Esta tese tem como objetivo central analisar, através das folhas operárias que circularam no Amazonas na Primeira República, como os seus militantes estabeleceram contatos, conexões e interações e, no seio dos circuitos desenhados, elaboraram e fizeram circular projetos de identidade operária que, de forma imbricada, tinham como finalidade a criação de espaços políticos legítimos de mudança social. Para isso, utilizou-se a imprensa operária como tema e objeto central de análise e reflexão histórica, abordando-a numa perspectiva que a toma como objeto e fonte de estudo concomitantemente. Desse modo, num primeiro momento, procurou-se identificar os militantes que estavam por trás dos jornais voltados aos trabalhadores para, em seguida, entender como eles costuraram relações com lideranças de outros estados e até de outros países. Nesse intento, a análise de redes sociais foi importante, pois possibilitou a visualização dos contatos, das conexões e das interações da militância operária, contribuindo, assim, para a compreensão da movimentação de ideias sociais e políticas que dinamizaram o movimento operário local Em seguida, certificou-se que, nas redes visualizadas, a fração organizada dos operários elaborou (e fez circular nelas) projetos de identidade operária que caminharam em duas direções: a primeira, de unidade do operariado em geral, vislumbrava o reconhecimento e a distinção em relação a outros setores sociais (sobretudo o patronato e as “classes perigosas”) e tinha como pilar a posição de que o trabalhador era o elemento propulsor da sociedade, criador da riqueza e do “progresso” de um país; o segundo, de diferenças e distinções internas (entre os trabalhadores), evidenciava a diversidade existente no mundo do trabalho. Para perceber esse processo foi utilizado o conceito de projeto e de identidade. Por fim, verificou-se que essas conexões e interações estabelecidas pelas lideranças e a construção de projetos de identidade direcionados aos operários surgiram no sentido de promover a constituição de espaços políticos que concorressem para mudanças sociais. Neste caso, utilizou-se a categoria de esfera pública na perspectiva habermasiana. Confirmou-se que as lideranças operárias intentavam constituir uma esfera pública, visando atingir os espaços deliberativos, de decisão política. / This thesis aims to analyze, through the workers' works that circulated in Amazonas in the First Republic, how its militants established contacts, connections and interactions and, within the circuits drawn, elaborated and circulated projects of worker identity that, in a way imbricated, aimed at creating legitimate political spaces for social change. For this, the working press was used as the central theme and object of analysis and historical reflection, approaching it in a perspective that takes it as object and source of study concomitantly. Thus, at first, we sought to identify the militants behind the workers' newspapers and then to understand how they sewed relations with leaders from other states and even from other countries. In this attempt, the analysis of social networks was important because it made possible the visualization of the contacts, connections and interactions of workers 'militancy, thus contributing to the understanding of the movement of social and political ideas that stimulated the local workers' movement Next, it was verified that in the networks seen, the organized fraction of the workers elaborated (and circulated in them) projects of workers' identity that walked in two directions: the first one, of unit of the working class in general, glimpsed the recognition and distinction in relation to other social sectors (especially the patronage and the "dangerous classes") and had as a pillar the position that the worker was the driving force of the society, creator of the wealth and "progress" of a country; the second, of internal differences and distinctions (among workers), showed the diversity in the world of work. To understand this process was used the concept of design and identity. Finally, it was verified that these connections and interactions established by the leaderships and the construction of projects of identity directed to the workers suggest in the sense of promoting the constitution of political spaces that concur for social changes. In this case, the category of public sphere in Habermasian perspective was used. It was confirmed that the workers' leaders tried to constitute a public sphere, aiming to reach the deliberative spaces, of political decision.

Esta tese tem como objetivo central analisar, através das folhas operárias que circularam no Amazonas na Primeira República, como os seus militantes estabeleceram contatos, conexões e interações e, no seio dos circuitos desenhados, elaboraram e fizeram circular projetos de identidade operária que, de forma imbricada, tinham como finalidade a criação de espaços políticos legítimos de mudança social. Para isso, utilizou-se a imprensa operária como tema e objeto central de análise e reflexão histórica, abordando-a numa perspectiva que a toma como objeto e fonte de estudo concomitantemente. Desse modo, num primeiro momento, procurou-se identificar os militantes que estavam por trás dos jornais voltados aos trabalhadores para, em seguida, entender como eles costuraram relações com lideranças de outros estados e até de outros países. Nesse intento, a análise de redes sociais foi importante, pois possibilitou a visualização dos contatos, das conexões e das interações da militância operária, contribuindo, assim, para a compreensão da movimentação de ideias sociais e políticas que dinamizaram o movimento operário local Em seguida, certificou-se que, nas redes visualizadas, a fração organizada dos operários elaborou (e fez circular nelas) projetos de identidade operária que caminharam em duas direções: a primeira, de unidade do operariado em geral, vislumbrava o reconhecimento e a distinção em relação a outros setores sociais (sobretudo o patronato e as “classes perigosas”) e tinha como pilar a posição de que o trabalhador era o elemento propulsor da sociedade, criador da riqueza e do “progresso” de um país; o segundo, de diferenças e distinções internas (entre os trabalhadores), evidenciava a diversidade existente no mundo do trabalho. Para perceber esse processo foi utilizado o conceito de projeto e de identidade. Por fim, verificou-se que essas conexões e interações estabelecidas pelas lideranças e a construção de projetos de identidade direcionados aos operários surgiram no sentido de promover a constituição de espaços políticos que concorressem para mudanças sociais. Neste caso, utilizou-se a categoria de esfera pública na perspectiva habermasiana. Confirmou-se que as lideranças operárias intentavam constituir uma esfera pública, visando atingir os espaços deliberativos, de decisão política. / This thesis aims to analyze, through the workers' works that circulated in Amazonas in the First Republic, how its militants established contacts, connections and interactions and, within the circuits drawn, elaborated and circulated projects of worker identity that, in a way imbricated, aimed at creating legitimate political spaces for social change. For this, the working press was used as the central theme and object of analysis and historical reflection, approaching it in a perspective that takes it as object and source of study concomitantly. Thus, at first, we sought to identify the militants behind the workers' newspapers and then to understand how they sewed relations with leaders from other states and even from other countries. In this attempt, the analysis of social networks was important because it made possible the visualization of the contacts, connections and interactions of workers 'militancy, thus contributing to the understanding of the movement of social and political ideas that stimulated the local workers' movement Next, it was verified that in the networks seen, the organized fraction of the workers elaborated (and circulated in them) projects of workers' identity that walked in two directions: the first one, of unit of the working class in general, glimpsed the recognition and distinction in relation to other social sectors (especially the patronage and the "dangerous classes") and had as a pillar the position that the worker was the driving force of the society, creator of the wealth and "progress" of a country; the second, of internal differences and distinctions (among workers), showed the diversity in the world of work. To understand this process was used the concept of design and identity. Finally, it was verified that these connections and interactions established by the leaderships and the construction of projects of identity directed to the workers suggest in the sense of promoting the constitution of political spaces that concur for social changes. In this case, the category of public sphere in Habermasian perspective was used. It was confirmed that the workers' leaders tried to constitute a public sphere, aiming to reach the deliberative spaces, of political decision.

I denna uppsats presenteras en textanalytisk studie av ett urval pressmeddelanden från organisationen Djurens Rätt. Studiens syfte är att undersöka hur Djurens Rätt positionerar sig bland de deltagare som beskrivs i deras pressmeddelanden. Djurens Rätt är en ideell och idéburen organisation vilket gör det intressant att undersöka hur dessa förhåller sig till andra aktörer i samhället i sina pressmeddelanden. Studien ut-går teoretiskt och metodologiskt främst från den systemisk-funktionella grammati-ken med fokus på det ideationella och erfarenhetsmässiga. Utöver detta är även positioneringsbegreppet och Greimas aktantmodell centrala för studien. Resultatet visar att Djurens Rätt använder sig av andra aktörer i flera avseenden för att positionera sig i de undersökta pressmeddelandena. Organisationen framstår exempelvis som sakliga och objektiva representanter för djuren genom att avstå från känslomässiga uttryckssätt, ibland tala om djuren i statistiska termer och även lägga fokus på opponenters handlingar istället för opponenterna i sig. / This paper presents a linguistic study of a number of press releases issued by the organization Djurens Rätt. The study aims to examine in which way Djurens Rätt positions itself among other participants being described in their press releases. Djurens Rätt is a non-profit organization based on an ideological idea, which makes it an interesting target for investigating their approach towards other societal opera-tors in their press releases. The study is theoretically and methodologically mainly based on Halliday’s functional grammar, focusing on the ideational and experiential part of language use. In addition to these perspectives, positioning as a concept and Greimas’ actantial model are also essential to the study. The results show that Djurens Rätt uses several other societal operators in order to position themselves in the analyzed press releases. The organization appears to represent the animals in an objective and impartial way, for instance by refraining emotional expressions, occasionally describing the animals in statistical terms and mostly focusing on their opponent’s actions instead of the opponents themselves.

Esta tese tem como objetivo central analisar, através das folhas operárias que circularam no Amazonas na Primeira República, como os seus militantes estabeleceram contatos, conexões e interações e, no seio dos circuitos desenhados, elaboraram e fizeram circular projetos de identidade operária que, de forma imbricada, tinham como finalidade a criação de espaços políticos legítimos de mudança social. Para isso, utilizou-se a imprensa operária como tema e objeto central de análise e reflexão histórica, abordando-a numa perspectiva que a toma como objeto e fonte de estudo concomitantemente. Desse modo, num primeiro momento, procurou-se identificar os militantes que estavam por trás dos jornais voltados aos trabalhadores para, em seguida, entender como eles costuraram relações com lideranças de outros estados e até de outros países. Nesse intento, a análise de redes sociais foi importante, pois possibilitou a visualização dos contatos, das conexões e das interações da militância operária, contribuindo, assim, para a compreensão da movimentação de ideias sociais e políticas que dinamizaram o movimento operário local Em seguida, certificou-se que, nas redes visualizadas, a fração organizada dos operários elaborou (e fez circular nelas) projetos de identidade operária que caminharam em duas direções: a primeira, de unidade do operariado em geral, vislumbrava o reconhecimento e a distinção em relação a outros setores sociais (sobretudo o patronato e as “classes perigosas”) e tinha como pilar a posição de que o trabalhador era o elemento propulsor da sociedade, criador da riqueza e do “progresso” de um país; o segundo, de diferenças e distinções internas (entre os trabalhadores), evidenciava a diversidade existente no mundo do trabalho. Para perceber esse processo foi utilizado o conceito de projeto e de identidade. Por fim, verificou-se que essas conexões e interações estabelecidas pelas lideranças e a construção de projetos de identidade direcionados aos operários surgiram no sentido de promover a constituição de espaços políticos que concorressem para mudanças sociais. Neste caso, utilizou-se a categoria de esfera pública na perspectiva habermasiana. Confirmou-se que as lideranças operárias intentavam constituir uma esfera pública, visando atingir os espaços deliberativos, de decisão política. / This thesis aims to analyze, through the workers' works that circulated in Amazonas in the First Republic, how its militants established contacts, connections and interactions and, within the circuits drawn, elaborated and circulated projects of worker identity that, in a way imbricated, aimed at creating legitimate political spaces for social change. For this, the working press was used as the central theme and object of analysis and historical reflection, approaching it in a perspective that takes it as object and source of study concomitantly. Thus, at first, we sought to identify the militants behind the workers' newspapers and then to understand how they sewed relations with leaders from other states and even from other countries. In this attempt, the analysis of social networks was important because it made possible the visualization of the contacts, connections and interactions of workers 'militancy, thus contributing to the understanding of the movement of social and political ideas that stimulated the local workers' movement Next, it was verified that in the networks seen, the organized fraction of the workers elaborated (and circulated in them) projects of workers' identity that walked in two directions: the first one, of unit of the working class in general, glimpsed the recognition and distinction in relation to other social sectors (especially the patronage and the "dangerous classes") and had as a pillar the position that the worker was the driving force of the society, creator of the wealth and "progress" of a country; the second, of internal differences and distinctions (among workers), showed the diversity in the world of work. To understand this process was used the concept of design and identity. Finally, it was verified that these connections and interactions established by the leaderships and the construction of projects of identity directed to the workers suggest in the sense of promoting the constitution of political spaces that concur for social changes. In this case, the category of public sphere in Habermasian perspective was used. It was confirmed that the workers' leaders tried to constitute a public sphere, aiming to reach the deliberative spaces, of political decision.

Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka hur Parken Zoo försökte rädda sin image och påverkabilden av krisen parken befann sig i under hösten 2012. Uppsatsen har även som avsikt att undersökahur kriskommunikationen utvecklas under krisförloppet och hur den skiljer sig mellan två texttyper,samt belysa vilka språkliga resurser som används för att realisera strategierna inom image repair theory,som i denna uppsats benämns som Benoits teori om imagereparation. Materialet består av trepressmeddelanden och tre uttalanden publicerade på Facebook från Parken Zoo. Dessa har analyseratsutifrån Benoits (1997) teori om imagereparation samt systemisk-funktionell textanalys. Resultatetindikerar att Parken Zoo har försökt rädda sin image genom att ifrågasätta uppgifterna som framkommit,framhäva goda egenskaper och värderingar samt redogöra för åtgärder som vidtagits och ska vidtas.Jämförelsen av kriskommunikationen i pressmeddelandena och Facebook-uttalandena tyder på attkommunikationen på Facebook kännetecknas av en mer personlig och närhetsskapande strategi medankommunikationen i pressmeddelandena är mer auktoritär. Resultatet visade också att val av strategi ochhur många strategier som används förändras under krisens förlopp, troligen beroende på vilken krisfasparken befinner sig i. Under akutfasen använde Parken Zoo samtliga strategier, i jämförelse med krisensförstadium då endast en strategi användes. Analysen har även synliggjort mönster för vilka språkligaresurser som verkar bidra till realiseringen av respektive strategi ur Benoits teori om imagereparation.Transitivitetsanalysen visade bland annat att den förnekande strategin i första hand realiseras genomattributiva relationella processer medan den tillrättaläggande strategin karakteriseras av materiellaprocesser. Avslutningsvis diskuteras även delar av materialet som inte har kunnat kategoriseras som enstrategi på ett tydligt sätt men som ändå kan ses som försök att rädda Parken Zoo:s image, exempelvissynliggörs möjligheten till en ny strategi som går ut på att visa förståelse.

I den här avhandlingen studeras Europeiska kommissionens kommunikativa praktiker i ljuset av de pressmeddelanden som dagligen distribueras till världens största presskår i Bryssel, men också via internet till andra journalister och allmänheten. Övergripande syften med avhandlingen är att beskriva textproduktionen i denna en av världens största textproducenter och att lyfta fram den, hittills förvånansvärt osynliga, språkliga dimensionen av kommissionens kommunikation. Avhandlingen tar avstamp i ett dialogiskt perspektiv på kommunikation, där kommunikation förstås som en dynamisk process i vilken människor (sam)agerar i ett givet sammanhang. Avgörande blir således att se pressmeddelandena som en del av den produktions- och distributionskontext de ingår i, både på lokal nivå och på en mer övergripande institutionell nivå. Empiriskt bygger avhandlingen på fältstudier vid Europeiska kommissionen och textanalyser av pressmeddelanden från kommissionen och från franska och svenska departement. Pressmeddelandena studeras både som process och produkt: formuleringsprocesser å ena sidan och textmönster och tempusbruk å den andra. Som ett exempel detaljstuderas produktionen av två pressmeddelanden mot bakgrund av skribenternas förklaringar och motiveringar till sina ändringar. Med sin unika inblick i hur ett pressmeddelande blir till steg för steg och av olika aktörer utgör denna del ett viktigt bidrag till forskningen om pressmeddelanden, som först på senare år blivit mer processinriktad. De olika delstudierna ger alla vid handen att kommissionen, enkelt uttryckt, måste arbeta mer för att underbygga sin argumentation och för att göra sina initiativ mer begripliga, legitima och motiverade. Detta kan i stor utsträckning tillskrivas den mer komplicerade kommunikationssituationen som gäller för kommissionen i förhållande till de nationella departement som är jämförelsematerial i studien. / The thesis investigates the European Commission’s communicative practices in the light of the press releases that are distributed daily to the world’s largest press corps in Brussels and on the Internet to other journalists and the general public. The overall aim of the thesis is to describe the text production of one of the largest text producers in the world and to highlight the linguistic dimensions of the Commission’s communicative practices, which until now have received little scholarly attention. The study adopts a dialogical perspective on communication, where communication is understood as a dynamic process in which people interact in a given context. This means that the press releases are seen as parts of the production and distribution context in which they are embedded, both on a local level and on a more general institutional level. The empirical data on which the study is based comprise field studies at the European Commission and text analyses of press releases issued by the Commission and French and Swedish ministries. The press releases are analysed on different linguistic levels, text pattern and the use of tense, on the one hand, and composition processes on the other. As an example, the production of two press releases is studied in detail, in view of the authors’ comments to and motivations for changes to the texts. With its unique insight into how a press release is drafted step by step and by the different parties involved this part of the thesis is an important contribution to research on press releases, which only recently has become more oriented towards the production process. The results of the analyses highlight the fact that the Commission, to a greater extent than the national ministries, must substantiate its argumentation and make its initiatives more comprehensible, legitimate, and motivated. This finding may be ascribed to the more complex communication situation of the Commission, compared to the national ministries, which served as material for comparison in the study.

Purpose: To examine how video-game releases affect the share price, and if video-game reviews have any impact on the share price of gaming corporations.  Method: A quantitative deductive research approach is applied with event study methodology used as basis. The investigated companies were the five largest gaming companies listed on the U.S. NASDAQ exchange. A total of 29 video-game launches and 85 reviews where examined.   Theory: The study is based on The Efficient Market Hypothesis, Agent Theory, Public Relations Theory, Nextopia and previous research. Results: The result contains 114 observations in five companies. The result accounts for the cumulative abnormal return for each video-game. It also accounts for the cumulative average abnormal return for each company ten days after release. Analysis: The hypothesis test accounts for a statistical significant correlation between negative abnormal return and the release. It is also accounted for a cumulative average abnormal return of  -2,29 % of the video-game companies stocks. Conclusion: There is a negative abnormal return for shareholders ten days after a video-game release. The result and the analysis dose confirm a direct correlation between video-game reviews and the abnormal return.