From December 1983 to January 1984, 228 bamboo strips were unearthed in M247 at Jiangling, Hubei. These strips contained a collection of criminal cases called Zou Yan Shu, as well as 526 strips containing Laws of the 2nd Year. This discovery effectively patched a gap in judicature during the transition from the Qin to the Han. Beginning in 1985, a research group, Li Xueqin, and Peng Hao, began publishing the content of these strips in Wenwu. Soon scholars all over the world began researching the strips. In 2008, the Bamboo and Silk Manuscript Center at Wuhan University used infrared imaging (as well as referencing Cai Wanjin¡¦s revisions of the text and the research of other scholars) to make sense of a very muddled text. This also brought about many breakthroughs in research on the Zou Yan Shu. Now scholars understand much more concerning judicature during the Qin-Han period and how it differed from that of pre-Qin times. Despite this, few scholars have attempted a comprehensive analysis of the 22 cases found in this work. There is much research to be done on legal terminology in the text, the judiciary writing process in Zou Yan Shu, the reasons for compiling these 22 cases, knowledge of judiciary principles during Qin-Han gained from these cases, and several keys to unjust, falsified, and mistaken cases. This dissertation attempts to utilized prior understanding of the scholarly community to systematically and comprehensively analyzing all 22 cases and to explicate the meaning of the title Zou Yan Shu, judiciary terminology, the judiciary process, adjudicatory results, and reasons for the unjust, falsified, and mistaken cases. It was discovered that the purpose for this compilation was to educate law-enforcement officials and portrays the message that from receiving the initial report to apprehending and trying the criminal to gathering evidence to issuing the final judgment, if the principle ¡§all is decided by the law¡¨ is not strictly adhered to then mistakes are easily made. In addition, the way documents are written in Zhou Yan Shu is closely related to the judiciary process from the county-level all the way to the Commandant of Justice, revealing how this process worked at the various levels.

本文的研究主題為唐修《晉書》與《世說新語》間的敘事差異，對二書重出資料進行研究考察，研究的重心在於《世說新語》材料進入《晉書》後所產生的變化，觀察史家如何引用《世說新語》，整理歸納敘事差異的類型，探究敘事差異現象背後的原因及其意涵。 在第一章緒論中，從《晉書》援引《世說新語》引發前人褒貶兩極的評價，討論史家以小說入史的適切性，檢討前人涉及二書的研究文獻，並說明本文所採用的研究方法及進行步驟。 第二章聚焦於《晉書》援引《世說新語》的部份，統計二書的重出資料，編成表格以綜觀整體，發現《晉書》有「累篇成傳」、「一事重出」、「傳聞異辭」和「事涉數人，載於一傳」的現象，反映出史家援引材料入傳有其考量，並非一味以《世說新語》為準，所收錄的《世說新語》篇章不僅作為實例豐富《晉書》的記載，也彌補人物事蹟缺乏的境況。史家依循事件發展邏輯、人物關聯和事件材料性質三種方式排列《世說新語》的材料，將數則事件建立新連結，形成條理清晰的脈絡，融入史傳的順時敘述中。 第三章分析《晉書》與《世說新語》重出資料中的敘事差異，其中簡化型的敘事差異為最大宗，可分成簡省人物言語活動、事件的敘事部分和混合型三種簡化類型，其他敘事差異現象包括史家修改局部文句、將材料另做他用和增添非敘事話語，從文本分析中可看出史家藉由增刪修改文句，提升傳主在事件中的重要性，塑造傳主的正面形象，而所增添的非敘事話語透露史家的判斷，雖未直接臧否人物，褒貶自在其中。 第四章檢視敘事差異中所反映出的史家道統取向，二書相異的敘述可見史家所重視的宗法社會之倫常，由朝廷延伸至家庭，從標舉君臣相處之道，到修補家庭倫常關係，呈現史家對於傳統禮教的維護，強調倫理綱常中「忠」與「孝」的價值。史家的道統取向在女子紀事方面尤其明顯，依據女子在家庭倫理中所扮演的角色為其定位，調整敘述所刻劃出的人物形象，標舉德才兼備和人品有瑕的女子，確立道德尺度對立的兩端，以達成社會教化的目的。 第五章為結語，概述研究二書敘事差異的三階段：現象分析──原因探索──意義呈現，二書的敘事差異反映史家的撰史的原則和道統取向，史家援引《世說新語》豐富了《晉書》的史傳，彰顯出兩晉的時代精神，造就《晉書》的獨特，即便援引《世說新語》入傳，史家仍掌握敘述的主導性，使《晉書》保有光彩熠熠的歷史價值。 / This thesis focused on the narrative differences between Jin Shu and Shi Shuo Xin Yu, according to two books’ repeated data, the focus of research is Shi Shuo Xin Yu material into Jin Shu , observing how historians cite Shi Shuo Xin Yu, summarizing in the type of narrative differences, reasons for the differences in the narrative and meaning behind the phenomena. In Chapter one, Looking back at history，Citing Shi Shuo Xin Yu caused different evaluation from scholars of former times, we discussed the appropriateness of historians’ quotation, reviewing former scholars’ research which involved in two books, to expound research methods and procedure used in this paper. The second chapter focused on Jin Shu quoted Shi Shuo Xin Yu in part, Organize two books’ duplicate data, compiled forms for considering overall, Found that Jin Shu There are " linking events constitute a biography ", " the same recurring events ", "different versions of hearsay" and "matter involving several people, documented in a biography " phenomenon, Historians quoted material reflecting the transfer had its considerations, not took Shi Shuo Xin Yu as a criterion, the collection of Shi Shuo Xin Yu articles is not only rich in examples as Jin Shu records, but also make up for the lack of documented life stories. Historians arranged Shi Shuo Xin Yu articles in three ways, following the logic of events, people relationship and events associated with the nature, to create a new link for several events, forming a coherent context, put into Jin Shu in chronological narration. (the narrative chronicled the events) Chapter 3 analyzed the narrative differences between Jin Shu and Shi Shuo Xin Yu, simplifying narration accounts for the largest part of the narrative differences, assorting simplified narration into 3 types, consisted of simplifying the dialogues and activities, the narrative part of the event and the mixed type. Other narrative differences include historians’ partial sentence modification, rewrite the sentence for other purposes, and add non-narrative discourse. As can be seen from the text analysis, historians enhance the importance of specific character in the incident by modifying the text or creating a positive image of the characters. Non-narrative discourse added by historians revealed their judgments. Chapter 4 viewed the Confucian Orthodoxy in narrative differences, rewriting the events reflected that historians regarded ethics of patriarchal society highly. Extending from the court to the family, historians presented the proper relationships between the emperor and his Courtiers and maintained the ethical relationship of family. Historians emphasized the moral value of "loyalty" and "filial piety", expressing the maintenance of traditional Confucianism. The narrative which female involved in also indicated the Confucian Orthodoxy, Historians decided the female’ historical status by her role in the family and adjust the images in the description. By praising virtuous women and criticizing the flawed, historians established moral contrast ends of the scale for the purpose of social education. Chapter 5 is the epilogue which outlined a three-stage study of narrative differences between two books, from analysis of the phenomena, to the reasons behind the modification, then reflected the meaning between the lines. Narrative differences revealed the writing principles of historical works and tendency towards the Confucian Orthodoxy. Citing Shi Shuo Xin Yu enriched the content of Jin Shu and highlighted the zeitgeist of the Jin Dynasty. In spite of the quotation, Historians ruled the main narrative, let the value of Jin Shu shine in history.

This thesis deals with Vietnamese scholar Nguyễn Thuật and his Diary of Journey to Tiānjīn (Wǎng Jīn rìjì 往津日記; hereinafter the Diary), which contains records of the journey of the Vietnamese diplomatic envoy to China in 1883. The aim is to identify the informative values of the Diary as well as Nguyễn Thuật's perception of China from a political and cultural standpoint by analyzing the content of the Diary. The first chapter provides cultural context of historical events during the second half of the 19th century. The following chapter is the main chapter where Nguyễn Thuật and his Diary are elaborated on. The thesis concludes with hypotheses of Nguyễn Thuật's intentions to write his Diary and assessment of informative values and thus opens the way to deeper comprehension of the historical development of Sino-Vietnamese relations.

No description available.

過去關於臺灣家庭計劃發展的觀點主要有兩種，一種是視家庭計畫為一成功的「臺灣經驗」，一種則從女性史的角度，強調家庭計畫是政府對於女性身體的控制與壓迫。本文則試著從第三種觀點出發，回到歷史原本的脈絡中，引領讀者從臺灣家庭計畫最初的前十年開始看起，首先使讀者了解到臺灣實施家庭計畫的緣由及其背景，而後在這樣的背景之下，第一個推動家庭計畫的機構：中國家庭計畫協會成立了，在本文中將呈現家庭計畫協會的創辦人──舒子寬女士及其他工作者，他們是在怎樣的動機之下加入家庭計畫的推展並成為開拓者，他們在此特殊的時空背景之下，如何獲得各方的資助而得以順利推動，而他們推動的方法又為何？藉由這些面向的探討，以呈現臺灣家庭計畫發展中的女性經驗。 本文相對於過去研究的突破如下：在資料的運用上，本文的寫作運用了過去研究者所未曾使用的農復會檔案，並和家庭計畫的工作者舒子寬女士進行口述訪談，以補充過去研究所未探討到的問題；在新的發現上，本文試圖呈現家庭計畫中的女性經驗，並試圖提出一新的主張：臺灣家庭計畫最初的推動者，基於自身的女性經驗，以試圖改善母性健康為出發點而推動家庭計畫。

張婉麗. / "2000年8月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2000. / 參考文獻 (leaves 208-219) / 附中英文摘要. / "2000 nian 8 yue" / Zhang Wanli. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2000. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 208-219) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 摘要 --- p.i / 前言 --- p.v / 目錄 / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 小說敘事者與操縱理論 --- p.8 / Chapter 2.1 --- 小說的敘事者 --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2 --- 操縱理論 --- p.14 / Chapter 2.3 --- 《黑奴籲天錄》的敘事者與譯文操縱 --- p.24 / Chapter 第三章 --- 《黑奴籲天錄》的翻譯背景 --- p.26 / Chapter 3.1 --- 原文的内容 --- p.26 / Chapter 3.2 --- 原文的文化系統 --- p.28 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- 政治 --- p.28 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- 宗教 --- p.3 2 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- 婦女地位 --- p.33 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- 作者 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.3 --- 對 Uncle Tom´ةs Cabin 的評論 --- p.40 / Chapter 3.4 --- 譯文的文化系統 --- p.48 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- 政治 --- p.49 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- 教會的活動 --- p.52 / Chapter 3.4.3 --- 婦女地位 --- p.53 / Chapter 3.4.4 --- 翻譯的功利主義 --- p.55 / Chapter 3.4.5 --- 譯者 --- p.58 / Chapter 3.4.5.1 --- 林纾 --- p.58 / 家庭 --- p.58 / 政治思想 --- p.60 / 婦女觀 --- p.63 / 文學作品 --- p.65 / Chapter (一） --- 創作及文學觀 --- p.65 / Chapter (二） --- 翻譯及翻譯觀 --- p.68 / Chapter 3.4.5.2 --- 魏易 --- p.73 / Chapter 3.5 --- 對《黑奴籲天錄》的評論 --- p.75 / Chapter 第四章 --- 《黑奴籲天錄》的敘事者（一） ´ؤ´ؤ宗教的表述及婦女形象的表述 --- p.85 / Chapter 4.1 --- 宗教的表述 --- p.86 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- 基督教與小說中的人物 --- p.89 / Tom與湯姆 --- p.90 / Cassy與凱雪 --- p.107 / Quimbo與昆蒲、Sambo與三蒲 --- p.110 / Topsy與托弗收 --- p.112 / 其他 --- p.115 / George與哲而治 --- p.116 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- 基督教與敘事者聲音 --- p.126 / Chapter 4.1.3 --- 宗教的表述´ؤ´ؤ總結 --- p.135 / Chapter 4.2 --- 婦女形象的表述 --- p.137 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- 婦女形象 --- p.138 / 婦女角色 --- p.138 / 女性讀者 --- p.148 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- 廚房的比喻 --- p.156 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- 婦女形象的表述´ؤ´ؤ總結 --- p.164 / Chapter 第五章 --- 《黑奴籲天錄》的敘事者（二） ´ؤ´ؤ敘事距離與奴隸制度的關係 --- p.166 / Chapter 5.1 --- 敘事者與小說人物的距離 --- p.166 / Chapter 5.2 --- 敘事者與讀者的距離 --- p.172 / Chapter 5.3 --- 總結 --- p.184 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結語 --- p.187 / Chapter 6.1 --- 譯者對敘事者的操縱 --- p.187 / Chapter 6.2 --- 「忠實的譯者」 --- p.199 / 參考書目 --- p.208

本文以歷代碑帖中見之楷書異體字為研究對象，然以書法藝術為本位，故襲用前人所定之名稱：「帖體」字；楷書帖體字在古代碑帖中屢屢可見，少則二成，多則逾半，然而，古代文字學家多以《說文》為本位，稍致鄙斥之意，故其重要性遂沈沒不彰，偶有少數幾位古代書論家有所正面肯定，卻仍未獲得廣大迴響；並且，文字學家以文字學為本位，書論家也多未能以書法藝術為本位，與文字學家一樣，宗奉《說文》，遵之不違，楷書帖體字之研究因此游離於兩者之間，少有人予以注意，遑論整體之探究。因此，筆者綜合文字學、書法理論、美學三種學科將楷書帖體字作一較為全面之探究，而其中之論議則以記號學作為分析之工具。本文分為五章，各章之內容大要如下：第一章為緒論，第一、二節分別說明「研究動機與目的」、「研究內容與方法」，第三節則探討「帖體字之名義」，分別論述「定義」及「相關名稱」。第二章為「帖體字之變異方式」，第一節將古代書論中對於楷書帖體字之相關理論詳為考察並予以梳理；第二、三節將帖體字之變異方式分成十六項。第三章將楷書帖體字之變異方式予以統合，視其彼此之間的關係進行詮釋。第四章則探討楷書帖體字之成因，計有十項。第五章為結論，探討楷書帖體字之四項研究價值。

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Chinese

王氏之學，廣矣，大矣。今所論者，僅就其注經之言，加以考辨，重在明其經學之怕 歸，至其他撰著，則不與也。 王氏注經，太半簡明切要，平易近人，所惜者，好攻鄭氏，「強辯求勝」，如本傳云 ：「肅集聖證論，以譏玄短。」又家語序云：「鄭氏學行五十載矣，自肅成童，始志 於學，而學鄭氏學矣，然尋文責實，考其上下，義理不安，違錯者多，是以奪而易之 。」故後人每有微詞，今撰述其言，采薈眾說，是其是而非其非，苟有一言可述，則 據理申闡，使隱義彰明，苟有一字之失，亦循實責名，使名符其實。 本文之內容： 王氏注經，據史志所載，為數甚繁，惜多已亡佚，今可見諸古籍所引，及各家所輯文 之成帙者，有周易注、尚書注、詩注、三禮注、左氏注、孝經注，論語注等七經，今 依唐陸德明經典釋文之序，列章申疏，亦所以借明經之次第也。 第一章：王肅之周易學。 第二章：王肅之周易學。 第三章：王肅之詩經學。 第四章：王肅之三禮學。 第五章：王肅之春秋左氏學。 第六章：王肅之孝經學。 第七章：王肅之論語學。 此外，前列結論，以為本文之喤引，並述及王肅之生平，家世，交遊及著述，取孟子 「知人論世」之義也。後列結論，作綜合之評述，借窺王氏注經態度及其影響。最後 附錄聖證論。王氏一家之經學，今可見者，庶盡於此矣。

研究董仲舒之政治思想，以春秋繁露、史記、漢書及其對策、書論、賦頌、文集為主 要資料，並參佐當世及以前與其政治思想有關之記載，與後人著作之引申和評述。為 力求研究態度之客觀及無所偏失，多方旁徵博引，以使理論與史實兼顧。其中雖偶語 涉稱羨或評騭，亦皆出自內心對其思想之體認，非敢故意抑揚損益，妄加臆斷。 本論文之內容分為導論、第一章至第六章、結論。 導論：主要說明董仲舒政治思想之性質與義蘊，俾對其思想先有一概括性之認識。 第一章：董仲舒之牛平與著作。仲舒生於鈿漢初，據考證約在惠帝與呂后年間。景帝 時為博士，善治春秋，學士多師尊之。武帝即位參與賢良對策，任江都相，從此為武 帝所重，位未鼎足，知在公卿之上。中廢為中大夫。因為人廉直，公孫弘嫉之，乃薦 為膠西相，恐久獲罪，病免歸家，以修學著書為事，年老以壽終於家。仲舒所著，皆 明經術之意，及上疏條教，凡百二十三篇，而說春秋事得失，聞舉、玉杯、蕃露．清 明、竹林之屬，復數十篇，十餘萬言。而今所傳者，除漢書所載等外，要為春秋繁露 一書。春秋繁露之真偽問題，論者頗多，惟莫衷一是。吾人以為其書為後人收輯而成 ，縱或非全由仲舒所著，然中多根極理要之言，作為研究其政治思想之用，當無不可 。 第二章：董仲舒政治思想之時代背景與淵源。四漢初七十餘年間，正為中央集權君主 專制形成之過程，亦正是道、法、儒三家思想爭勝之時期。道家思想之全盛是在高祖 至文帝時期，其間採「清靜無為」，與民休養生息之政策，府庫充盈後，思圖以振作 ；文景時代申韓刑名之學興起，法家得勢。及自武帝即位，遂採「罷黜百家，獨尊儒 術」之政策，儒家自此定於一尊，成為中國學術思想之主流，仲舒處於道法儒爭勝之 時代，自亦深受時代之影響，而其思想淵源卻以儒家及陰陽家者為主，故漢書謂仲舒 為「始推陰陽，為儒者宗」。 第三章：董仲舒論人性與正名。仲舒論政以人性為起點，從人性論可了解其論政之態 度。孟子主張性善，於為政重明倫教；化荀子主性惡，其論政重體法制度；仲舒謂性 有善質而未全善，故重仁義禮。 /