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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
11

Sverigedemokraterna och främlingsfientlighet / Swedish Democrats and xenophobia

Andersson, Mikael January 2018 (has links)
This study aims to provide answers to whether the politics of the Swedish Democrats contains elements of xenophobia. The Swedish Democrats have become a major political party in Sweden. Today they are the Swedish parliament's third largest political party. Due to an ambition to grow as a party even more, the Swedish Democrats have a stated ambition of zero tolerance against racists. Nevertheless, the party has continued to build its policy on an immigration-critical agenda. Other parliamentary parties have so far not wanted to cooperate with the Swedish Democrats with reference to the party's xenophobic policy. However, if the Swedish Democrats continue to grow in size as a party, it will become increasingly difficult for other parties to continue ignoring the party's influence in the Swedish parliament. The study has consisted of rhetorical analysis of the Swedish Democrats party platforms from the party's formation until today. This analysis shows that the image the party gives of itself in the party platform has not changed significantly since the party was formed. However, the latest party platform of the Swedish Democrats includes more features of xenophobia than their first party program did. The policy of the Sweden Democrats thus still contains xenophobic elements.
12

"Ingen tror på Åkesson" : En jämförande studie om kvällspressens och public service rapportering om Sverigedemokraterna inför valet 2014 / "No one believes in Åkesson" : A comparative study on the evening press and the public service reporting on the Swedish Democrats before the 2014 election

Nordenhem, Susanna, Laurila, Malin January 2015 (has links)
No one believes in Åkesson - a comparative study on the evening press and the public service reporting on the Swedish Democrats before the 2014 election. The purpose of this essay was to study how Aftonbladet and Ekot reports about the Swedish Democrats before the election 2014, as well as comparing the two medias and reasoning about their agendas towards the party. The tabloid, Aftonbladet, is one of the biggest newspapers in Sweden, which depends on counter sales and commercials. Ekot, which is a part of public service, is state-funded and regulated by certain guidelines. Using a quantitative method we studied 80 articles, and through a qualitative method, six of the articles were analyzed to reach a deeper understanding. The theories primary used in this study were agenda-setting and framing, to stress the power of media. As well as political communication, to examine whether the Swedish Democrats are portrayed according to the democratics ideals of what kind of information journalism should provide citizens before an election. The result showed that the politics of the Swedish Democrats was rarely applied in the news articles. It also showed that both Aftonbladet and Ekot tended to portray the political party with a primary negative agenda. The Swedish Democrats were often described as racists, ignorant and irresponsible. Although Ekot proved to be a bit more restrict in their reporting, there were little differences in how both media presented the politcal party. Although the Swedish Democrats has taken on costumes instead of bomber jackets, and has an office in the Swedish Parliament, they still in 2014 aren’t neutralised or portraid as a serious political alternative, in either Aftonbladet nor Ekot.
13

The Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats Idea Development 2010-2018 : Comprehending the Parties Migration Policy Development Through Rational Action, Societal Discourses and Critical Junctures

Ujkani, Venera January 2019 (has links)
The aim of this study is to analyse the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development in the issue of migration in 2010-2018. The inquiry consists of the following two research questions. How has the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats positions regarding migration developed in 2010-2018? How can institutional theories explain the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development? The study is encompassed by three theoretical perspectives also recognised as rational-choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism and discursive institutionalism. In regard to the methodological approach, the study employs the comparative case study design with the most-similar system and is essentially an idea analytical study. The main results reveal that both the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats have adjusted their migration policies but to different degrees. The Swedish Democrats promote similar policies in 2010 as in 2018 with smaller alterations while the Moderate Party has customised larger alterations, distinguishing the party’s migration policy from 2010 and 2018. These policy alterations are primarily explained as a result of rational action, societal discourses and critical junctures.
14

"När kvinnligheten tynar bort i form av feminism finns det ingen att tända gnistan i mannen" : En studie om Sverigedemokraternas och Nordiska motståndsrörelsens bild av den samtida kvinnan

Lindvall, Emma January 2017 (has links)
The purpose of this essay was to analyse the way two Swedish parties, The Swedish Democrats and the Nordic Resistance Movement, represent women in articles written for members of their parties. The qualitative analysis was done on a small number of articles using Norman Faircloughs Critical Discourse Analysis and with the theoretical framework of mainly Frank Ankersmits aesthetic representation, but also metapolitics and red and blue pill. The main questions that has been answered are how women are represented in the articles, i.e. what roles they are given, and how this is motivated, including also how women can be attracted to these discourses. The result of this essay has shown that the discourses uses by the two parties are connected in a way, to support each other, instead of putting forth other arguments. The role of the woman as mother and wife works because as a part of it, her role is also to support men. Without that he cannot be the man he is supposed to be, and the woman cannot either, because feminism is destroying that possibility.
15

Högerpopulism i Europa : En studie av tre högerpopulistiska partier och deras egenskaper

Pettersson, Ina January 2011 (has links)
The aim of this study is to describe the characteristics of right-wing populist parties in Europe. The three parties included in the study are the Swedish Democrats (SD), the British National Party (BNP) and the National Front (NF) in France. The study includes a definition of right-wing populism based on previous research and from that an ideal type of a right-wing populist party has been created. The material used in the study to verify how well the parties were consistent to the ideal type and what similarities and differences the parties in the study have are the parties’ political programs and policies. The conclusion of the results is that the parties fit the ideal type even if they differ in a few certain aspects. The BNP is the party most similar to the ideal type, followed by the NF and then the SD.
16

Srovnání radikálně pravicových populistických stran v Norsku a ve Švédsku / The comparison of radical right-wing populist parties in Norway and in Sweden

Vrbková, Pavla January 2017 (has links)
The term 'populist radical right parties' often occurs in media, among experts or as a frequently discussed topic. The topic related to a rise of such of political parties in Europe is parallelly linked to the context of growing number of immigrants. The aim of this work is to clarify reasons of the origin and long-term success of two populist radical right parties. The work analyzes and consequently compares the existence of the Swedish Democrats and the Norwegian Progress Party. Even though Sweden and Norway share several historical and cultural features, situation around selected political parties is apparently different. Norway's Progress Party succeeded in an election of 1973 already. Nowadays it can be listed among Norwegian strongest political parties. On the other hand, the populist radical right party, Swedish Democrats, entered the political scene in 2002 only. The starting point of the time research frame for this thesis is defined as the breakthrough of the Progress Party in 1973 with Anders Lange in lead. The core of the thesis is based on the concept of supply and demand according to which independent variables are categorized. The main purpose of the work is to determine the key factor, which leads to the success of selected political parties and analyze their development.
17

Har riksdagspartierna blivit populister? : En jämförande studie av Almedalstalen 2015 jämfört med Almedalstalen 2016

Huikuri, Pasi January 2016 (has links)
This paper examines how the eight parties in the Swedish parliament pit different social groups against each other, in the 2015 Almedalstal compared to the 2016 Almedalstal, when using the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde’s definition of populism. The speeches are analysed using a qualitative content analysis. The results show that several parties are more populist in the 2016 speech than the 2015 speech and that the parties have shifted focus from solutions to blaming as well as elevating their own core electorate and their primary areas of confidence with the electorate. The analysis shows that some parties have tendencies to use some populist discourse. The paper identifies that the Swedish Democrats continues to use a populist discourse while the Left party has become more populist in their discourse in the 2016 speech. The Christian Democrats and the two major political parties, the Moderate party and the Social Democrats, tend to accentuate more of a populist discourse in the 2016 speeches but not to the extent to say that they use a populist discourse as defined by Mudde.

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