Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:46:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ThalytaMNB.pdf: 410842 bytes, checksum: 318436b906e977e4b55f1945d235ad45 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-10-23 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The present research study the work professional of the Social worker in the National Institute of Social Security of Rio Grande do Norte s State, especially about the working terms, the demands and working process of Social worker in consequence of the limits established with disorganization of his institutional space derived of the Counter-Reforms of the State and of Social Security. In decade of 1990 there was in Brazil adhesion to the neoliberal politics what configured a new organization of work and a new performance of the State. Inside this context, it was accomplished the Counter-Reforms with emphasis in the privatizations, reform of the Social Security and of the device of the Brazilian State, among other actions. Particularly, in Social Service reforms brought profound consequences for the Social workers of INSS, among it: reduction of professionals and in his institutional space. This study situates the Social Worker of Social Security in front of the contemporary modifications in the world of work as well as in front of the consequences come upon of the Counter-Reforms implemented and executed by the neoliberal governments in the country of way the of frame and to enter to the globalized world and the new order of the capital. From the qualitative research based in the critical and dialectic theoreticianmethodological perspective that study the phenomena from your relations, mediations and contradictions, was possible unveil the limits and the possibilities of the professional work of the Social worker in INSS placed the Counter-Reforms of Social Security. Synthetically, the results of this investigation indicate that, there is an worsening in the inconsistency of the work with relation to social worker's functional situation and his working terms in the institution / O presente estudo trata do trabalho profissional do (a) Assistente Social no Instituto Nacional do Seguro Social no Estado do Rio Grande do Norte. Focalizaremos as condi??es de trabalho e suas as demandas em face dos limites estabelecidos com a desestrutura??o do seu espa?o institucional oriundos das Contra-Reformas do Estado e da Previd?ncia Social. Na d?cada de 1990, houve a ades?o do Brasil ? pol?tica neoliberal, o que configurou uma nova organiza??o do trabalho e uma nova atua??o do Estado. Dentro desse contexto, foi realizada a Contra-Reforma com ?nfase nas privatiza??es, Reforma da Previd?ncia e do aparelho do Estado, dentre outras a??es. Particularmente, na Previd?ncia a reforma trouxe profundas conseq??ncias para os Assistentes Sociais do INSS, dentre elas: redu??o no quadro de profissionais e no espa?o institucional. Assim, situamos o Assistente Social da Previd?ncia diante das modifica??es contempor?neas no mundo do trabalho, como tamb?m diante das conseq??ncias advindas das Contra-Reformas implementadas e executadas pelos governos neoliberais no pa?s como forma de se enquadrar e adentrar ao mundo globalizado e ? nova ordem do capital. A partir da pesquisa qualitativa, fundamentada na perspectiva te?rico-metodol?gica cr?tica e dial?tica que busca estudar os fen?menos a partir das suas rela??es, media??es e contradi??es, foi poss?vel analisarmos os limites e as possibilidades do trabalho profissional do Assistente Social no INSS p?s as Contra-Reformas da Previd?ncia Social. Os resultados dessa investiga??o indicam que h? uma maior precariza??o do trabalho, no que se refere a situa??o funcional do Assistente Social, e as suas condi??es de trabalho na institui??o

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:46:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LeidilaneOH_DISSERT.pdf: 1082713 bytes, checksum: cd985b6802481ed418b3e93c712585a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-08-30 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The provident rights were results of intense fights in between the capital and work, claiming the interventions of the state for the creation of an ample social protection system. In Brazil the law, Providence Social mark, dated 1923, from then on, the advances and extensions were many, of this diverse categories of politics. Mean while, in the 1990 s, the Brazilian government adopted the examples of other developed countries, the new pattern that hinted the realization of substantial changes on the states purpose, the reached rights and the proper organization of working classes. For the Social Providence, the principal loses turned out in 1998 and 2003; respectively in FHC governments and Lula, with the realization of two counter reforms that restricted the provident rights and motivated the privatization of public providence. In the scenery, the CUT, one of the representative organizations from working classes, founded in 1983, that has always itself with changed direction, from fighting to negotiating. This inflection determined the proposition of the center before the offers of the counter reforms, of Social Providence. The present work has the objective to analyze the social politic content of the fights from Brazilian union movement in the period of the conquests and disassembled rights and, to analyze the proposition, acting and offers from CUT in the counter reform period from Providence in the Government FHC and Lula. To perform this study beyond the essential bibliographical revision to found and deepen the subject, we use, the documental search through the internet pages, resolutions, informations and others publications from CUT. Using CUT in the governments worked in an elegant way, the FHC government against-reforms, showed itself through diverse actions, even though they didn t have homogeneous inside, contrary the neoliberalists politicians from this government, also the offers and precaution changers. While during the reign of Lula it shoved itself priority negociative and propositive / Os direitos previdenci?rios foram resultantes de intensas lutas entre o capital e o trabalho, exigindo as interven??es do Estado para cria??o de um sistema de prote??o social amplo. No Brasil a lei marco da Previd?ncia Social data de 1923, a partir de ent?o, muitos foram os avan?os e extens?es dessa pol?tica a diversas categorias. Entretanto, na d?cada de 1990 o Governo brasileiro adotou, a exemplo de outros pa?ses desenvolvidos, o paradigma neoliberal o que implicou na realiza??o de substanciais mudan?as no papel do Estado, nos direitos alcan?ados e na pr?pria organiza??o das classes trabalhadoras. Para a Previd?ncia Social as principais perdas se deram nos anos de 1998 e 2003, respectivamente nos Governos de FHC e Lula, com a realiza??o de duas contrarreformas que restringiram os direitos previdenci?rios e incentivaram a privatiza??o da previd?ncia p?blica. Nesse cen?rio, a CUT, uma das entidades representantes das classes trabalhadoras, fundada em 1983, que sempre se mostrou atuante mudou seu direcionamento: de combativa ? negociativa. Essa inflex?o determinou o posicionamento dessa Central diante das propostas de contrarreformas da Previd?ncia Social. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o contexto sociopol?tico das lutas do movimento sindical brasileiro no per?odo das conquistas e desmontes de direitos e, precipuamente analisar o posicionamento, atua??o e propostas da CUT no per?odo das contrarreformas da Previd?ncia nos Governos FHC e Lula. Para realiza??o desse estudo al?m da revis?o bibliogr?fica essencial para fundamentar e aprofundar o tema, utilizamos, principalmente, a pesquisa documental atrav?s de p?ginas da internet, resolu??es, informativos e outras publica??es da CUT. A atua??o da CUT nesses Governos deu-se de modo distinto: na contrarreforma do Governo FHC mostrou-se por meio de diversas a??es, apesar de n?o haver homogeneidade em seu interior, contr?ria ?s pol?ticas neoliberais desse governante, bem como ? proposta de mudan?as previdenci?rias. Enquanto que durante o Governo Lula mostrou-se prioritariamente negociativa e propositiva

Constata-se que a reforma sanitária brasileira representa um avanço na direção de uma concepção avançada de sistema de saúde. Entretanto o SUS, com toda a materialidade das reformas ao nível macro induzidas a partir dos avanços na legislação, a implantação da regionalização e hierarquização da assistência, e dos instrumentos de gestão, assim como todas as grandes organizações modernas, padece de problemas de coordenação na operação de suas ações. Este trabalho pretende discutir as possibilidades e limites das mudanças organizacionais induzidas pela implementação do SUS na configuração dos sistemas locoregionais de saúde, à luz das experiências internacionais e das contribuições mais recentes das teorias organizacionais, no contexto da transição do fordismo à acumulação flexível. A partir do referencial da teoria dos sistemas, considera-se a contribuição das teorias organizacionais fordistas, pós-fordistas e pós-modernistas na especificidade do campo da saúde coletiva, para discutir a efetividade dos seus subsistemas cibernéticos do SUS: controle, avaliação, regulação, auditoria e vigilância em saúde, no complexo contexto da configuração do poder deste setor. Verifica-se que o SUS, constituído a partir de culturas organizacionais fordistas, do antigo INAMPS e da Saúde Pública tradicional, não tem obtido êxito em configurar estruturas organizacionais competentes, na medida em que reproduz os modelos tradicionais nos seus sistemas de controle. Esta dificuldade em parte deve-se ao momento histórico, que fez coincidir o momento dos avanços na legislação, em direção à ampliação do direito à saúde, com o momento das reestruturações dos aparelhos estatais decorrente da crise global do modo de produção fordista, e com as profundas transformações demográficas, epidemiológicas e da tecnologia da assistência médica. Por outro lado, a disponibilidade de soluções pósfordistas propicia um padrão para a conformação de novas regras e novos modos de regulação do sistema de saúde, que induzam a comportamentos auto-reguladores por parte dos prestadores de serviços de saúde, considerando as metas de equidade e de melhoria da saúde da população. Conclui-se que a necessária reforma do setor saúde demanda o fortalecimento de uma tecno-burocracia protegida contra injunções político-partidárias, que possibilite a incubação uma cultura organizacional profissional em todas as esferas de governo e níveis de gestão, que incentive um trabalho em saúde competente e moralmente comprometido com as finalidades do SUS nesse país. / The Brazilian Health Reform is a step ahead towards an advanced health system concept. However, despite the concrete legal progress achieved through the 1988 Constitution, expressed in reforms at the broader level, aiming to organize the assistance in a hierarchyzed services network, and the promulgation of norms for the decentralized system local management, the Brazilian Unified Health System (SUS), as other large modern organizations, experiences a lack of coordination in its operations. This work aims to discuss the possibilities and limits of the organizational changes induced by this implementation, in the very configuration of regionalized health systems from the viewpoint of international experience with health systems reforms, taking into account the most recent contributions of the organizational theories, considering the transitional context from fordism to post-fordism. From the theoretical perspective of systems, we consider the contribution of organization theories, regarding the specificity of the field of public health, to argue the effectiveness of its regulation subsystems: control and evaluation, regulation, medical audit, health Information and also the surveillance and disease control systems, within the complex configuration of political power in this sector, in Brazil. SUS, characterized by a mix of two fordist organizational patterns the National Institute of Social Security (INAMPS) and traditional Public Health systems fails to build competent organizational structures, since it reproduces traditional models in its controlling systems. These difficulties are due in part to historical determinants, which made the legal advances towards a more comprehensive health right coincide with State reforms arisen from the crisis of fordist regulation patterns, and also with worldwide deep societal transformations, like demographic and epidemiological transitions, and the high costs of medical technology. On the other hand, the availability of post-fordist organizational solutions provides patterns for new rules and ways for health systems regulation, which lead to self-regulated behaviors on the part of health care providers, considering the goals of equity and improvement of populational health. The author conclude that necessary health care reform in Brazil requires the strengthening technobureaucracy protected against political-partisan injunctions, allowing the incubation of a professional organizational culture in all government and managerial levels, fostering the competent health work, committed with SUSs purposes.

No contexto dos processos de democratização do continente latino-americano, que ocorreram paralelamente a uma crise do sistema judicial e ao aumento da criminalidade, Brasil e Argentina promoveram significativas alterações legislativas no âmbito da justiça penal, com a criminalização de novas condutas, a criação de mecanismos informais para o processamento de delitos de menor potencial ofensivo e o aumento das penas e a relativização de garantias processuais para determinados delitos. O presente trabalho visa identificar nesse conjunto de movimentos de política criminal a emergência de um novo modelo de controle penal em países situados no contexto da modernidade periférica. Pretendeu-se realizar um estudo das reformas legislativas em matéria penal que tiveram lugar no Brasil e na Argentina durante a última década, a fim de compor um panorama dos movimentos de política criminal que estiveram por trás do contedo das reformas legais mais significativas' identificar sua especificidade em relação a períodos anteriores e apontar os aspectos mais relevantes que indicassem o sentido dos movimentos de reforma em curso. Constatou-se, entre outras, uma tendencia à expansão e à desformalização do direito penal, como recurso na maioria das vezes meramente simbólico para o enfrentamento de problemas sociais cada vez mais complexos e desafiadores para as estruturas do Estado moderno. / In the context of the processes of democratization of the Latin-American continent, that happened parallel to a crisis of the judicial system and the increase of the criminality, Brazil and Argentina promoted significant legislative alterations in the extent of the penal justice, with the criminalization of new conducts, the creation of informal mechanisms for the processing of offensive potential minor crimes and the increase of the feathers and the relativization of procedural warranties for certain crimes. The present work seeks to identify in that group of movements of criminal politics the emergency of a new model of penal control in located countries in the context of the outlying modernity. It intended to accomplish a study of the legislative reforms in penal matter that had room in Brazil and in Argentina during the last decade, in order to compose a framework of the movements of criminal politics that were behind the content of the more significant legal reforms, to identify its especificity in relation to previous periods and to point the most relevant aspects that indicated the sense of the reform movements in course. It was verified, among other, a tendency to the expansion and the deformalization of the penal law, as a resource most of the time merely symbolic for face up to the social problems more and more complex and challenging for the structures of the modern State.

This work freely follows the bachelor thesis Social predeterminations for studying in France. The content studies evolution of french educational system and experts opinions on problematics of equal chances in acces to the education. Pierre Bourdieu and Raymond Boudon reflect in their theories changes in society after 1968, student protests and crisis of universities, and ask how to solve them. Interviews with University of Avignon's students and teachers and questionnaire research brought many important ideas which helped to explore the difference of entering to two academic insitutions: university and grand école. KEY WORDS: education, predetermination, social status, french educational system, school reformes

A década de 1990 foi marcada por importantes transformações de caráter estrutural ocorridas no ambiente econômico e institucional brasileiro que estiveram ligadas tanto ao novo conjunto de políticas macroeconômicas adotado, quanto à implementação de reformas de cunho liberalizante. O objetivo das medidas adotadas era de estabelecer condições para a retomada do crescimento da economia, de forma a que a crise da década anterior fosse superada. Apesar de um grande salto no crescimento não ter sido observado, houve uma relativa recuperação das taxas de crescimento na década de 1990 e no início dos anos posteriores. Com foco nas reformas liberalizantes que foram implementadas, esta dissertação procura investigar a maneira e os meios pelos quais as mudanças verificadas nas principais áreas reformadas geraram impacto sobre o desempenho econômico do país. Para tanto, utiliza-se dois referenciais teóricos: (i) a nova economia institucional, que fornece o substrato para a interpretação do caráter institucional das reformas; e (ii) a teoria de crescimento econômico com base nos modelos de crescimento neoclássicos, que permitem a investigação empírica acerca dos efeitos das reformas sobre a taxa de crescimento da economia. A análise empreendida verificou, primeiramente, que, de acordo com o exercício de decomposição da taxa de crescimento realizado para o período considerado de 1960 a 2005, o elemento cuja variação mais contribuiu para a variação da taxa de crescimento dos anos em questão foi a produtividade total dos fatores descontada da fronteira tecnológica (PTFD). Com base neste resultado, realizou-se a aplicação de um modelo econométrico em que a PTFD foi a variável dependente e os índices de reforma construídos as variáveis explicativas. O resultado final a que se chegou mostrou que apenas a abertura comercial e a reforma do setor financeiro nacional, dentre as quatro áreas reformadas aqui consideradas, estiveram associadas ao comportamento da PTFD no período analisado, especialmente na década de 1990, indicando que um meio pelo qual essas duas reformas geraram impactos sobre a taxa de crescimento da economia parece ter sido a PTFD. / The 1990's were characterized by important structural changes in the economic and institutional Brazilian environment, and these changes were associated to a new macroeconomic policy regime and to the implementation of economic reforms based on a liberal set of rules. The main objective behind the measures that were taken was to establish basic conditions to foster economic growth rate recovery. Although a great increase in the growth rate had not been verified, there was a relative recovery of the economic performance in the 1990's and in the beginning of following years. This thesis focus on the analysis of liberalization reforms implemented in the 1990's, and investigates the ways through which they had affected economic growth in Brazil. In this way, the study was build upon two theoretical bases: (i) the new institutional economics, which gives us the substratum to the interpretation of the institutional nature of reforms; and (ii) the economic growth theory on the bases of neoclassical growth models, which allows the empirical inquiry concerning the impact of the reforms on the rate of economic growth. The undertaken analysis in this research has shown, first of all, that, in accordance to the growth rate decomposition exercise, carried out through the years of 1960's to 2005, the element whose variation rate had most significant contribution to the variation of growth rate was the total factor productivity discounted by the technological frontier (TFPD). Based on this preliminary result, the econometric analysis took into account a model in which TFPD was the dependent variable, and the structural reforms indicators the independent variables. The final result showed that only opening trade and financial reforms, amongst the four reformed areas considered in this study, had been associated to the behavior of TFPD in the analyzed period, especially in the 1990's, indicating that the way through which these two reforms had affected the economic performance seems to have been the TFPD.

Submitted by Pedro Henrique Giocondo Guerra (pedrogiocondoguerra@gmail.com) on 2014-03-31T18:28:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_de_mestrado_Pedro_Guerra.pdf: 1750136 bytes, checksum: 780ca20cad31dcd4db57da366f768bd8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by PAMELA BELTRAN TONSA (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2014-03-31T18:31:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_de_mestrado_Pedro_Guerra.pdf: 1750136 bytes, checksum: 780ca20cad31dcd4db57da366f768bd8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-03-31T18:36:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_de_mestrado_Pedro_Guerra.pdf: 1750136 bytes, checksum: 780ca20cad31dcd4db57da366f768bd8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-27 / The work offers a historical analysis of the recent measures adopted by the Brazilian federal government for the development of the railways sector, with an aim to verify if the Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento, PAC, represented a paradigm shift. We conclude that the PAC itself did not represent a shift from the paradigm inaugurated with the privatization of the sector that occurred between 1996 and 1998. Nonetheless, it represented the strengthening of the state in its planning role, which had started with the PNLT, in its entrepreneurial role, with the strengthening of Valec and, indirectly, in its regulating role, with the edition of resolutions by ANTT, which aimed to integrate the railway networks under the care of private companies and make them more competitive. / O trabalho analisa historicamente as recentes medidas do governo federal para o desenvolvimento do setor de ferrovias, buscando verificar se o PAC representou uma mudança de paradigma. Conclui-se que o PAC, em si, não rompeu com o paradigma inaugurado pela desestatização do setor, ocorrida entre 1996-1998. No entanto, reforçou o papel do Estado como planejador, iniciado com o PNLT, como empresário, com o fortalecimento da Valec e, de maneira indireta, como regulador, com o a edição de novas resoluções pela ANTT, em resposta a seus objetivos de integrar as malhas ferroviárias concedidas e de torná-las mais competitivas.

Submitted by Marcio Zylberman (zylberma@terra.com.br) on 2015-05-19T11:15:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TFC Márcio Zylberman.pdf: 1338115 bytes, checksum: c24f8d2dd2ba15e0062b11edfc7f9cbd (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2015-05-19T12:33:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TFC Márcio Zylberman.pdf: 1338115 bytes, checksum: c24f8d2dd2ba15e0062b11edfc7f9cbd (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2015-05-21T17:14:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TFC Márcio Zylberman.pdf: 1338115 bytes, checksum: c24f8d2dd2ba15e0062b11edfc7f9cbd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-21T17:25:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TFC Márcio Zylberman.pdf: 1338115 bytes, checksum: c24f8d2dd2ba15e0062b11edfc7f9cbd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-14 / From the 2000s, in the context of state management reforms, the Brazilian states began an ongoing process of managerial improvement in purchases, due to the need to streamline procedures and the use of financial resources to improve the quality of your spending and meet the prerogatives of the Fiscal Responsibility Law. The possibility of reducing prices by economies of scale, better monitor the hiring processes, standardize the purchased items and more efficiently manage their procurement activities and contracting, has led some states to choose to centralize, to a greater or lesser degree, your purchases in a governing body. However, in other states predominated the idea of centralizing only the regulation and standardization of procedures or maximum control of some processes, keeping the execution of purchases, decentralized? This study aimed to identify the factors that influenced the State of Rio de Janeiro to maintain its decentralized purchases, despite potential gains from centralization. Methodologically, the research was a qualitative approach, which led to the interpretation of elements detected in field research, aligning them to the researched theoretical material. The research facilities were the case study, the literature and desk research. The instruments used in the field research were observation and interviews. It was concluded that the non-adoption of a policy of centralization of purchases by states after the 2000s, as in the case of Rio de Janeiro, is explained by its high population index by its economic size and the characteristics of decentralization reforms management implemented from 2007. Apparently, this option decentralization ended up not bringing greater losses in terms of scale, transparency and control. / A partir da década de 2000, no contexto das reformas de gestão do Estado, os estados brasileiros iniciaram um processo contínuo de aperfeiçoamento gerencial nas compras, em decorrência da necessidade de racionalizar os processos e o uso dos recursos financeiros visando melhorar a qualidade do seu gasto e atender às prerrogativas da Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal. A possibilidade de reduzir os preços pela economia de escala, monitorar melhor os processos de contratação, padronizar os itens adquiridos e gerir com mais eficiência suas atividades de compras e contratações, levou alguns estados a optarem por centralizar, em maior ou menor grau, suas compras em um órgão gerenciador. No entanto, em outros estados predominou a ideia de centralizar apenas a normatização e a padronização dos procedimentos ou no máximo o controle de alguns processos, mantendo a execução das compras, descentralizada. Este trabalho teve por objetivo identificar os fatores que influenciaram o Estado do Rio de Janeiro a manter suas compras descentralizadas, a despeito de possíveis ganhos com a centralização.Metodologicamente, a pesquisa teve uma abordagem qualitativa, que levou à interpretação de elementos detectados na pesquisa de campo, alinhando-os ao material teórico pesquisado. Os meios de investigação foram o estudo de caso, a pesquisa bibliográfica e a investigação documental. Os instrumentos utilizados na pesquisa de campo foram a observação e as entrevistas. Concluiu-seque a não adoção de uma política de centralização das compras pelos estados após a década de 2000, como ocorreu no caso do Rio de Janeiro, se explica pelo seu alto índice populacional, pela sua dimensão econômica e, principalmente, pelas características descentralizadoras das reformas de gestão implantadas a partir de 2007. Aparentemente, esta opção pela descentralização acabou não trazendo maiores perdas em termos de escala, transparência e controle.

This thesis explores the everyday experiences with unemployment and job searching practices in a so-called work club in Northern England. A work club is a place, often a community initiative, where jobseekers who are finding it difficult to look for work independently can go to for support and assistance. These initiatives are encouraged to be set up by volunteers by the UK Department for Work and Pensions and its Jobcentre Plus and are aimed at reducing unemployment levels by helping people apply for jobs. Specifically, the thesis focuses on contemporary job searching practices and asks what Banterby SC work club, the fictional name of the field work location, can tell us about how neoliberal ideologies influence both these job searching practices as well as the way we think about the relationship between employment and citizenship. Work clubs have only received scant academic attention, and this study shows how more in-depth explorations can provide us with some valuable insights. Specifically, because doing so helps us to look beyond policy formulations, framings and imperatives to the implications of neoliberal ideologies in peoples everyday lives. The study uses an iterative inductive ethnographic approach, focusing on one single site field work location, encompassing two hundred hours of field work, during which at least 96 jobseekers have visited the premises of the work club. The study s approach to doing ethnographic fieldwork was based on viewing participant observation as hanging out ; that is, more than merely being somewhere, but rather as engaging and being active in an informal fashion, something that the flexible and unstructured nature of the field work location suited very well. Through this ethnographic, in-depth exploration, then, I do not only explore the observations and findings as offered by some of the previous scholars exploring work clubs, but also seek to connect the findings to Bourdieu s theories of symbolic power/violence as a theoretical framework, which allows us to explore the wider implications of neoliberal governmentalities imposed on jobseekers that influence their everyday practices. This study extends not only our knowledge of the lived experiences of unemployment, but also provides a contemporary insight into work clubs, and how Banterby SC work club has proven to be a valuable site of knowledge about everyday experiences with neoliberal governmentalities toward unemployment and job searching practices. It also extends the application of a symbolic power/violence lens by bringing it together with Foucault s neoliberal governmentalities. Specifically, the study argues that neoliberal governmentalities influencing job searching and unemployment practices are a form of symbolic violence. This approach helps us to problematise job searching practices at work clubs in order to argue for increased critical attention on these sites. Furthermore, the study uncovers the extent to which a welfare system gearing towards a digital by default administration disadvantages many jobseekers who are finding it difficult to work with computers and navigate the internet. The study also addresses and explores to what extent compliance with symbolic power/violence is also shared by staff and volunteers of third sector organisations whose main goal it is to alleviate the burden of unemployment by assisting jobseekers to fulfil their job searching obligations as asked of them by the Department for Work and Pensions and the Jobcentre Plus. Finally, the study calls for more beneficiary-centred voluntary sector research, and proposes a new methodological model for exploring voluntary action and organizations, arguing for a more integrated analysis of the experiences of various actors.

This diploma thesis is focused on period of Prague Spring 1968 and it also marginally follows its development in the following years 1969 and 1970. The thesis deals with the district of České Budějovice and studies all the key events of the year 1968 in this district and especially in its capital town. Regional events are researched and compared in the context of the whole Czechoslovakian Republic. Besides the description of the important events, the thesis is also focused on the everyday life of the town?s inhabitants in the time of the Soviet occupation. During the author?s research the records from the State Regional Archives Třeboň (the fund of South Bohemian Regional Committee of Communist Party of Czechoslovakia ? JKV KSČ) and the State District Archives České Budějovice (the fund of Town?s National Committee České Budějovice ? MěNV České Budějovice - and the chronicles) were used. The author of this thesis also worked with the period and contemporary newspapers as well as six eyewitnesses of the described events. The knowledge learned from the archive records is completed with the pieces of information from the literature. Attention in this diploma thesis is paid especially to the politics of JKV KSČ and MěNV České Budějovice in the time of the Prague Spring reforms, organizations such as KAN and K 231, daily newspaper Jihočeská pravda after the abolition of censorship, occupation of České Budějovice and other towns in the district by the Soviet forces, victims of the occupation and the events that occurred in the autumn of 1968, especially the incidents that happened during the Great October Socialist Revolution celebration.