La raison d’État, concept clé de la modernité politique et de la pensée étatique du XVIIe siècle, est approchée à rebours dans cette étude, afin de mieux en saisir les origines, et de comprendre les conditions qui en permettent l’émergence. Par l’adoption d’une méthode généalogique, ce travail vise aussi à concilier l’école historique française des Annales et la tradition anglo-américaine de l’histoire des idées, et à traiter les théories politiques comme un objet historique à part entière. Chaque texte et chaque auteur est donc intégré dans un enchaînement d’influences et de relations sans dénier à chacun son individualité intellectuelle. Parmi les notions principales qui structurent toutes les définitions de la raison d’État, la nécessité, l’utilité publique, l’exception à la loi connaissent des évolutions profondes dès le XIIe siècle, sous l’effet de la redécouverte des Anciens par Jean de Salisbury et plus encore Thomas d’Aquin, du travail des juristes, tant en droit canonique que romain, ainsi que dans la pratique fiscale des XIIIe et XIVe siècles. Les progrès de l’idéologie royale, l’affirmation d’une nécessité spécifique à l’action politique chez Guillaume d’Ockham, et l’essor du concept d’État souverain sous l’influence particulière de Marsile de Padoue, participent aussi de cette élaboration à l’œuvre, notamment dans l’Italie des cités-États. Le parcours s’achève par l’exposition de trois différentes définitions de la raison d’État qui, d’abord chez Machiavel et Guichardin, puis chez Botero, puis enfin chez les juristes dont Ammirato et Canonhiero, ouvrent la voie au triomphe de l’étatisme et au renouvellement des questionnements politiques, à l’aube des Lumières. / This survey attempts to draw a new understanding of reason of State, as a key concept in modern politics and in 17th century State-centered thought. It is therefore studied backwards, in order to better describe its origins, and to understand what conditions enabled its formulation. The genealogic method is chosen as a way to conciliate the French school of the Annales and the anglo-american tradition of history of ideas, and to handle political ideas as historical artefacts. Every text and author is therefore apprehended as a part of a chain of influences and relationships, while intellectual singularities are preserved. Among the main concepts that participate in defining reason of State, necessity, public utility and legal exception evolve deeply from the 12th century, as a result of the rediscovery of ancient authors by John of Salisbury and still more by Thomas Aquinas, of recent developments in canon and roman law, and of new fiscal policies during the 13th and 14th centuries. The improvements of royal ideology, the new necessity specifically applied to political action in William of Ockham’s thought, and the rise of the concept of a sovereign State under the primary influence of Marsilius of Padua, also participate in this preparation, now centered on Italian city-states. The account ends with a view on three different definitions of reason of State, that correspond first to Machiavelli and Guicciardini, then to Botero, and finally to the legal thought of Ammirato and Canonhiero. This outcome paves the way to the triumph of Statism, and to the new developments of political theory during the Enlightenment.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gilmar Henrique da Conceicao.pdf: 751569 bytes, checksum: c95b011674128de8365f09f622a113b6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-25 / Commonly, human nature is considered unknown for Montaigne once we are all impregnated and bypassed customs, but poses different problems Montaigne inquiring about the possibility of political actions that enable a company to remain in balance and be improved, in spite of evil present in human nature perceived inconsistency of reason, and parties in conflict. Note that considers possible to improve the state of imperfection of man, but better does not mean eliminate the imperfection. Montaigne considers herself fully and visibly facing out, born to society and friendship (III, 3, p. 55) and broods primarily about state affairs and the world: "[...] haul me to the matters State and the universe best pleased when I'm alone "(III, 3, 56). He rejects the idealization of society, the best policy is one that exists. But, we highlight two jobs that makes the word politics: the first as "obligation to the public good", the second as "the practice of governments." Anyway, consider that living out of politics is to live outside of humanity and did not neglect public duties. Indeed, in Montaigne does not find the word with an unambiguous policy. In view of Montaigne is not possible absolute judgments in politics only because we share and we can not be located entirely outside of any particular perceptive condition to examine whether, on the one hand, the things themselves, and the other the way they present themselves in each one of those circumstances. The argument considers the act of "taking sides" involves, in itself, a presumption of knowledge, then he invites us to observe that this same assumption is present despite our view oscillates between the conflicting views that the ever, we hold as if they had, in general, a strength greater than they can reveal if considered over time. From this we can see that he discusses the political certainties given the insecure nature of the intellectual faculty, who frequently receives false things, hence the need for "moderation" and "dialogue" between the parties. So there is a questionable character in all parties. Unlike the certainty of "I just know that I know nothing" and "I think therefore I am ', Montaigne takes on the motto of Pyrrhus (" Que sais-je? ") which expresses most clearly mark the position of our author. / Comumente, a natureza humana é considerada desconhecida para Montaigne uma vez que estamos todos impregnados e contornados pelos costumes, porém Montaigne coloca diferentes problemas indagando sobre a possibilidade de ações políticas que permitam a uma sociedade manter-se em equilíbrio e ser melhorada, apesar da maldade presente na natureza humana percebida, da inconsistência da razão, e dos partidos em conflito. Observe-se que considera possível melhorar o estado de imperfeição do homem, mas melhorar não significa eliminar a imperfeição. Montaigne se considera uma pessoa inteiramente e visivelmente voltada para fora, nascida para a sociedade e a amizade (III, 3, p. 55) e medita principalmente acerca dos negócios do Estado e do mundo: [...] lanço-me aos assuntos de Estado e ao universo de melhor grado quando estou sozinho (III, 3, 56). Ele recusa a idealização da sociedade; a melhor política é a que existe. Mas, podemos destacar dois empregos que faz da palavra política: o primeiro como obrigação ao bem público , o segundo como prática dos governos . De qualquer forma, considera que viver fora da política é viver fora da humanidade e não se omite das funções públicas. Na realidade, em Montaigne não encontramos a palavra política com um sentido unívoco. Na perspectiva de Montaigne não é possível julgamentos absolutos em política porque somente vemos partes e não podemos nos situar absolutamente fora de alguma circunstância perceptiva determinada para examinar independentemente, de um lado, as próprias coisas e, de outro, a maneira como se apresentam em cada uma dessas circunstâncias. O argumento considera como o ato de tomar partido envolve, por si mesmo, uma presunção de conhecimento; em seguida, ele nos convida a observar que essa mesma presunção se faz presente a despeito de nosso juízo oscilar entre opiniões contraditórias a que, a cada vez, nos agarramos como se tivessem, de modo geral, uma solidez maior do que elas podem revelar se consideradas no decorrer do tempo. Disso podemos perceber que ele problematiza as certezas políticas dado o caráter inseguro da faculdade intelectual, que recebe freqüentemente coisas falsas, daí a necessidade da moderação e do diálogo entre os partidos. Portanto, há um caráter duvidoso em todos os partidos. Diferente das certezas do eu só sei que nada sei e do penso, logo existo , Montaigne toma para si a divisa de Pirro ( Que sais-je? ) cuja interrogação expressa com mais clareza o posicionamento de nosso autor.

Orientador: Roberto Romano da Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T03:37:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeixeiraJunior_GeraldoAlves_D.pdf: 12974491 bytes, checksum: ef0f7aec2f638114c9a64bcca5d6be1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O pensamento sobre a razão de Estado pode ser dito fundamental para a política moderna, já que seu desenvolvimento inicial coincide com o do próprio surgimento do Estado. Onde crescia a razão de Estado, crescia o Estado, que por sua vez fomentava aquela política. Acusada de ocorrer à revelia da moral, essa circularidade e o acúmulo de poder que ela envolve foi certamente responsável por consolidar o Estado como instituição quaseuniversal. A consolidação das instituições estatais não extinguiu, contudo, a razão de Estado, que como técnica de poder ou como pretensa racionalidade superior acompanhou os distintos momentos da política. A presente pesquisa examina inicialmente o contexto histórico e intelectual que originou o pensamento sobre a razão de Estado a fim de permitir uma visão panorâmica do tema na teoria política. Após o estudo histórico discorre-se sobre os diversos elementos que compõem este tema e analisa-se os modos pelos quais eles operam na prática política. Nesta primeira parte são utilizados diversos textos de reconhecidos estudiosos do pensamento político, como Friedrich Meinecke, Carl J. Friedrich, Quentin Skinner e Michel Senellart, mas recorre-se também diretamente aos textos históricos de Nicolau Maquiavel, Giovanni Botero, Thomas Hobbes e Gabriel Naudé. No estágio seguinte aplica-se o estudo inicial a um caso concreto. São estudadas algumas ações políticas e jurídicas do governo dos Estados Unidos, assim como leis criadas para combater o terrorismo, notavelmente aquelas que entraram em vigor após os ataques que o país sofreu em 11 de setembro de 2001. Antes de abordar o ponto central recupera-se fatores históricos que influenciaram os rumos do Estado americano e alguns eventos que constituem precedentes importantes da política antiterror. Após a devida contextualização, o trabalho centra-se na análise de uma lei de 2001, o Patriot Act, e nas ações estatais que ela possibilitou nos anos seguintes. Na segunda parte do trabalho utiliza-se, além de textos acadêmicos, artigos jornalísticos, documentos oficiais do governo americano, textos de leis, jurisprudência e relatórios e declarações de setores da sociedade civil e de comentadores de temas jurídicos. O exame da doutrina da razão de Estado, aplicado ao caso específico dos Estados Unidos no referido contexto corrobora a tese, pormenorizada no capítulo conclusivo, de que as recentes formas de combate ao terrorismo recuperam e fortalecem o pensamento sobre a razão de Estado, agora na situação particular dos Estados liberais-democráticos / Abstract: Reason of State theories might be considered fundamental to modern politics for its beginning occurs together with the emergence of States themselves. Where reason of State was rising, it helped the State growth that, in turn, stimulated reason of State policies. Criticized for having put aside moral concerns, such circularity and the accumulation of power it produces may be pointed as an important cause leading to the consolidation of the State as a quasi-universal institution. Nonetheless, the States did not extinguished reason of State after being consolidated. As techniques or as a specific rationality it was adapted for each new context of politics. This work starts by investigating the historical and intellectual context that gave birth to reason of State in order to show a panoramic view of the theme in the political theory. After the historical study I analyse several elements which constitutes reason of State and I present how they operate in political practice. For this first part several texts of recognized academics of political thought are used, such as Friedrich Meinecke, Carl J. Friedrich, Quentin Skinner and Michel Senellart, but I also resort to the historical texts of Niccolo Machiavelli, Giovanni Botero, Thomas Hobbes and Gabriel Naudé. At the next stage the previous study is applied to a concrete case. I analyse political and judicial actions of the American government and some legislation created to combat terrorism, particularly those that went in force after the attacks the country suffered on September 11, 2001 (9/11). Before dealing with the main point I present historical events which have influenced the course of the United States politics and some important precedents of the anti-terror policies. After proper contextualization the study is focused on the 2001 law called Patriot Act and on the state actions it has authorized in the years that followed its creation. In the second part, besides academic texts and news articles, I make use of official documents, statute texts, judicial cases, reports and declarations of civil society organizations and of legal themes' commentators. The study of reason of State doctrine applied to the specific case of the United States at the mentioned context corroborates the thesis addressed at the conclusive chapter stating that the recent anti-terror policies revive and strengthen reason of State thought, now acting at the particular situation of liberal democracies / Doutorado / Filosofia / Doutor em Filosofia

Quelle culture juridique révèlent les usages de la transparence ? Quels raisonnements se cachent derrière le vernis d’évidence qui caractérise l’emploi de la notion ? La réponse à ces questions requiert une étude générale de la transparence confrontant l’ensemble des matières juridiques qui convoquent le terme. La transparence s’applique en effet aussi bien à l’État et à l’ensemble des autorités publiques, qu’à l’individu et aux entreprises. Il s’agit de comprendre pourquoi et comment une telle notion s’est imposée aussi généralement dans le discours juridique et de rationaliser, en en proposant une typologie, les usages du mot.Produit de la sédimentation de nombreuses notions, la transparence fait partie de l’imaginaire juridique. Elle s’acclimate dans des régimes politiques très différents qui ne sont pas nécessairement démocratiques. Elle correspond à la volonté des acteurs du système juridique de mettre davantage l’accent sur la communication politique, la moralisation du pouvoir, le contrôle des actions individuelles, la performance économique. De ce terreau intellectuel varié, la transparence tire un mode d’être multiple. Son ontologie, nécessairement relative, se traduit à la fois, par les nombreuses dénotations du terme, dont les plus courantes sont la publicité, la motivation, l’intelligibilité, l’accessibilité, etc., et par la multiplicité de ses connotations, orientées vers la démocratie et ses déclinaisons. Ces connotations révèlent un usage rhétorique de la transparence : celle-ci est utilisée à l’appui d’argumentations destinées à légitimer une idée, une norme, un ordre juridique, une autorité, etc.La reconstitution du raisonnement juridique autour de la notion de transparence revient finalement à questionner son propre savoir, c’est-à-dire à analyser les modes d’acquisition et les contenus de l’information nécessaire pour agir, les croyances et les représentations des acteurs, les enjeux du droit et ses rapports à l’efficacité politique et économique. / What legal culture do the uses of transparency reveal? What reasoning is behind the apparently obvious meaning of a concept when it is used? Answering these questions requires the use of a new method which considers law as a particular cultural phenomenon, as well as a comprehensive study comparing the notion of transparency as used in different legal topics. As a matter of fact, transparency applies to the State and all public authorities, as well as to the individual and businesses. This study aims at understanding why and how such a concept has become rampant in legal discourse and rationalizing the uses of the word by proposing its typology.As the product of the sedimentation of many concepts, transparency is part and parcel of legal imagination. It adapts to very different political regimes that are not necessarily democratic. It corresponds to the will of the actors of the legal system to put more emphasis on political communication, the moralization of power, the control of individual actions, economic performance. From this fertile intellectual variety, transparency derives a multiple way of working. Its necessarily relative meaning is visible through the several denotations of the term, the most common ones being publicity, motivation, intelligibility, accessibility, etc., and through its multifarious connotations, oriented towards democracy and its variations. These connotations reveal a rhetorical use of transparency: it is used to support arguments used to justify an idea, a standard, a legal order, an authority, etc.The reconstruction of the legal reasoning about the notion of transparency ultimately leads to the questioning of one's own knowledge, that is to say, the analysis of the modes of acquisition and the contents of the information needed to act, the beliefs and representations of actors, the legal issues at stake, and the relationship of law and political and economic efficiency.

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Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Réfléchir à partir de la philosophie politique nous permet d’établir que la vision selon laquelle on conçoit actuellement l’environnement et la nature contribuent à modifier les conduites de la population afin de parvenir à une nouvelle façon de la gouverner. De même, les problèmes environnementaux et le changement climatique engendrent des risques pour la stabilité des États, rendant inévitable le renforcement de leur pouvoir, ce pourquoi ceux-ci invoquent la sécurité comme nécessité fondamentale pour leur conservation. On pourrait avancer que de la même manière que ce qui s’est produit au début de la modernité, lorsqu’on a découvert la nature et l’État comme entités objet d’étude avec leurs propres lois et rationalité, on repense actuellement la façon d’utiliser la nature et la problématique environnementale dérivée du changement climatique comme mécanisme de transformation des conduites et de renforcement de l’État, se manifestant maintenant dans l’idée de sécurité nationale. En procédant à une révision de la théorie de la raison d’État, de ses principaux théoriciens et des apports latino-américains à la sécurité nationale, on peut considérer qu’à partir du changement climatique et de la problématique environnementale elle permet de générer de nouvelles formes de gouverner afin de modifier les comportements de la population et par là même fortifier l’État. Ceci conduit à la nécessité de réfléchir à la nécessité de revoir les positions sur ce phénomène dans la mesure où cela peut entraîner des façons irrationnelles d’exercer le pouvoir. C’est-à-dire qu’il faut regarder la nature et l’environnement selon une perspective politique pour comprendre la portée de cette situation provenant de la manière dont on aborde actuellement la nature et l’environnement. / A reflection from the political philosophy would permit to propose that the vision as one conceive the currently the environment and the nature contribute to modify the behaviour of the population in order to achieve a new form of governance. Furthermore, the environmental problems and climate change create risks for the stability of the different states, making unavoidable the strengthening its power, when invoking its security as a necessity for its conservation.We could argue that, as it happened at the beginning of modern times, when the state and the nature were discovered as entities to study with their own laws and rationality. Currently, one is rethinking the way to use the nature and the environment’s question derivate from climate change as a mechanism to transform the behaviours and the strengthening of the state, manifested now in the idea of national security, Making a revision about the theory of national interest (raisón d’état) the main theorist and the Latin-American contribution to the national –security doctrine, one might considerate that due to climate change the environmental problem it allows to generate new forms to govern and modify the behaviours of the population whereas strengthening the state. This crates the necessity to wonder around the necessity to revise the proposals about the phenomenon, so that it could lead to irrational ways to exert the power. Thus, one shall see the nature and the environment with a political perspective in order to understand the reach from this situation derivate from the form as one address the nature and the environment nowadays. / Una reflexión desde la filosofía política, permitiría plantear que la visión como se concibe actualmente el medio ambiente y la naturaleza contribuyen a modificar las conductas de la población con el fin de lograr una nueva forma de gobernarla. Así mismo, los problemas ambientales y el cambio climático generan riesgos para la estabilidad de los Estados, haciendo inevitable el reforzamiento de su poder, para lo cual invoca la seguridad como necesidad fundamental para su conservación.Se podría plantear que al igual como ocurrió al inicio de la modernidad, cuando se descubrió la naturaleza y el Estado como entidades objeto de estudio con sus propias leyes y racionalidad, en la actualidad se está repensando la forma de utilizar la naturaleza y la problemática ambiental derivada del cambio climático, como mecanismo de transformación de las conductas y de fortalecimiento del Estado, manifestado ahora en la idea de seguridad nacional. Realizando una revisión sobre la teoría de la razón de Estado, los principales teóricos y los aportes latinoamericanos en la seguridad nacional, se puede llevar a considerar que a raíz del cambio climático y la problemática ambiental permite generar nuevas formas de gobernar para modificar los comportamientos de la población y de paso fortalecer el Estado. Esto genera la necesidad de reflexionar en torno a la necesidad de revisar los planteamientos sobre este fenómeno por cuanto ello puede conllevar a formas irracionales de ejercer el poder. Es decir hay que mirar la naturaleza y el medio ambiente en una perspectiva política para comprender el alcance de esta situación derivada de la forma como se aborda la naturaleza y el medio ambiente en la actualidad.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

S’appuyant sur un corpus de textes que l’on qualifie normalement de « traités sur l’ambassadeur », cette thèse s’attache à reconstruire la naissance de la diplomatie moderne tout au long d’une période qui va du XIIIe au XVIIe siècle, en essayant d’analyser la manière dont la figure de l’ambassadeur à été élaborée à l’intérieur d’un champ de problématisation qui se caractérise par une imbrication réciproque du droit, de l’éthique et de la politique et va constituer une véritable expérience de la diplomatie.Ce travail s’articule en deux parties. Dans la première il s’agit de comprendre comment la figure de l’ambassadeur a été façonnée sous le profil de son statut juridique, à savoir comme une persona publica chargée d’un officium et devant représenter son mandant, avec les conséquences qui en découlent quant à l’établissement de son pouvoir de négociation, à la définition de ses immunités ainsi qu’à la détermination des honneurs qu’il a le droit de recevoir. L’analyse de ces questions permettra d’apprécier la contribution apportée par notre corpus non seulement à la définition du statut juridique de l’ambassadeur, mais aussi à la formation du nouveau droit des gens destiné à régir l’Europe moderne. La seconde partie s’attache à comprendre comment la figure de l’ambassadeur a été façonnée sous le profil de son statut professionnel : on s’interroge alors sur les fonctions qui lui sont attribuées, sur les moyens qui lui sont fournis et les conditions qui lui sont demandées pour s’en acquitter de la manière la plus efficace, ainsi que sur la problématisation éthique à laquelle son action est soumise. Tout en essayant de faire ressortir la spécificité de l’ambassadeur, cette partie se propose aussi de contribuer à l’étude de la professionnalisation du fonctionnaire public. / Using a collection of texts commonly known as the “treatises on the ambassador”, this research examines the birth and the development of the experience of diplomacy from the 13th to the 17th Century. It aims, in particular, to explore the development of the figure of the ambassador within a field of problematization involving ethics, politics and law.After some methodological and historical remarks, the thesis deals with the development of the status of the ambassador from two perspectives, the legal and the professional. Regarding his legal status, the medieval legal conceptualisation of the role of the ambassador as a genuine public “office”, and that of the diplomatic function as “representation”, are examined. The way in which these conceptualisations help to define the negotiating powers conferred on the ambassador, his immunities and the honours to which he is entitled is then considered. This analysis allows for an investigation of the complex links between the exercise of diplomacy and claims to sovereignty during Europe’s transition from the Middle Ages to Modernity. Regarding his professional status, the thesis reconstructs the functions of the ambassador (particularly in relation to information gathering and negotiation), the means provided for the ambassador to undertake his functions (his salary and the assignment of an escort) and the objective, intellectual or moral qualities required of him. As well as illustrating the techniques which have been required for ambassadorial success since the 15th Century, this analysis offers some hints for studying the professionalization of public officials and the emergence of the modern criteria of political analysis.