[pt] A tese tem como objetivo o estudo da expansão do Ensino Médio do Colégio Pedro II (CPII) nos anos 2000, partindo da perspectiva da História do Tempo Presente em confluência à análise de Políticas Públicas Educacionais e seus arranjos de implementação à luz do conceito de Federalismo. Essa pesquisa também se debruça ao estudo de movimentos expansionistas do Colégio Pedro II, anteriores aos Anos 2000, bem como a compreender a trajetória do Ensino Médio na instituição diante de recorrentes reformas escolares, desde os Anos 1970. Portanto, considerando as táticas e as estratégias empenhadas em meio às reformas educacionais do Ensino Médio, foram analisadas as reverberações à estrutura e ao funcionamento da instituição, bem como as adaptações realizadas pelo Colégio em seu planejamento, de modo a preservar seu programa institucional e seus objetivos, de ser considerado novamente um padrão à educação básica, por seu ensino e tradição. Por conseguinte, o debate se estende dos tempos de Ditadura à redemocratização do país, analisando a importância do associativismo e do sentimento de pertencimento discente para o CPII, em momentos de resistência e luta para assegurar, da Constituição às ruas, sua condição para sempre federal. Ao longo da década de 1990, discute-se a relevância do Ensino Médio, como etapa final da educação básica, bem como novos desafios às instituições de ensino. Durante a primeira década dos Anos 2000, em paralelo às políticas de ampliação e interiorização do Ensino Médio e da criação dos institutos federais da Rede Federal de Educação Profissional, Científica e Tecnológica (RFEPCT), está a expansão do CPII, que culminou na abertura de três novas unidades escolares descentralizadas (UNEDs) – Realengo (2004), Niterói (2006) e Duque de Caxias (2007) –, em meio a uma conjuntura de desafios na redemocratização institucional, dificuldades em implementar as UNEDs com poucos recursos advindos de convênios e tensões internas. Nesta investigação, foram utilizados como metodologia a análise documental de fontes diversas (notícias de jornais, relatórios, documentos oficiais, planejamentos institucionais, entre outros), além da História Oral, cujas entrevistas foram realizadas, de forma remota, com gestores e servidores que atuaram no período da Expansão do CPII nos Anos 2000. Foi possível concluir que a expansão se configura como uma tática da instituição, em vistas a alcançar uma estabilidade enquanto Colégio de educação básica na esfera federal, motivação semelhante a outras táticas e ciclos expansionistas anteriores empenhados pelo CPII. Ademais, a expansão acontece entre a inovação e a tradição, bem como denota um período de rupturas e continuidades: se por um lado, o extensivo programa institucional se faz presente nas UNEDs pela preservação da organicidade histórica e tradicional da comunidade escolar, por outro, o Colégio se lança a inovações como as políticas afirmativas na seleção de alunos, a criação do Mestrado Profissional em Educação Básica, o PROEJA e o PRONATEC, bem como à equiparação aos institutos federais em 2012, pela Lei número 12677, aderindo assim, aos desafios e benefícios da RFEPCT. Em uma constante busca por estabilidade institucional e pela sua autopreservação, mesmo diante de tantas reformas, o Colégio Pedro II resiste. / [en] This thesis aims to investigate the high school expansion at Colégio Pedro II (CPII) along the 2000s, throughout the perspectives of the History of Present Time and the analysis of public educational policies, considering the concept of federalism, besides the impact of implementation arrangements. This research also investigates previous expansion cycles of CPII, besides the high school trajectory in this institution, regarding recurring educational reforms, since the 1970s. Therefore, we study the tactics and strategies which were applied to high school reforms, in addition to their resonance to the institution functioning and structure, we discuss CPII s planning and adaptations, considering their need to preserve its institutional program and aims - such as to be acknowledged for its tradition and teaching, once again, as an educational standard for Brazilian basic schooling. Nevertheless, we debate from Dictatorship period to Brazil s redemocratization, throughout the analysis of the relevance of associativism and the student s feeling of belonging to CPII, in uncertain moments on which the resistance and the fight for the institution took place to ensure - from legal mechanisms, as the Federal Constitution of 1988, to the streets – its remaining as a federal institution. Along the 1990 s, it is discussed the relevance of high school, as final step for the conclusion of basic schooling, besides the new challenges implied to the educational institutions. In the next decade, educational policies were designated to promote the interiorization and development of High School and the creation of Federal Institutions of Professional, Scientific and Technological Education (RFEPCT). In parallel to this context and amidst institutional redemocratization challenges, resources and structuring struggles, besides tensions surrounding the expansionist movement, three decentralized school units (UNEDs) of CPII were created: Realengo (2004), Niterói (2006) and Duque de Caxias (2007). Our methodology bases on documental analysis from different sources (such as pieces of news, official documents, institutional planning, among others) and Oral History remote interviews with school leaderships and public servants of CPII, who has experienced this 2000 expansion. We conclude that this expansion movement in the 2000s is comprehended as a tactic for institutional stability, once that Colégio Pedro II offers basic schooling, but it remains at federal level. This motivation encounters similarities upon previous expansion cycles. Furthermore, this movement takes place between tradition and innovation, as far as it denotes a period of ruptures and continuities: if, on the one hand, its extensive institutional program stands by at the new UNEDs for the preservation of the historical and traditional organicity of the school community; on the other hand, CPII presents innovations as affirmative policies at student selections, the creation of its Professional Master s Program in Basic Education, PROEJA, PRONATEC as well as its equivalation to federal institutes legislation (12.677/2012), assuming challenges and benefits from being integrated to RFEPCT. In conclusion, facing recurring educational reforms symbolizes more than its search for institutional stability and self-preservation, this is CPII s resistance.

The reforms that were implemented in the early 1990s changed the way the Swedish school system worked and how it was governed. This sparked a debate in whether this was beneficial for the equality of the education. The debate regarding the Swedish school system has been never ending since the start and implementation of New Public management reforms that swept through Swedish politics in the late 1980 and the 1990s. The discourse regarding the issues created by the implementation of these reforms and the impact of NPM in this area will be discussed an analyzed in this essay. The essay aims to explain and analyze the impact New public management, decentralization and its reforms has had on the equality of the Swedish education and the discourse it has created.

By now, it is an acknowledged fact that economic growth, social justice, and environmental sustainability are interconnected. Often referred to as the eco-social-growth trilemma, the challenge is to achieve synergy between the objectives and avoid trade-offs. This thesis adds to the field by exploring central themes related to the trilemma in the national media debate on the 2022 Chilean constitutional draft and discussing what they indicate about public opinion on eco-social policies in general in the country. The analysis found that multiple of the theorized tensions affecting public support were central in the debate on a semantic level, including affordability of changes, necessity of changes, effect on job security, political bias, welfare deservingness, effects on existing benefits and state involvement in welfare. Moreover, on a latent level, three overarching themes permeated the debate: uncertainties about the future, lack of representation and limitations of freedom. Overall, results showed that environmental issues took a backseat to social and economic objectives in the debate, which can be connected to what I call the Paradox of Complex Change. The Paradox refers to the notion that eco-social reforms need to encompass multiple parameters and factors to be successful and yield support, but simultaneously the very same maximalism can backfire. With more parameters included, there are more potential sources of disagreement – and chances are focus shifts away from the core issues. This is something for future researchers as well as policymakers to consider.

No description available.

Das Ziel dieser Thesis ist es, Angebots- und Nachfragefaktoren in Deutschland seit der Wiedervereinigung zu analysieren. Drei verschiedene Arbeitsmarktmodelle dienen dazu: Ein Wettbewerbsmodell (Marshall (1920)), ein rigides Arbeitsmarktmodell (Pigou (1933)) und ein Matchingmodell (Pissarides (2000)). Unterschiedliche Hypothesen über den Zusammenhang von mehreren Arbeitsmarktindikatoren werden theoretisch hergeleitet und empirisch evaluiert. Diese Arbeit adressiert drei Forschungsfragen: Welcher Art ist das große Beschäftigungswachstum in Deutschland nach 2005? Waren Angebots- oder Nachfragefaktoren wichtiger für die Lohnspreizung nach 2003? Welche der zwei Hypothesen ist plausibel? a) Ein negativer Schock auf die Lohnstarrheit wegen sinkender Gewerkschaftsmacht und/oder beschäftigungsbewussten Lohnabschlüssen oder b) ein positiver Arbeitsangebotsschock aufgrund von Arbeitsmarktreformen. Die Antworten auf die drei Fragen sind: Das Beschäftigungswachstum seit 2005 vollzog sich primär über eine Ausweitung der Erwerbstätigen durch mehr Teilzeitarbeit. Die Lohnspreizung auch für Teilzeitbeschäftigte, welche mit einem eigens erstellten synthetischen Datensatz untersucht wird, begann 2003 und endete 2011. Die Kovariation des deutschen Arbeitsmarkts in dieser Zeit, also negative Korrelationen von Löhnen mit Beschäftigungs- bzw. Partizipationsmaßen, passen am besten zu einem Wettbewerbsmodell mit dominanten positiven Arbeitsangebotsschocks. Interpretation ist, dass diese positiven Angebotsschocks durch die Arbeitsmarktreformen induziert wurden. / The goal of this thesis is to analyze labor demand and labor supply factors in Germany since reunification. It is based on three different labor market frameworks: a competitive labor market model (Marshall (1920)), a rigid labor market model (Pigou (1933)), and a search-and-matching model (Pissarides (2000)). Differing hypothesis about the co-variation of labor market indicators are derived theoretically, and are evaluated empirically. Three research questions are addressed in this thesis: What is the nature of the large expansion of employment in Germany after 2005? Were supply or demand factors more important for the increase in employment and wage dispersion after 2003? Which of the two competing hypotheses is more plausible? a) A negative shock to wage rigidity due to declining union power and/or more employment-conscious wage bargaining, or b) a positive labor supply shock due to changes in labor market policies. The main findings corresponding to the three stated research questions are: The expansion of employment in Germany since 2005 has primarily been at the extensive margin due to the increase of part-time employment. The Dispersion of hourly wages, which is expanded in a synthetic panel to include part-time employment, began in 2003 and ended in 2011. The labor market outcomes in Germany in this period, namely the negative correlation of wages with employment and participation, correspond most closely to the competitive labor market model with dominant supply shocks. These positive labor supply shocks are interpreted to be induced by major labor market reforms.

Diese Arbeit betrachtet die Umsetzung des politisch-administrativen Leitbildes Aktivierender Staat in der Familienpolitik Deutschlands und der Niederlande. Es wird untersucht, ob es zu Parallelen in den Familienpolitiken kam. Hierdurch kann erstens die Frage nach der Umsetzung des Leitbildes in der Familienpolitik und zweitens die Frage nach familienpolitischen Konvergenzen innerhalb der Europäischen Union beantwortet werden. Um die Fragestellung zu bearbeiten wird zum Vergleich der beiden Länder ein Idealmodell Aktivierender Familienpolitik entwickelt. Es handelt sich hierbei um eine induktive Herangehensweise, bei welcher die Divergenzen und Konvergenzen der beiden Länder herausgearbeitet werden. Zur Entwicklung des Idealmodells werden Bandemers Indikatoren zur Beschreibung des Aktivierender Staat, die familienpolitischen Zielsetzungen und Instrumente von Kaufmann und die familienpolitischen Staatsinterventionstypologien von Esping-Andersen herangezogen. Die Beschreibung der familienpolitischen Ziele und Instrumente erfolgt anhand einer Dokumentenanalyse. Durch diese Arbeit wird der Begriff Aktivierende Familienpolitik konkretisiert. Außerdem wird sichtbar, welche Aktivierungsstrategien die beiden Länder verfolgten, bzw. wie sie das Leitbild des Aktivierenden Staates umsetzten. Hierdurch kommt es nicht nur zur Bewertung der theoretischen Frage nach der Anwendung aktivierender Politiken in anderen Bereichen als der bereits häufig evaluierten Arbeitsmarktpolitik, sondern auch zu einer Übersicht verschiedener Aktivierungsbeispiele. Anhand einer Analyse der untersuchten Maßnahme und hinzugezogener Literatur werden Schlüsse gezogen im Hinblick auf familienpolitische Konvergenzen und Divergenzen zwischen den beiden Ländern. Die Bewertung der Lücken und Defizite des Leitbildes und die Diskussion über die mögliche Weiterentwicklung des Leitbildes runden die Arbeit ab. / This dissertation investigates the influence of the political-administrative ideal of the ‘activating state’ on German and Dutch family policy. It is studied to what extent parallels can be discerned between the family policies that are pursued by these two countries. It is clarified how the aforementioned ideal is converted into family policy, whilst also offering an answer to the question whether any convergences exist in the field of family policy as pursued within the European Union. In order to be able to answer this question, an ideal model for activating family policy has been created to facilitate a comparison between the two countries. This involves an inductive method in which the divergences and convergences of both countries have been worked out in greater detail. In view of the development of the ideal model, Bandemer’s indicators for the ‘activating state’ are studied in combination with Kaufmann’s family policy goals and instruments, and Esping-Andersen’s state intervention typologies for family policy. This is followed by a specification of the family policy goals and instruments based on an analysis of various documents. The goal of this investigation is to concretise the concept of activating family policy. Additionally, it is shown which ‘activating strategies’ have been used by both countries and how they have translated the ideal of an activating state. Not only does this offer an answer to the theoretical question about the use of activating policies in areas other than the often-evaluated labour market policies, but it also provides an overview of various activating examples. Using an analysis of the investigated instruments and the corresponding literature, a number of conclusions have been formulated about the convergences and divergences in the family policies that are pursued by these two countries. The dissertation ends with an assessment of the ideal’s gaps and shortcomings and a discussion about its possible further development.

NÃo à verdade que o âEstado-mÃnimoâ, resultado do Ãltimo ciclo de liberalizaÃÃo econÃmica, tenha como caracterÃstica uma menor intervenÃÃo na esfera econÃmica. Na verdade, do ponto de vista do fundo pÃblico federal, o Estado praticamente duplicou seu tamanho na dÃcada de reformas â 1990. Estas reformas mudaram radicalmente o padrÃo de distribuiÃÃo do fundo pÃblico atravÃs de um duplo movimento: o âenxugamentoâ da faceta redistributiva estatal, incorporada ao texto original da ConstituiÃÃo Federal de 1988; e a âmaximizaÃÃoâ da intervenÃÃo estatal atravÃs da remuneraÃÃo direta do capital. Tendo em vista que as garantias constitucionais de financiamento para a educaÃÃo, atravÃs de receita vinculada ao ensino, representavam um obstÃculo ao redirecionamento do fundo pÃblico, um conjunto de medidas foram tomadas no sentido de demoli-las: a hoje denominada DesvinculaÃÃo de Receitas da UniÃo, a reduÃÃo da subvinculaÃÃo ao ensino fundamental, os reiterados descumprimentos das vinculaÃÃes constitucionais, a polÃtica fiscal e tributÃria que privilegia a arrecadaÃÃo nÃo vinculada ao ensino e o FUNDEF, que provocou a municipalizaÃÃo acelerada do atendimento com uma menor participaÃÃo da UniÃo na manutenÃÃo do ensino fundamental. Essas medidas tiveram grande impacto na realidade educacional de Fortaleza, onde a rede municipal dobrou seu atendimento em menos de uma dÃcada, o que agravou as disparidades entre a rede fÃsica existente e o direito a um padrÃo mÃnimo de qualidade do ensino. No entanto, nÃo à possÃvel perceber uma mudanÃa, similar à ocorrida na UniÃo, no padrÃo de distribuiÃÃo do fundo pÃblico municipal. No municÃpio, as despesas com educaÃÃo permaneceram estÃveis nos Ãltimos anos. Assim, o resultado das Ãltimas reformas foi a progressiva diminuiÃÃo do gasto-aluno no ensino fundamental, caracterizando a âuniversalizaÃÃo com pauperizaÃÃoâ da educaÃÃo pÃblica. / It is not truth that the âminimum Stateâ, consequence of the last cycle of economic liberalization, has as main characteristic a minor intervention in the economic area. Actually, in the point of view of Federal government funds, the State practically duplicated its size in the reform decade - 1990. These reforms radically changed the standard of distribution of the Government funds through a double movement: the âdrying upâ of the redistributive Stateâs side, incorporated to the original text of the Federal Constitution of 1988; and the âmaximizationâ of Stateâs intervention through the direct remuneration of the capital. Considering that the constitutional guarantees for the financing of education, through the entailment of funds, represented an obstacle to the re-allocation of government resources, a series of measures had been taken to destroy them: the so called âunentailment of the Union fundsâ, the reduction of the under-entailment to basic education, the reiterated disobedience of the constitutional entailments, the tax policy that favors the not entailed tax revenues and the FUNDEF, that caused the acceleration of the municipal attendance with a fewer participation of the Union in the maintenance of basic education. These measures had great impact in the educational reality of Fortaleza, where the municipal system doubled its attendance in less than one decade, which made the gap between the existing physical organization and the right to a minimum standard of quality of education even worse. However, it is not possible to see a modification, similar to the occurred in the Union, in the standard of the distribution of municipal government funds. At the municipal level, the expenditures with education have remained steady in recent years. Therefore, the result of the last reforms was the gradual reduction of the cost per student in basic education, characterizing the âgeneralization with impoverishmentâ of the public education.

No description available.

This thesis investigates policy formulation and implementation processes in Zambia. A number of issues emerge with respect to the weaknesses of the system and how policy decisions worsened Zambia's economic performance instead of improving it. The Kaunda era policies of nationalization had an adverse impact on productivity of industries as well as affecting the resource flow from donors and business houses. On the other hand President Chiluba's reforms in the 1990s have had both positive and negative impacts on the people of Zambia. The rapid privatization and liberalization affected employment levels thereby worsening the poverty levels. Further, the liberalization brought in stiff competition from other countries forcing most manufacturing companies to close down. The policy environment based on the Bretton Woods Institutions seems not to be working as result of not taking into account the local Zambian situation. On the other hand, there were positive macroeconomic developments such as growth in GDP, lowering of inflation and stabilizing of exchange rates as from 1996. This has however not improved the living standards of the people. In Zambia, the shifts back and forth between strong and weak planning institutions have negatively affected policy development and implementation. There has been uncoordinated policy development; as a result, some policies in the major sectors are contradictory while in other cases policies are not linked to the resource envelope, making them un-implementable. Secondly, the institutional framework for policy development is not effective. There is generally lack of coordination among ministries, provinces and other stakeholders in planning, implementation and monitoring and evaluation of development programmes. This thesis urges that the improving planning capacities at the national, provincial and district levels should improve the processes of policy development and implementation in Zambia, which will in turn help to reduce poverty. Further, the districts should be the centre for the bottom-up process. In order to carryout this responsibility, efforts should be made to improve their capacities. As for the top-down process, the Sector Advisory Groups should continue to participate in the planning, monitoring and evaluation so as to contribute to policy formulation and implementation. These should be coordinated by the National Development Coordinating Committee (NDCC) through a Planning Bureau. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)

The Mesopotamian inscriptions and collections in ancient Mesopotamia consist of different meanings extended over long time-periods and with social, political, economic and ethnic differences. Scholars in determining whether the texts are an authentic source for Mesopotamian law traditions developed different theories and each of these theories has different variations. In a literature study to obtain if the inscriptions and collections are an authentic source, the different theories and methodologies of the inscriptions and collections were mentioned and the inscriptions and collections were tested in accordance with the characteristics of the Mesopotamian law traditions. Until new interpretation of documents of daily activities and legal activities, which can prove, that these texts are an authentic source, the interpretation of the collections and inscriptions on the legal issues of ancient Mesopotamians must be applied with caution and studied together with the greater corpus of cuneiform texts. / Old Testament and Ancient Near East Studies / M.A. (Ancient Near East Studies)