The work deals with the problems of employing people with disabilities and ethical aspects related to the problem. Describes their difficulties in finding an employment, problems of discrimination, difficulty with unemployment and also how unemployment affects the psyche of the people. It also deals with how the state helps people who have difficulty with finding employment and other ethical problems such as the problem of discrimination, solidarity in the welfare state, the right to work and so on. It also shows the status of people with disabilities in the society and whether their rights are always respected in society.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:27:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ArquivoTotal.pdf: 1366900 bytes, checksum: 4429847769f0f60e9021b1efa78a7b13 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The current research is a proposal to analyze the human rigtht of hausing in Angola 27 years after civil war. This study looking for new exam of migrations moviments in urban area, government politics or territorial organisation and urbanization, and urban hause as instruments for efectiviness of human rigthts of housing, through General Commitee of United Nations for Economic, Social and Cultural rights coment number four. Angola is a poor country wich is economic developing. After 27 years of war and 10 in peace, it came the time for make a study about basic structures and life conditions for all Angolans. Faceing the growth disorderly of the cities, including precarious zones, poverty, Young democracy and economic growth, how to delineate the path of housing politic as a mead of human right of condign dwelling? The public politics and hausing right introducing us in the intrigate world of politics and to strict world of law, questioning the roll of the state and the law in the realization of human needs. Following the deductive method, this reseach beggin making a disticntion between public politics in a socialist system and in a capitalist system. Explain though that the social state, constitucional state, endiing the study with empirical search about two habitationals projects in Luanda. / Angola é um pais pobre em franco crescimento econômico. Depois de 27 anos de guerra e 10 anos de paz é o tempo utilizado para analisar a consolidação de estruturas e a criação de condições de vida para todos os angolanos. Perante o crescimento desordenado das cidades, a pobreza gritante, democracia jovem e crescimento próspero, como traçar o caminho da política habitacional como meio de realização de direito humano à habitação condigna em Angola? Assim, Politicas públicas e direito humano à habitação lança-nos para o intrigante mundo da política e para o mundo rigoroso do direito, na busca de respostas práticas. O presente trabalho permeia política e direito, questionando o papel do Estado e do Direito, na realização de necessidades humanas. O estudo das políticas públicas nas categorias capitalista e socialita, traz a rational school de Chicago, explorando a rational choice, policys makers, politic decisors tendando desvendar as public decisions. é revelador como o centralismo e o autoritarismo socialista tendam esquivar-se a um processo semelhante ao americano. É no cruzamento entre direito e política que se percebe que é ainda acentuada as debilidades dos vários sistemas na garantia efetiva dos direitos sociais. No entanto, é notável ligeiro avanço doutrinário e institucional na efetivação de direitos sociais, mas não exatamente do direito à habitação. Nascido internacionalmente no século XX, os desdobramentos históricos do direito humano à habitação, e não apenas de propriedade, iniciam nas revoluções industriais, mas entre a doutrina unitária e a geracional dos direitos humanos, o destacável está em trabalhar para a realização do direito à habitação através de políticas de urbanização como eixo do direito humano ao desenvolvimento

By conducting a case study of two diaconal institutions, Samariterhemmet in Uppsala/Sweden and the Evangelisches Diakoniewerk Schwäbisch Hall e.V. in Germany, the thesis compares the roles of church diaconal work within the Swedish and the German welfare system. These two systems are characterised by the different roles given to independent welfare organisations. The overarching research question is if and in which way the two diaconal institutions are effected by current changes within the field of welfare and how these changes challenge them to redefine their roles. The material analysed contains written documents, interviews with selected representatives and the results of participant observation in both institutions. As changes in the roles of independent welfare organisations were expected the results are unexpected. The two diaconal institutions show considerable persistence. Neither the orientation of their fields of work nor their own definitions of their roles within the welfare system have changed during the 1990s. In addition, the study reveals that both institutions regard themselves as a critical voice within the welfare system although their welfare engagement differs considerably. The German institution is a huge welfare provider while the Swedish institution conducts targeted initiatives. The analysis of four decisions within hospital work reveals that security of planning and freedom of action motivate the institutions to undertake responsibility for social services. The study points especially to the fields of education and research helping the institutions to maintain and to develop the diaconal profile. Altogether the results underline the need for more research on the meso-level of the third sector. This would contribute to a more nuanced discussion on the future role of independent welfare organisations within the Swedish and the German welfare system.

Alexis de Tocqueville est un auteur canonique du libéralisme. Son inscription au sein du libéralisme s’opère fréquemment par une accentuation unilatérale de sa défense de la liberté individuelle. Certes, Tocqueville défend la liberté individuelle, elle prend une place décisive dans son œuvre où l’objectif théorique proposé révèle sa volonté d’élever l’individu à côté de la société et de l’État. Mais cette défense est constamment pensée chez Tocqueville en interrogeant ses conditions de possibilité qui sont indissociables d’une culture politique où la participation politique est une dimension essentielle. Une participation politique qui fonde des habitudes collectives, une culture civique, assurant ainsi la pérennité des institutions démocratiques libérales. En ce sens, il est évident que le libéralisme de Tocqueville est déterminé par un cadre plus large que la seule défense de la liberté individuelle. Afin qu’elle s’épanouisse pleinement et véritablement, il y a une priorité absolue d’une pratique continue de la liberté, la liberté politique qui actualise sans repos les conditions de possibilité de la liberté individuelle. Cette pratique de la liberté politique contribue à la formation des «mœurs libres», ces habitudes collectives qui organisent une culture civique particulière, mœurs indispensables au maintien des sociétés libres. Nous identifierons donc Tocqueville à un libéralisme des mœurs. Afin de saisir adéquatement la réelle portée de la pensée tocquevillienne, nous dévoilerons les influences intellectuelles fondamentales qui ont présidé à l’élaboration de La Démocratie en Amérique. De fait, nous restituerons l’espace intertextuel entre Tocqueville et François Guizot. Cet espace révèle l’influence certaine de Guizot sur Tocqueville, mais il rend également saillante son insistance sur une pratique de la liberté politique. / Alexis de Tocqueville is a canonical author of liberalism. His inscription within liberalism often commented as a unilateral emphasis of the defence of individual freedom. Certainly, Tocqueville defends individual freedom and it is a decisive part of his work where his proposed theoretical objective reveals his will to elevate the individual to the level of society and the State. But this defence is always thought of by Tocqueville in his questioning of the conditions of possibility of freedom which are inseparable of a political culture where political participation is an essential dimension. A political participation which melts collective habits, civic culture, thus insuring the permanence of its liberal democratic institutions. It appears that the liberalism of Tocqueville is determined by a broader frame than the only defence of individual freedom. For a real individual freedom that flourishes entirely, there is the absolute preference for a continuous practice of freedom, political freedom which constantly updates the conditions of possibility of individual freedom. This practice of political freedom contributes to the development of « free manners », these collective habits which organize a particular civic culture, manners necessary to the assertion of the free societies. We shall identify Tocqueville with a liberalism of manners. To properly grasp the true range of the tocquevillian thought, we shall reveal the fundamental intellectual influences which governed the drafting of Democracy in America. Indeed, we shall restore the intertextual space between Tocqueville and François Guizot. This space reveals the certain influence of Guizot on Tocqueville, but also reveals his emphasis on a practice of political freedom.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:25:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Carlos Evangelista de Araujo.pdf: 3456009 bytes, checksum: c78566a8c04d4f84dfd746fe8165a7ee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-06-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The modern national State had its conditional evolution for the peculiar development of the productive forces and the social relations of production globally articulated in the scope of a world-wide market in continuous expansion. In the condition of super structural element its legal evolution and politics knew multiple faces (national-absolutist State; liberalindividualist; liberal-democratic; social; bureaucratic; social of right; neoliberal) corresponding to the necessary adaptations of the institutional plan to the deriving demands of the economic infrastructure in permanent transmutation. Evolution that forced a gradual magnifying of the process of democratization of the institutions and claims of equality nature as estimated of its legitimation politics. The Democratic Social State of Right that emerged 2a. after World-wide War was what better it conciliated economic development with legitimation social politics and - of that the jurisdictional and doctrinal experience of the German Constitution of Bonn (1949) and of the Portuguese Constitution of 1976 was expression decurrent that they had influenced the Letter of 1988. This, in spite of the structural limitations that condition the politically emancipatories forms legal and in a country of the periphery in the way of capitalist production, propitiated advances notables to the segments most fragile of the national society. These advances had elapsed of the entailing of being able them state to the public politics guided for the reduction of all the inequality forms - leading constitutionalism . Practical equalities, as manifestation of a justice politics by means of which if it inhales to legitimize one given conception of stability, had been a constant since the formation of polishes Greek. In the seminal thought of Plato and Aristotle some parameters meet general of what we characterize as a normative theory of justice (politics) as equality . Such elements emerge with great force in the bulge modern jusphilosophic thought, in special next to the contractualist tradition - epistemic center of what it became known for constitutionalism . In it, presence of the principle of the equality is identified to it as one of the nuclear elements of the modern dogmatic of the basic rights, in the contribution of authors as Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau and Kant. To hard the critical one raised against certain aspects of its formularizations for the marxist tradition, a vigorous one retaken of this tradition in the second half of century XX for John Rawls was followed. Its theory of justice as equity, retakes in a superior level of consideration the formularizations of the classic contractualists, supplying to supplemental elements the understanding and recital of new modalities of state intervention, in the form of public politics frequently called by affirmative actions . These if had revealed of more incisive form in the interior of the North American society, as unfolding of the ample movement for the defense of the civil laws and the recognition for practical the Judiciary Power of the unconstitutionality of institutional of segregationist character. But the equal protection of law left clear its insufficience in relation to the correction of practical decurrent distortions of past, demanding equality through the law . It was transited of the formal equality (isonomy) for substantial the material equality (equality of chances). The Constitution of 1988 received the principle of the equality in its double meaning, and by means of it authorizes and it requires the promotion of based public politics in affirmative actions. Admitted its constitutionality in general , it is argued delimitation of its reach and the legal-normative parameters for its judicial appreciation and the recital and inter subjective verification of the mechanisms adjusted for its control - in the scope of the substantial principle of due process of law and under the perspective of specific normative structures, called here for normative postulates of application / O Estado nacional moderno teve a sua evolução condicionada pelo desenvolvimento peculiar das forças produtivas e das relações sociais de produção globalmente articuladas no âmbito de um mercado mundial em contínua expansão. Na condição de elemento superestrutural a sua evolução jurídica e política conheceu múltiplas faces (Estado nacional-absolutista; liberal-individualista; liberal-democrático; social; burocrático; social de direito; neoliberal) correspondentes às adaptações necessárias do plano institucional às demandas oriundas da infraestrutura econômica em permanente transmutação. Evolução que forçou uma ampliação progressiva do processo de democratização das instituições e de reivindicações de natureza igualitária como pressuposto de sua legitimação política. O Estado Democrático Social de Direito que emergiu após a 2a. Guerra Mundial foi o que melhor conciliou desenvolvimento econômico com legitimação política e social de que foi expressão a experiência jurisdicional e doutrinária decorrente da Constituição alemã de Bonn (1949) e da Constituição portuguesa de 1976 que influenciaram a Carta de 1988. Esta, não obstante as limitações estruturais que condicionam as formas jurídica e politicamente emancipatórias em um país da periferia do modo de produção capitalista, propiciou avanços notáveis aos segmentos mais frágeis da sociedade nacional. Estes avanços decorreram da vinculação dos poderes estatais às políticas públicas orientadas para a redução de todas as formas de desigualdade - constitucionalismo dirigente . Práticas igualitárias, como manifestação de uma justiça política por meio da qual se aspira legitimar uma dada concepção de estatalidade, foram uma constante desde a formação da polis grega. No pensamento seminal de Platão e Aristóteles encontram-se alguns parâmetros gerais do que caracterizamos como uma teoria normativa da justiça (política) como igualdade . Tais elementos emergem com grande força no bojo pensamento jusfilosófico moderno, em especial junto à tradição contratualista centro epistêmico daquilo que se tornou conhecido por constitucionalismo . Nele, identifica-se a presença do princípio da igualdade como um dos elementos nucleares da dogmática moderna dos direitos fundamentais, na contribuição de autores como Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau e Kant. À dura crítica levantada contra certos aspectos de suas formulações pela tradição marxista, seguiuse uma vigorosa retomada dessa tradição na segunda metade do século XX por John Rawls. Sua teoria da justiça como equidade, retoma em um nível superior de consideração as formulações dos contratualistas clássicos, fornecendo elementos suplementares para a compreensão e fundamentação de novas modalidades de intervenção estatal, na forma de políticas públicas comumente denominadas por ações afirmativas . Estas se manifestaram de forma mais incisiva no interior da sociedade norte-americana, como desdobramento do amplo movimento pela defesa dos direitos civis e do reconhecimento pelo Poder Judiciário da inconstitucionalidade de práticas institucionais de caráter segregacionista. Mas a igualdade perante a lei deixou patente sua insuficiência em relação à correção de distorções decorrentes de práticas pretéritas, demandando igualdade através da lei . Transitou-se da igualdade formal (isonomia) para a igualdade material/substancial (igualdade de oportunidades). A Constituição de 1988 recepcionou o princípio da igualdade na sua dupla acepção, e por meio dele autoriza e requer a promoção de políticas públicas baseadas em ações afirmativas. Admitida a sua constitucionalidade em geral , discute-se a delimitação do seu alcance e dos parâmetros jurídico-normativos para a sua apreciação judicial e para a fundamentação e verificação intersubjetiva dos mecanismos adequados para o seu controle - no âmbito do princípio substancial do devido processo legal e sob a perspectiva de estruturas normativas específicas, aqui denominadas por postulados normativos de aplicação

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:27:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marily Diniz do Amaral Chaves.pdf: 843520 bytes, checksum: 04846d2043e489690d779db526550596 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-05-18 / This dissertation aims to outline the constitutional system of supplementary health. To achieve this, we approach the social right to health in the context of the Social State, in a perspective of evolution of the fundamental rights. Health services and actions, despite being an obligation of the State, have been granted to private initiative, which participates either complementing SUS (the Brazilian Public Health System), or by means of profit obtention. In light of this, it was necessary to solve the collision between the principles of Social State and free enterprise, by means of the consideration guided by the principle of dignity of the human person. This is the reason why we examined the efficacy of this principle in relation to the right to health, both in the scope of the Public Sector and regarding supplementary health. Having analyzed public and private health systems, and observing the efficacy of fundamental rights and the binding of the Public Power and also of private initiative to those rights, we outlined, in this dissertation, the juridical system of supplementary health / Esta tese propõe-se a delinear o regime constitucional da saúde suplementar. Para tanto, abordamos o direito social à saúde no contexto do Estado Social, em uma perspectiva de evolução dos direitos fundamentais. As ações e serviços de saúde, embora sejam obrigação do Estado, foram deferidas à iniciativa privada, que participa tanto de forma complementar ao SUS, quanto mediante a obtenção de lucro. Diante dessa constatação, fez-se necessário dirimir a colisão entre o princípio do Estado Social e o da livre iniciativa, por meio da ponderação norteada pelo princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana, motivo pelo qual foi examinada a eficácia desse princípio em relação ao direito à saúde, tanto no âmbito do Setor Público como no tocante à saúde suplementar. Tendo analisado os sistemas de saúde públicos e privados e atentando para a eficácia dos direitos fundamentais e para a vinculação tanto do Poder Público como dos particulares a tais direitos, delineamos o regime jurídico da saúde suplementar

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Alexis de Tocqueville est un auteur canonique du libéralisme. Son inscription au sein du libéralisme s’opère fréquemment par une accentuation unilatérale de sa défense de la liberté individuelle. Certes, Tocqueville défend la liberté individuelle, elle prend une place décisive dans son œuvre où l’objectif théorique proposé révèle sa volonté d’élever l’individu à côté de la société et de l’État. Mais cette défense est constamment pensée chez Tocqueville en interrogeant ses conditions de possibilité qui sont indissociables d’une culture politique où la participation politique est une dimension essentielle. Une participation politique qui fonde des habitudes collectives, une culture civique, assurant ainsi la pérennité des institutions démocratiques libérales. En ce sens, il est évident que le libéralisme de Tocqueville est déterminé par un cadre plus large que la seule défense de la liberté individuelle. Afin qu’elle s’épanouisse pleinement et véritablement, il y a une priorité absolue d’une pratique continue de la liberté, la liberté politique qui actualise sans repos les conditions de possibilité de la liberté individuelle. Cette pratique de la liberté politique contribue à la formation des «mœurs libres», ces habitudes collectives qui organisent une culture civique particulière, mœurs indispensables au maintien des sociétés libres. Nous identifierons donc Tocqueville à un libéralisme des mœurs. Afin de saisir adéquatement la réelle portée de la pensée tocquevillienne, nous dévoilerons les influences intellectuelles fondamentales qui ont présidé à l’élaboration de La Démocratie en Amérique. De fait, nous restituerons l’espace intertextuel entre Tocqueville et François Guizot. Cet espace révèle l’influence certaine de Guizot sur Tocqueville, mais il rend également saillante son insistance sur une pratique de la liberté politique. / Alexis de Tocqueville is a canonical author of liberalism. His inscription within liberalism often commented as a unilateral emphasis of the defence of individual freedom. Certainly, Tocqueville defends individual freedom and it is a decisive part of his work where his proposed theoretical objective reveals his will to elevate the individual to the level of society and the State. But this defence is always thought of by Tocqueville in his questioning of the conditions of possibility of freedom which are inseparable of a political culture where political participation is an essential dimension. A political participation which melts collective habits, civic culture, thus insuring the permanence of its liberal democratic institutions. It appears that the liberalism of Tocqueville is determined by a broader frame than the only defence of individual freedom. For a real individual freedom that flourishes entirely, there is the absolute preference for a continuous practice of freedom, political freedom which constantly updates the conditions of possibility of individual freedom. This practice of political freedom contributes to the development of « free manners », these collective habits which organize a particular civic culture, manners necessary to the assertion of the free societies. We shall identify Tocqueville with a liberalism of manners. To properly grasp the true range of the tocquevillian thought, we shall reveal the fundamental intellectual influences which governed the drafting of Democracy in America. Indeed, we shall restore the intertextual space between Tocqueville and François Guizot. This space reveals the certain influence of Guizot on Tocqueville, but also reveals his emphasis on a practice of political freedom.

Au Brésil, les mouvements antiautoritaires engagés notamment dans de la réforme psychiatrique participent de la création de dispositifs de participation sociale parmi les plus innovants qu’on puisse trouver sur le plan de la démocratisation. La présente recherche avait d’abord pour objectif de comprendre comment de ces dispositifs agissent sur les rapports sociaux de pouvoir traversant le réseau de santé mentale de la ville de Campinas dans l’État de São Paulo. Nous problématisons les forces sociales et économiques qui participent de la construction de ce réseau et de son « système d’analyse et de cogestion » ; une organisation participative impliquant côte à côte des destinataires, des travailleurs, des gestionnaires et parfois des élus locaux. En survolant les différents courants de la sociologie des organisations, nous découvrons le rôle central de la prise en compte du destinataire de services pour l’étude de la dimension sociopolitique de l’organisation. Il ne s’agit pas d’étudier les rapports sociaux de pouvoir sous l’angle des dispositifs participatifs, mais bien à partir des expériences vécues et de la production collective de subjectivation politique. À partir de données recueillies lors d’une ethnographie de huit mois auprès du réseau de santé mentale de Campinas, nous observons en quoi la transformation des rapports sociaux de pouvoir vécue subjectivement par les acteurs renvoie à des configurations collectives spécifiques communément nommées rodas (cercle en portugais). Cette notion fait référence aux situations au cours desquelles un petit groupe d’acteurs se réunit pour réfléchir, débattre et décider d’actions à mener en rapport à la santé mentale dans la ville. Ces configurations collectives permettent aux citoyens de donner sens et forme à un projet local de démocratisation. L’étude se consacre alors à comprendre comment les rodas agissent sur les rapports sociaux de pouvoir induits par l’organisation participative locale. En 2012, le réseau de santé mentale de Campinas traverse une des plus importantes crises de son histoire. Des coupures et la privatisation de services ont mené à une vaste mobilisation citoyenne. Dans ce contexte, nous identifions les points de tensions et d’agencements entre les rodas et les dispositifs participatifs du réseau en portant attention aux expériences quotidiennes. L’analyse des rodas ouvre de nouvelles pistes de compréhension des dynamiques de pouvoir collectif en contexte organisationnel. Par le partage de temps dans une pluralité d’espaces ouverts, par le partage d’affects ainsi que par la problématisation collective d’évènements critiques affectant le quotidien, les rodas agissent sur la hiérarchisation de manière à la réduire. Cet effort collectif de démocratisation sans cesse renouvelé ne permet toutefois pas de venir à bout des inégalités de pouvoir induites par l’organisation des services et par la société brésilienne. Comme pratique citoyenne, les rodas constituent néanmoins des leviers collectifs pour dénoncer des contradictions et des injustices sociales au sein et en dehors de l’organisation participative. Elles relèvent la possibilité d’une critique collective continue ouverte à la créativité sociale. Cette recherche ouvre un nouveau champ d’études sur les innovations citoyennes en contexte d’organisation participative; un champ d’autant plus prometteur qu’il s’inscrit dans un renouvellement critique de la sociologie des organisations. / In Brazil, anti-authoritarian movements, particularly those engaged in psychiatric reform, are creating some of the newest innovative democratic forms of social participation. The aim of this research is first to understand how these new participatory schema act on the social relations of power across the mental health network in the city of Campinas in the State of São Paulo. I first problematize the social and economic forces involved in the construction of this network and its "system of analysis and co-management". This participatory model of organization requires users, workers, managers and sometimes local elected officials work side by side. Across the different streams of organizational sociology, the user is seen to play a central role in defining the socio-political dimension of the organization. However this is not achieved through participatory schema rather the user arises from the production of political subjectivation and the actual experiments themselves. Using ethnographic data collected during an eight-month period from across the Campinas mental health network, I observe how the transformation of the subjective social relations of power experienced by the actors refers to specific collective configurations commonly known as "rodas" (Circle in Portuguese). The term “rodas” refers to small groups of actors who meet to reflect, debate and decide on actions to be taken in relation to mental health practices in the city. These collective configurations allow citizens to give meaning and form to a local democratization project. The study then focuses on how the rodas influence the social relations of power induced by the local organization. In 2012, the Campinas mental health network went through one of the biggest crises in its history. Cuts and the privatization of services led to widespread citizen mobilization. In this context, I identify tensions and strategies within the rodas and their means for participation across the network paying attention to their everyday experiences. The analysis of rodas opens up new avenues of understanding the levers of collective power in an organizational context. Through the sharing of time in a plurality of open spaces, through sharing affect as well as through collective problem-solving of critical events impacting affecting daily life, the rodas act to reduce organisational e hierarchy. This collective effort of constantly renew democratization does not however make it possible to overcome the inequalities of power induced by the organization of services and by Brazilian society. As a form of citizen participatory practice, rodas nevertheless provide collective levers that denounce contradictions and social injustices within and outside the organization. Their practices highlight the possibility of a continuous collective criticism open to social creativity. This research opens a new field of study on citizen participation and innovation in the context of the organization; a field that is all the more promising because it is part of a critical renewal of the sociology of organizations.

From a jurisprudential analysis of several judgments of the Constitutional Court, the author tries to show a new perspective based on a dynamic vision of a Social State and Constitutional Law, which ones require a fundamental presence of judges in the deliberation of court cases related to the prohibition on collective bargaining in the case of public employment, in order to show the scope of axiological protection that labor law should take in situations such as public employment and lack of funds in order to achieve equality between public and private employment , thus avoiding overt discrimination. / A partir de un análisis jurisprudencial de diversas sentencias del Tribunal Constitucional, el autor intenta presentar una perspectiva basada en el cambio de visión de un Estado Social y Constitucional de Derecho que exige una presencia fundamental de los jueces en la deliberación de los casos referentes a la prohibición de la negociación colectiva en el caso del empleo público, para con ello demostrar el ámbito de protección axiológica que debe asumir el derecho laboral frente a situaciones como el empleo público y la falta de presupuesto para lograr una igualdad entre los empleos públicos y privados, evitando así, una discriminación manifiesta.