (KAGB). The usefulness of these measures are doubted by critics, moreover it appears that a new phenomenon of 'unsanctioned fraud' on the capital market appears to be established recently, where the perpetrators succeed either without or without significant sanctions, especially in criminal matters. Examples include the Debi Select funds from Landshut and the POC funds from Berlin, in which the 'stripping pullers' operating in the background could be held accountable neither in civil nor in criminal law despite millions in damage to investors. The present work is devoted to the systematic investigation of this phenomenon by theoretically analyzing the topics '(non-sanctioned) fraudulent closed-end funds' and 'investor protection' from an economic and legal perspective and deriving recommendations for improvement, which are then confirmed and supplemented by an explorative-empirical expert survey become. Specifically, the paper answers the following central research question: 'What is fraudulent behavior in closed-end funds and why is this partially sanctionless?' And four complementary research questions: (1) 'What is the anatomy of fraudulent closed-end funds?' (2) 'What are the causes and incentive structures that favor fraudulent behavior in closed-end funds? (3)'What measures are appropriate for the prevention or the containment of fraudulent behavior in closed-end funds?' (4) 'Do civil, criminal and public legislative measures, in particular the KAGB, provide sufficient protection against fraudulent closed-end funds?'

This thesis deals with the applicability of Anthony Downs rational choice theory to the Czech environment, respectively the utility of its model to explain voter turnout and identification of rationality among Czech voters. First part provides theoretical foundation of work, explanation of basic concepts from which the work draws and alternative theories to the research problem. It also presents current state of society in terms of policy perceptions, and participation in elections. The core of the work is to present Downs' rational choice theory, different views on it and its possible extension in terms of criticism. The basic variables introduced are here, in particular how are percieved by various authors, what is their content and what affects them. In the analytical part, the variables are examined within the reserach aims in terms of frequency in the population and individual segments of the electorate. The primary parameters of the rational choice theory model are then tested in terms of interdependence, and in terms of their significance in the model and their influence on voter turnout. The conclusion summarizes the research results, and demonstrates evaluation of the applicability of the model to the Czech voters, the relevance of individual variables representing the rational choice...

Diese Dissertation aus der Sparte der Reflexiven Bibliometrie erforscht die Rückwirkungen der Verwendung von quantitativen Indikatoren in der Wissenschaftsevaluation auf die Wissensproduktion und Forschungsqualität in der Astronomie. Eine qualitative Analyse der strukturellen Bedingungen der akamdeischen Astronomie anhand des Rational Choice Frameworks führen zur Beobachtung eines "Evaluation Gap" zwischen dem, was Indikatoren messen und dem, was Forscher unter Forschungsqualität verstehen. Die Analyse offenbart weiters einen Balanceakt, in dem Astronomen zwischen Publikationsdruck und Forschungsintegrität Kompromisse finden. Weiterführende quantitative Untersuchungen unter Einbezug von Organisational Culture Theories und Self-Determination Theory zeigen, dass kontrollierte Formen von Motivation zu einem erhöhten Publikationsdruck und wissenschaftlichem Fehlverhalten führen, während autonome Formen von Motivation das Gegenteil bewirken. Schließlich skizziert die Arbeit Wege zur Transformation der Forschungskultur hin zu mehr Vielfalt und Partizipation, einschließlich der Einführung offener Wissensmanagement-Infrastrukturen und kontinuierlicher, reflexiver Evaluationsprozesse. / This dissertation from the field of Reflexive Bibliometrics, investigates the constitutive effects of utilizing quantitative metrics in research evaluation on knowledge production and research quality in astronomy. Embedded in the Rational Choice Framework to analyze the structural conditions within academic astronomy, a qualitative analysis reveals an "Evaluation Gap" between what metrics measure and researchers' perceptions of research quality. Furthermore, the analysis unveils a balancing act where astronomers navigate compromises between publication pressures and research integrity. Subsequent quantitative analyses, incorporating Organizational Culture Theories and Self-Determination Theory, demonstrate that controlled forms of motivation exacerbate publication pressure and scientific misconduct, while autonomous motivations yield contrasting effects. Lastly, the study outlines pathways towards transforming research culture towards greater diversity and participation, including the adoption of open knowledge management infrastructures and continuous, reflexive evaluation processes.

In Feldstudien konnte häufig mittels der Low–Cost Hypothese gezeigt werden, dass normatives Verhalten von den dafür aufzuwendenden Kosten abhängt. Doch hängt die Durchsetzung einer Norm ebenfalls von der Höhe der Kosten ab? Die Gültigkeit der Low – Cost Hypothese bei diesen kollektiven Gütern zweiter Ordnung ist bislang im Feld wenig erforscht. In unserer Studie wird die Durchsetzung sozialer Normen anhand nachbarschaftlicher Kontrollen analysiert. Es werden Daten einer postalischen Befragung von 631 Personen in Leipzig aus dem Jahr 2001 ausgewertet: Der Zusammenhang zwischen der Befürwortung sozialer Kontrollen und der Bereitschaft, soziale Kontrollen tatsächlich an sich zu erdulden, wird mit steigenden Kosten der zu erduldenden Kontrollhandlungen schwächer. Zudem lässt sich die Logik der Low – Cost Hypothese auf andere soziologische Konstrukte übertragen: Die Wirkung von Kriminalitätsfurcht und Autoritarismus ist umso weniger handlungsrelevant, je höher die Kosten der zu erduldenden Kontrollhandlungen sind. Diese Befunde demonstrieren die Gültigkeit der Low–Cost Hypothese im Zusammenhang mit kollektiven Gütern zweiter Ordnung. / In field studies, there is evidence that the occurrence of normative behaviour is dependent on its costs. This effect is known as the low cost hypothesis. However, is the enforcement of social norms as well dependent on its costs? So far, there has been little research on the validity of the low – cost hypothesis for so called second order collective goods. In our work, the enforcement of social norms is studied by means of analyzing social control in neighbourhoods. We use data of a mail survey conducted in 2001 in Leipzig, Germany, with 631 respondents: Correlations between approval of social control and willingness to tolerate social control personally decrease with increasing costs to tolerate these control activities. Additionally, the logic of low – cost is transferable to other sociological constructs: The effect of fear of crime and authoritarianism is the less relevant for tolerating social control activities, the higher the costs for these control activities. These empirical findings confirm the low cost hypothesis for the production of second order collective goods.