Este estudo analisa a intervenção do Estado sobre e na indústria do petróleo em uma perspectiva histórica e argumenta que as recentes reformas do setor expressam um novo padrão de intervencionismo estatal o neodesenvolvimentismo. A intervenção sobre essas atividades econômicas é modalidade de intervenção indireta que se expressa no monopólio público do art. 177 da CF/88 e nas regras infraconstitucionais para o setor. Por sua vez, a intervenção na própria atividade econômica, ou direta, é instrumentalizada principalmente por meio de empresas estatais. A Lei n° 2.004/53 é marco do Estado desenvolvimentista brasileiro e instituiu monopólio legal em regime de exclusividade pela Petrobras. No modelo de Estado regulador da década de 1990, reformas jurídicas permitiram a contratação de empresas privadas para exercício do monopólio estatal que, no entanto, permanece intacto como poder de escolha. As recentes descobertas do Pré-sal revolucionaram o horizonte do setor no Brasil e resultaram na edição de novo marco legal composto pelas Leis n° 12.351/10, Lei n°12.304/10 e Lei n° 12.276/10. Sem prejuízo do contrato de concessão da Lei n° 9.478/97, esse novo marco estabeleceu contrato de partilha de produção, nova empresa estatal (PPSA) e reforçou o papel atribuído à Petrobras no setor. O novo arcabouço é representativo do Estado neodesenvolvimentista. As rendas petrolíferas podem ser maldição ou bênção, a depender da política econômica adotada. / This dissertation analyses the modalities of State intervention in the Brazilian oil industry in a historical perspective to sustain that a new pattern of State intervention takes place Neodevelopmentalism. Indirect interventionism is a byproduct of the public monopoly of Article 177 of the Federal Constitution and of applicable legal regulation. Direct Interventionism is pursued mainly through state enterprises. Law No. 2.004/53 is representative of the Brazilian Developmental State and creates an exclusive monopoly for Petrobras. In the context of the Regulatory State of the 90s legal reforms opened the sector to the private initiative, without revoking the monopoly that still remains as a comprehensive power to regulate activities related to the oil industry. Recent discoveries in the Pré-Sal layer revolutionized Brazilian oil production horizon and resulted in the enactment of a new legal framework: Law No. 12.351/10, Law No. 12.304/10 and Law No. 12.276/10. In addition to the concession agreement of Law No. 9.478/97, this new framework regulates the execution of production sharing agreements, the creation of another state enterprise (PPSA) and provides new powers to Petrobras. This new framework is representative of the Neodevelopmental State. Oil revenues can be a blessing or a curse, depending on the economic policies that are adopted.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RENATA DE ALMEIDA MONTEIRO.pdf: 954145 bytes, checksum: 15894afbe82cfc37a26880795306e8cc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-17 / This research discusses the possibility of applying taxes geared to the achievement of sustainable development in the Brazilian legal system. The problem approach focuses on analyzing the Constitution, ensuring sustainable development and the mechanisms for its promotion. It adopts the method of hypothetical-deductive approach to the analysis of the literature of sociology, economics and law. Examines the international history about the origin and growth of the concept of sustainable development and, in parallel, as the theme gained space in our legal system. It is argued that the Constitution authorizes State intervention in economic activity to ensure the protection of the balanced environment and the Environmental Taxation is a means of promoting this intervention. To this end, concentrates the conception on authoritative theory by Edgar Morin (2007) and defended by Enrique Leff (2012), focused on the complexity and transdisciplinarity. / A presente pesquisa aborda a possibilidade de aplicação de tributos orientados ao atingimento do desenvolvimento sustentável no ordenamento brasileiro. Centra-se a problemática em abordar, através da análise da Constituição, a garantia do desenvolvimento sustentável e os mecanismos para sua promoção. Adota o método de abordagem hipotético-dedutivo, com a análise de bibliografia da Sociologia, Economia e Direito. Analisa o histórico internacional em torno da origem e crescimento do conceito de desenvolvimento sustentável e, paralelamente, como o tema ganhou espaço no nosso ordenamento jurídico. Argumenta-se que a Constituição autoriza a intervenção do Estado na atividade econômica para assegurar a proteção do meio ambiente equilibrado e que a Tributação Ambiental é um meio de se promover essa intervenção. Para tal, centrará a concepção em teoria abalizada por Edgar Morin (2007) e defendida por Enrique Leff (2012), com foco na complexidade e na transdisciplinaridade.

O presente trabalho se insere dentro de um conjunto de produção científica motivado pela implementação da política de cotas nas universidades federais. Foi quando a Universidade de Brasília (UnB) criou o ingresso por reserva de vagas para estudantes de escola pública, com subcota para autodeclarados negros, que as discussões sobre ações afirmativas mobilizaram o debate público, a grande imprensa, o movimento negro e os gestores públicos. Retornos educacionais, os significados econômicos da política de cotas, bem como os efeitos produzidos pelo aumento da escolaridade formal dos cotistas negros diplomados, constituíram-se em elementos centrais do estudo proposto. O estudo procurou resgatar o contexto histórico em que emergiram essas políticas, identificando as justificativas, os objetivos e alguns dos impactos produzidos na direção de promover igualdade de oportunidades às pessoas vitimadas por processos de exclusão social, baseado em preconceitos e discriminações. Foram resgatadas as circunstâncias em que essas políticas foram implantadas na Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) e no Brasil, identificando o significado do debate que nutriu os argumentos dos segmentos contrários e a favor de políticas específicas para a promoção da equidade racial. O papel do Estado, enquanto regulador e responsável pelas políticas que enfrentam os conflitos e as desigualdades raciais, mereceram destaque especial, haja visto, serem as políticas de cotas uma agenda prioritária para o movimento social negro. / The present work is part of a set of scientific production motivated by the implementation of quota policy in federal universities. It was when UNB created an entry system for students from public school with partially didicated access for selfdeclared blacks that the affirmative actions mobilized public debate, the major press, the black movement, and public managers.Educational returns, the economic meanings of the quota policy, as well as the effects produced by the increasing of formal education for the black graduates, were central elements of the proposed study.The study sought to recover the historical context, identifying the justifications, the objectives and some of the impacts produced in order to attain equal opportunities for those who are victims of social exclusion processes, based on prejudices and discrimination. The circumstances where policies were implemented in UFRGS and in Brazil were rescued in order to identify the meaning of the debate that nurtured the arguments of opposing segments, pros and cons, of specific policies for a promotion of racial equity. The role of the state, as a regulator and policy maker facing racial conflicts and inequalities, has been especially highlighted, considering that quota policies a priority agenda for the black social movement.

A família é a base da sociedade, conforme expressa disposição contida na Constituição Federal de 1988, que lhe assegura especial proteção do Estado. É o núcleo familiar a menor e mais íntima célula social, mas também o mais importante agrupamento de pessoas que têm entre si uma profunda relação afetiva e de solidariedade. Tão importantes são os laços de afetividade que unem os familiares que a lei lhes atribui valor e eficácia jurídica. Dentro do núcleo familiar, as crianças e adolescentes que contam com menos de 18 anos de idade, são consideradas mais vulneráveis e, por tal motivo, recebem proteção especial, ainda mais específica do Estado. A Constituição Federal lhes assegura vários direitos e garantias fundamentais, confirmados e reiterados no Código Civil, no Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente e, até mesmo em leis infraconstitucionais esparsas. É dever da família, da sociedade e do Estado assegurar à criança e ao adolescente, com absoluta prioridade os direitos fundamentais estabelecidos na Constituição Federal. O Estado, por sua vez, diante da importância que os menores têm dentro da família e para nossa sociedade, impõe aos pais a autoridade familiar, delegando a eles a enorme responsabilidade de dirigir a criação e educação dos filhos, entre outras funções tão igualmente importantes. Entretanto, ao mesmo tempo que atribui a função da autoridade familiar aos pais, o Estado também lhes retira a liberdade de exercer tal autoridade com autonomia. A intervenção estatal no exercício da autoridade familiar é, por certo, legítima e devida, tendo em vista a segurança e o bem estar das crianças e dos adolescentes. Os abusos na direção da criação e educação dos filhos podem e devem ser coibidos pelo poder estatal, a quem incumbe cuidar da segurança de todos os indivíduos. A excessiva intervenção estatal, porém, é ilegítima, podendo gerar consequências desastrosas nas relações familiares e na criação dos filhos. Ao esvaziar a autoridade familiar o Estado torna mais difícil ainda a função de disciplinar e exigir obediência dos filhos. O Estado deve ser atuante e efetivamente intervir no exercício da autoridade familiar da maneira como faz atualmente, apenas para fiscalizar e coibir eventuais abusos, mas não deve retirar a autoridade dos pais, sob pena de não conseguir conter os abusos eventualmente cometidos pelos próprios menores, demasiadamente protegidos. O Projeto de lei n° 7672/2010, em trâmite na Câmara dos Deputados, que pretende alterar o Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente, para coibir a aplicação de castigos corporais ou de tratamento cruel ou degradante pelos pais na criação e educação dos filhos, conhecido como Lei da Palmada, é um exemplo da intervenção indevida do Estado nas relações familiares. A obrigatoriedade de matricular os filhos no ensino fundamental, submetendo-os à educação formal, impedindo que os próprios pais ofereçam a educação doméstica também é outro exemplo de intervenção estatal indevida. Deve-se buscar um equilíbrio para que os pais possam livremente criar e educar seus filhos sem abusos e que o Estado possa fiscalizar o exercício da função a eles atribuída, sem intervir diretamente na autoridade familiar. / Society is founded on families. In an explicit provision of the 1988 Constitution, the law ensures that the State safeguards families. While a family may be characterized as the smallest and most intimate social cell, it is also the most important gathering of people, sharing a deep and emotional relationship, as well as solidarity. These ties of affection that bond families together are so important that the law grants them value and legal efficacy. Within the family, children and adolescents who are under 18 years old are considered to be the most vulnerable and, therefore, receive special protection, secured by specific rules. The Federal Constitution thus ensures that various fundamental rights and guarantees are provided to them, something that is reaffirmed in the Civil Code, in the Statute of Children and Adolescents, and even in sparse legislation. It is the duty of the family, the society and the State to make sure that children and adolescents come first when it comes to the fundamental rights established in the Constitution. Taking into account the importance that children have within the family and within society, the State delegates \"family authority\" to parents, the enormous responsibility to guide the upbringing and education of children, among other functions as equally important. However, while assigning such role to parents, the State also withdraws them the freedom to exercise this authority with complete autonomy. Aiming at guaranteeing the safety and welfare of children and adolescents, government intervention in the exercise of family authority is thus legitimate and appropriate. Abuses carried out by parents while raising and educating their children can and should be restrained by the State, who is ultimately responsible for caring for the safety of all individuals. Excessive state intervention, however, is illegitimate, and can generate disastrous consequences for family relationships and parenting. When the government empties family authority, it may turn the task of disciplining children into something more difficult than it already is. It is our belief that the State must actively intervene in the exercise of family authority, monitoring and curbing abuses, but it must do so in a way that does not withdraw the authority of parents, or it will fail to control abuses eventually committed by children and adolescents themselves, overly protected. Draft Law No. 7672/2010, currently awaiting approval from the House of Representatives, seeks to amend the Statute of Children and Adolescents. If passed, the Statute would forbid parents to use any kind of punishment that may be deemed cruel or degrading treatment, while upbringing and educating their children. Widely known as the \"Spanking Statute\", this is a clear example of undue state intervention in family relationships. Another provision that we question here is the obligation to enroll children in elementary school, subjecting them to formal education, and preventing home schooling. We must seek balance so that parents may freely raise and educate their children. And while the State must be allowed to scrutinize the proper exercise of parenting, it must not do so in a way that directly affects and undermines family authority.

India's meteoric economic growth rate has been a subject of much discussion since the country began its economic liberalization in the early 1990s. The software segment, in particular, is growing at a rate of 48.5 percent. The conventional wisdom argues that market forces have driven India's software's success, and more broadly, information technology. This thesis marshals evidence for the role of the state in interaction with the software sector. More specifically, by discussing India's broad-scale import substitution industrialization efforts from the 1950s to 1991 and its transition to a more open economic structure, as well as more industry specific policies within a theoretical context, this work attempts to identify the key driving forces and impact of government policy. Most works that have attempted to assess such state efforts have done so in a casual fashion, without linking the actions to carefully specified rationales for state intervention. This thesis specifies four plausible rationales for government intervention: market failures, government goals in promoting a domestic industry for national security and the state role in international negotiations that might affect specific sectors, intervention driven by rent seeking behavior on the part of private-sector actors, and state intervention to address previous government policies in a particular market that may be seen as being inadequate or failures. It then empirically assesses the support for each of these claims in light of the evolution of the Indian software industry since its inception. In so doing, this work allows one to gauge the significant contributions of the state within a clear context of possible state roles. It also helps in understanding the software industry’s current challenges, and possible future role of the state in the industry.

Under capitalist mode of production urban processes gain specific features and meanings. Fundamental is the relationship between processes of capital accumulation and the production of built environment. In this context, the capital switching theory claims that as profit levels are lowered, the probability that higher levels of capital tending to enter the property sector increases. In the first stage of a two-staged research, a macro-analysis on construction activities in Turkey limited to post-1980 period indicates that there no counter-cyclical relationship prevails between productive sectors of the economy and construction activities. It is observed that the state intervention and its supportive policies regarding the production of built environment are the dominant determinants in the Turkish case. Based on these findings, a second focus was on the relationships between the state and capital engaged in the production of urban built environment. Various forms of state intervention, mostly as examples of deregulation and liberalization of planning controls and urban development legislation are identified at this stage. The major findings lead to the conclusion that urban processes are open to the profit-oriented and speculative efforts of political actors as well as the economic actors. Hence the necessity of development of counter-strategies and policies as parts of planning and urban development system verified.

Οποιαδήποτε ιδεολογία και να εξυπηρετεί η πολιτική εξουσία σε μια χώρα, η διεθνής εμπειρία έχει δείξει ότι υφίσταται πάντα ένας βαθμός κυβερνητικής παρέμβασης στον τουρισμό. Ο τουρισμός καθώς συγκεντρώνεται στον χώρο και τον χρόνο, ως μια ιδιαίτερα διαμορφούμενη ιδιωτική κατανάλωση με τα συνακόλουθα προβλήματα παραγωγής και διάθεσης που διαχέονται στο σύνολο της οικονομίας και της κοινωνίας, απαιτεί την ρυθμιστική παρέμβαση του κράτους. Επομένως, το ζήτημα που τίθεται δεν είναι εάν το κράτος θα πρέπει να έχει ένα παρεμβατικό ρόλο στην ανάπτυξη του τουρισμού, αλλά ποιος να είναι ο ρόλος αυτός, πράγμα που άμεσα συναρτάται από το ποιο σκοπό θα εξυπηρετεί και ποιους στόχους θα έχει. Γενικά, οι βασικοί τομείς παρέμβασης που η διεθνής εμπειρία έχει καταγράψει είναι: ο σχεδιασμός, η προστασία, η ρύθμιση, ο συντονισμός καθώς και η στήριξη και η γενικότερη πολιτική σχηματισμού τουριστικού κεφαλαίου. Ο βαθμός έντασης των ως άνω τομέων παρέμβασης του κράτους στον τουρισμό δεν είναι προδιαγεγραμμένος, ούτε σταθερός, μεταβάλλεται διαχρονικά σε συνάρτηση με το βαθμό επίτευξης του σκοπού και των στόχων που η τουριστική πολιτική έχει θέσει. Μετά τον Δεύτερο Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο η διεθνής εμπειρία της τουριστικής πολικής σε διάφορες χώρες δείχνει ότι, οι περισσότερες κυβερνήσεις, στο πλαίσιο του σχεδίου εθνικής οικονομικής ανάπτυξης, αναλαμβάνουν να πραγματοποιήσουν, ακόμη και να λειτουργήσουν άμεσα τις αναγκαίες για την τουριστική ανάπτυξη επενδύσεις υποδομής και ανωδομής. Κλασσική περίπτωση, αυτής της συνθετικής κρατικής παρέμβασης αποτελεί η τουριστική ανάπτυξη στην Ελλάδα. Οι φάσεις αυτής της πολιτικής από το 1951, έτος επανίδρυσης του ΕΟΤ και συγκρότησης της εθνικής τουριστικής πολιτικής με άκρως παρεμβατική λειτουργία στον τουρισμό, έως την πρώτη πενταετία του 2000, περίοδο εμφανούς απορρύθμισης των λειτουργιών του κράτους τόσο γενικότερα όσο και στον τουρισμό, διαμορφώνουν το χρονικό πλαίσιο της εξέλιξης του ελληνικού τουρισμού. Στην ιστορική αυτή περίοδο η λειτουργία του ελληνικού κράτους στον τουρισμό έλαβε όλες τις διεθνώς γνωστές μορφές παρέμβασης ανεξαρτήτως της επιτυχούς ή όχι έκβασής των. Χαρακτηριστικές περιπτώσεις της ως άνω παρεμβατικής λειτουργίας του κράτους στην χωρική ανάπτυξη του ελληνικού τουρισμού είναι εν παραδείγματι: α. το Πρόγραμμα Δημοσίων Επενδύσεων και β. η ακολουθείσασα Πιστωτική Πολιτική. / International experience has indicated that up to an extent tourism has always been subject to government intervention regardless the ideology served by a country's political authority. While tourism focuses on space and time as a particular form of a changing private consumption with the subsequent problems of production and distribution which diffuse economy and society as a whole, it requires the regulatory state intervention. Therefore the issue raised is not whether the state should have an intervening role in the development of tourism but what kind of role it is going to have-something which is linked directly to which goal it will serve and which objectives it will have. In general the main areas of intervention which international experience has recorded are: planning, conservation, legislation and regulation, coordination as well as the support of and stimulation and, the wider policy of tourism capital formation. The extent to which the above areas of state intervention influence tourism is neither pre-determined nor stable but it changes through time depending on the extent to which the goal and the objectives placed by the tourism policy are achieved. After World War II international experience of tourism policy in different countries has indicated that most governments - in the context of national economic development plans - have engaged in either realizing or even operating directly the necessary investment for tourism development. Tourism development in Greece provides a typical example of this complex state intervention. The phases of this policy starting from 1951 - the year of re-establishing Greek National Tourism Organization (GNTO) and of formulating the national tourism policy with a completely intervening operation in tourism - up to the first five years of 2000, a period of obvious disorganization of the state's operations both in tourism and in general, shape the time context of the evolution of Greek tourism. In this historical period the operation of the Greek state in tourism has adopted all the internationally known intervention forms regardless their successful or unsuccessful outcome. Typical cases of the intervening role of the state in the spatial development of Greek tourism are for example the following: a. the Plan of Public Investments and b. the Credit Policy followed.

O presente trabalho se insere dentro de um conjunto de produção científica motivado pela implementação da política de cotas nas universidades federais. Foi quando a Universidade de Brasília (UnB) criou o ingresso por reserva de vagas para estudantes de escola pública, com subcota para autodeclarados negros, que as discussões sobre ações afirmativas mobilizaram o debate público, a grande imprensa, o movimento negro e os gestores públicos. Retornos educacionais, os significados econômicos da política de cotas, bem como os efeitos produzidos pelo aumento da escolaridade formal dos cotistas negros diplomados, constituíram-se em elementos centrais do estudo proposto. O estudo procurou resgatar o contexto histórico em que emergiram essas políticas, identificando as justificativas, os objetivos e alguns dos impactos produzidos na direção de promover igualdade de oportunidades às pessoas vitimadas por processos de exclusão social, baseado em preconceitos e discriminações. Foram resgatadas as circunstâncias em que essas políticas foram implantadas na Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) e no Brasil, identificando o significado do debate que nutriu os argumentos dos segmentos contrários e a favor de políticas específicas para a promoção da equidade racial. O papel do Estado, enquanto regulador e responsável pelas políticas que enfrentam os conflitos e as desigualdades raciais, mereceram destaque especial, haja visto, serem as políticas de cotas uma agenda prioritária para o movimento social negro. / The present work is part of a set of scientific production motivated by the implementation of quota policy in federal universities. It was when UNB created an entry system for students from public school with partially didicated access for selfdeclared blacks that the affirmative actions mobilized public debate, the major press, the black movement, and public managers.Educational returns, the economic meanings of the quota policy, as well as the effects produced by the increasing of formal education for the black graduates, were central elements of the proposed study.The study sought to recover the historical context, identifying the justifications, the objectives and some of the impacts produced in order to attain equal opportunities for those who are victims of social exclusion processes, based on prejudices and discrimination. The circumstances where policies were implemented in UFRGS and in Brazil were rescued in order to identify the meaning of the debate that nurtured the arguments of opposing segments, pros and cons, of specific policies for a promotion of racial equity. The role of the state, as a regulator and policy maker facing racial conflicts and inequalities, has been especially highlighted, considering that quota policies a priority agenda for the black social movement.

A família é a base da sociedade, conforme expressa disposição contida na Constituição Federal de 1988, que lhe assegura especial proteção do Estado. É o núcleo familiar a menor e mais íntima célula social, mas também o mais importante agrupamento de pessoas que têm entre si uma profunda relação afetiva e de solidariedade. Tão importantes são os laços de afetividade que unem os familiares que a lei lhes atribui valor e eficácia jurídica. Dentro do núcleo familiar, as crianças e adolescentes que contam com menos de 18 anos de idade, são consideradas mais vulneráveis e, por tal motivo, recebem proteção especial, ainda mais específica do Estado. A Constituição Federal lhes assegura vários direitos e garantias fundamentais, confirmados e reiterados no Código Civil, no Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente e, até mesmo em leis infraconstitucionais esparsas. É dever da família, da sociedade e do Estado assegurar à criança e ao adolescente, com absoluta prioridade os direitos fundamentais estabelecidos na Constituição Federal. O Estado, por sua vez, diante da importância que os menores têm dentro da família e para nossa sociedade, impõe aos pais a autoridade familiar, delegando a eles a enorme responsabilidade de dirigir a criação e educação dos filhos, entre outras funções tão igualmente importantes. Entretanto, ao mesmo tempo que atribui a função da autoridade familiar aos pais, o Estado também lhes retira a liberdade de exercer tal autoridade com autonomia. A intervenção estatal no exercício da autoridade familiar é, por certo, legítima e devida, tendo em vista a segurança e o bem estar das crianças e dos adolescentes. Os abusos na direção da criação e educação dos filhos podem e devem ser coibidos pelo poder estatal, a quem incumbe cuidar da segurança de todos os indivíduos. A excessiva intervenção estatal, porém, é ilegítima, podendo gerar consequências desastrosas nas relações familiares e na criação dos filhos. Ao esvaziar a autoridade familiar o Estado torna mais difícil ainda a função de disciplinar e exigir obediência dos filhos. O Estado deve ser atuante e efetivamente intervir no exercício da autoridade familiar da maneira como faz atualmente, apenas para fiscalizar e coibir eventuais abusos, mas não deve retirar a autoridade dos pais, sob pena de não conseguir conter os abusos eventualmente cometidos pelos próprios menores, demasiadamente protegidos. O Projeto de lei n° 7672/2010, em trâmite na Câmara dos Deputados, que pretende alterar o Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente, para coibir a aplicação de castigos corporais ou de tratamento cruel ou degradante pelos pais na criação e educação dos filhos, conhecido como Lei da Palmada, é um exemplo da intervenção indevida do Estado nas relações familiares. A obrigatoriedade de matricular os filhos no ensino fundamental, submetendo-os à educação formal, impedindo que os próprios pais ofereçam a educação doméstica também é outro exemplo de intervenção estatal indevida. Deve-se buscar um equilíbrio para que os pais possam livremente criar e educar seus filhos sem abusos e que o Estado possa fiscalizar o exercício da função a eles atribuída, sem intervir diretamente na autoridade familiar. / Society is founded on families. In an explicit provision of the 1988 Constitution, the law ensures that the State safeguards families. While a family may be characterized as the smallest and most intimate social cell, it is also the most important gathering of people, sharing a deep and emotional relationship, as well as solidarity. These ties of affection that bond families together are so important that the law grants them value and legal efficacy. Within the family, children and adolescents who are under 18 years old are considered to be the most vulnerable and, therefore, receive special protection, secured by specific rules. The Federal Constitution thus ensures that various fundamental rights and guarantees are provided to them, something that is reaffirmed in the Civil Code, in the Statute of Children and Adolescents, and even in sparse legislation. It is the duty of the family, the society and the State to make sure that children and adolescents come first when it comes to the fundamental rights established in the Constitution. Taking into account the importance that children have within the family and within society, the State delegates \"family authority\" to parents, the enormous responsibility to guide the upbringing and education of children, among other functions as equally important. However, while assigning such role to parents, the State also withdraws them the freedom to exercise this authority with complete autonomy. Aiming at guaranteeing the safety and welfare of children and adolescents, government intervention in the exercise of family authority is thus legitimate and appropriate. Abuses carried out by parents while raising and educating their children can and should be restrained by the State, who is ultimately responsible for caring for the safety of all individuals. Excessive state intervention, however, is illegitimate, and can generate disastrous consequences for family relationships and parenting. When the government empties family authority, it may turn the task of disciplining children into something more difficult than it already is. It is our belief that the State must actively intervene in the exercise of family authority, monitoring and curbing abuses, but it must do so in a way that does not withdraw the authority of parents, or it will fail to control abuses eventually committed by children and adolescents themselves, overly protected. Draft Law No. 7672/2010, currently awaiting approval from the House of Representatives, seeks to amend the Statute of Children and Adolescents. If passed, the Statute would forbid parents to use any kind of punishment that may be deemed cruel or degrading treatment, while upbringing and educating their children. Widely known as the \"Spanking Statute\", this is a clear example of undue state intervention in family relationships. Another provision that we question here is the obligation to enroll children in elementary school, subjecting them to formal education, and preventing home schooling. We must seek balance so that parents may freely raise and educate their children. And while the State must be allowed to scrutinize the proper exercise of parenting, it must not do so in a way that directly affects and undermines family authority.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JulianaMRBS_DISSERT.pdf: 996388 bytes, checksum: 08c8d6c2ef785ce009a2019320a22cb6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-07-11 / Analysis of the elements of the Constitutional Order of the letter 1988 politics, with emphasis in the principles of this, a study on the intervention of the State in the private initiative by means of the Law of Recovery of Companies and Bankruptcies (law 11.101/05). New enterprise vision is admitted, over all in the interdependence between economic and social factors. Study on the globalization and the interdependence of economic and legal sciences in the construction of a legal optics in the search for the economic and social development, with the recognition of the interference of the Economy in the Right and its uneven importance. Still, we delineate the state intervention in the economic scope, of company and in the judicial recovery, as well as the consequences of such intervention in the involved credits in the judicial recovery and patrimony of the debtor in recovery. For such task, the elements of the Judicial Recovery, its principles and adequacy of these to the related ones in the chapter had been analyzed that turns on the national economic Order, describing the formal procedure for concession of the benefit of the Judicial Recovery and the principles in existing them. The forms of intervention of the State in the private economy were not disrespected, relating its direct and indirect performance as half of preservation of interests writings in the constitutional scope as public interest and preservation of the National economic Order. The regulating agencies as of direct state intervention were half not disrespected of the study for the relevance of the subject. It is revised national bibliography with incursions in French, Portuguese and North American comparative jurisprudence. One contributes in the aspect of the paper of the Judiciary Power in the protection of the companies in crisis and the social and economic impacts, over all in relation to the rights of the worked ones, credit and enterprise / An?lise dos elementos da Ordem Constitucional da carta pol?tica de 1988, com ?nfase nos princ?pios norteadores desta, em um estudo sobre a interven??o do Estado na iniciativa privada por meio da Lei de Recupera??o de Empresas e Fal?ncias (lei 11.101/05). Admite-se nova vis?o empresarial, sobretudo na interdepend?ncia entre fatores econ?micos e sociais. Estudo sobre a globaliza??o e a interdepend?ncia das ci?ncias econ?micas e jur?dicas na constru??o de uma ?tica jur?dica pautada na busca pelo desenvolvimento econ?mico e social, com o reconhecimento da interfer?ncia da Economia no Direito e sua import?ncia ?mpar. Ainda, delineamos a interven??o estatal no ?mbito econ?mico, de empresa e na recupera??o judicial, bem como os reflexos de tal interven??o nos cr?ditos envolvidos na recupera??o judicial e patrim?nio do devedor em recupera??o. Para tal tarefa, foram analisados os elementos da Recupera??o Judicial, seus princ?pios e adequa??o destes aos elencados no cap?tulo que versa sobre a Ordem econ?mica nacional, descrevendo o procedimento formal para concess?o do benef?cio da Recupera??o Judicial e os princ?pios neles existentes. As formas de interven??o do Estado na economia privada n?o foi desconsiderado, explicitando sua atua??o direta e indireta como meio de preserva??o de interesses insculpidos no ?mbito constitucional como interesse p?blico e preserva??o da Ordem econ?mica Nacional. As ag?ncias reguladoras como meio de interven??o estatal direta n?o foi desconsiderado do estudo pela relev?ncia do tema. Revisa-se a bibliografia nacional com incurs?es em direito comparado franc?s, portugu?s e norte-americano. Contribui-se no aspecto do papel do Poder Judici?rio na prote??o das empresas em crise e os impactos sociais e econ?micos, sobretudo em rela??o aos direitos do trabalhados, credit?cios e empresariais