Since 2010 The Islamic State (IS) has resurrected from virtual extinction and has conquered vast territories in Iraq and Syria. It has transformed from a simple group of insurgents to a conventional army which has claimed to be a state of its own since it announced the for-mation of the Caliphate in mid-2014. Researchers have used many different theories to un-derstand the success of IS which has increased our knowledge of the phenomenon. Even so there are still questions that need to be answered in order to fully understand what we are facing in the Middle East (ME) today and what we might encounter in other parts of the world tomorrow. This essay uses revolutionary theories about Communism and Nationalism with the intent to expand our view of modern insurgencies. More precisely it investigates why IS has been so successful in its conquests, which are done through the narrative of its attitude towards the population of Iraq and Syria. The result reveals that IS uses a combination of the two above-mentioned ideologies. IS keeps conflicts going through constant terror against specific groups thus creating a gap be-tween the governments and the Sunnis in the region. Simultaneously it is trying to create an environment where the inhabitants can experience normal living conditions. The future of the ME is worrying since IS and its way of gaining conquests is hard to battle for whoever is intervening.

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Due to a high population growth (approx. 2.5 % p.a) the food-sector in Syria is facing in-creasing problems. An enormous increase in population results in increased demand for food. This has adversely affected the socio-economic and ecological development in the country. Intensive use of various natural resources has led to significant changes in land use pattern, especially due to use of inappropriate methods in the agricultural sector. The increasing anthropogenic pressure on the sensitive ecological structure of the respective area causes environmental damages, in particular degradation of soil characteristics. In the semi-arid and arid eco-climatic zones vast areas are facing desertification. Soil erosion through water represents the main form of land degradation in the north-west of Syria. Particularly vulnerable are the soils with a shallow or no vegetation cover, such as the soils found in the Mediterranean hills, where olives are cultivated. For this research the Afrin region, located in the northwest of Syria, was selected as study area, in order to analyse and assess the extent of degradation. For estimation of erosion the relevant parameters of the “Universal Soil Loss Equation USLE” were used. These para-meters were adapted and integrated through remote sensing and GIS. LANDSAT TM and ASTER satellite imagery of the investigated area were used for this purpose. Data were acquired at the end of the dry season. In order to achieve an accurate evaluation and high-quality comparison of multi-temporal satellite data, imagery was firstly geometrically and atmospherically corrected and then analysed. The vegetation coverage and its current de-gradation level were investigated by spectral mixture analysis (SMA). The digital elevation model (DEM) derived from ASTER data was utilized to generate the slope gradient (S) and the slope length (L). In addition to the laboratory analysis, grain size index (GSI) and SMA were used for the characterization and mapping of soil erodibility. Land-use/land-cover classification and change detection were determined by using pixel-based classification procedures (maximum likelihood classification) and post classification methods respectively. Required samples for land cover classification of the remotely sensed data were collected during the field work, in addition to the soil samples for soil analysis. The results of this study show that advanced methods of remote sensing and GIS provide powerful tools not only for a better understanding of the land use changes, but also for an accurate assessment of land degradation and desertification. This knowledge, in turn, con-tributes highly towards developing effective and appropriate management strategies for sustainable use and conservation of natural resources in the north-west of Syria

Das „Syrian Heritage Archive Project“ (SHAP, Abb. 1) begann im Jahr 2013 mit dem Auftrag, bedeutende Sammlungen an Arbeits- und Reisematerial deutscher Forscher, die zum Teil Jahrzehnte ihres Lebens in und für Syrien verbrachten, zu digitalisieren. Beide Gründer des Projektes, das Deutsche Archäologische Institut und das Museum für Islamische Kunst der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, waren gleichermaßen daran interessiert, einen konkreten Beitrag zu den internationalen Bemühungen zum Schutz des syrischen Kulturguts zu leisten.

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The Syrian Civil War has displaced millions of Syria’s inhabitants both around the region and throughout the world. These individuals carry different experiences, views, and perceptions regarding what they have left and their views on the conflict. This study seeks to identify the dominant frames used by 11 Syrian diaspora individuals living in Sweden when framing the Syrian Civil War. It also aims to identify individuals' views of the civil war. The study uses a qualitative framing analysis and applies Kuyper’s function of frames in a total of 11 semi- structured interviews. The study examines interviewees' frames regarding (a) The Arab Spring demonstrations, (b) The Syrian regime, and (c) International Interests. The study found the following frames on (a) horria (freedom), shohada al-thowra (martyrs of the revolution), extremist opposition, (b) dictatorial, dictatorship, fakher (pride), and (c) natural resources, the USA and Russia. The study argues that interviewees adopt different frames based on three factors, (I) media consumption, (II) sectarian affiliation, and (III) geographical origin. / Inbördeskriget i Syrien har fördrivit miljontals av Syriens invånare både runt om i regionen och över hela världen. Dessa individer har olika erfarenheter, åsikter och uppfattningar och syn på konflikten. Denna studie syftar till att identifiera dominerande gestaltningar som används av 11 syriska diaspora-individer som bor i Sverige vid gestaltning av det syriska inbördeskriget. Studien syftar också till att identifiera individers syn på inbördeskriget. I studien används en kvalitativ gestaltningsanalys och tillämpar Kuypers funktion av gestaltningar i totalt 11 semistrukturerade intervjuer. Studien granskar respondenternas gestaltningar angående (a) demonstrationerna under den Arabiska Våren (b) den Syriska regimen och (c) internationella intressen. Studien fann följande gestaltningar (a) horria (frihet), shohada al-thowra (revolutionens martyrer), extremistisk opposition, (b) diktatur, diktatur, fakher (stolthet) och (c) naturresurser, USA och Ryssland. Studien hävdar att intervjuade antar olika gestaltning baserat på tre faktorer, (I) mediekonsumtion, (II) sekteristisk tillhörighet och (III) geografiskt ursprung.

År 2015 tvingades tiotusentals syrier på flykt till Sverige för att undkomma det inbördeskrig som härjade i Syrien. Under 2022 invaderas Ukraina av Ryssland vilket tvingade ukrainare på flykt till Sverige. Syftet med denna studie är att med en kritisk diskursanalys undersöka svenska nyhetstidningars framställningar av syriska flyktingar respektive ukrainska flyktingar. Fokus har legat på språket och hur dess tillämpningsformer kopplas samman med makt och sociala skillnader i samhället. Totalt har 20 artiklar utgjort materialet för analysen, vilka har hämtats från Aftonbladet och Dagens Nyheter. Fem artiklar per flyktinggrupp och tidning. En kodningsprocess har gjorts för att kunna identifiera mönster i artiklarna. Mönstren analyserades därefter från begreppet makt med utgångspunkt i Foucaults maktteori, Franzéns makttriangel samt begreppen etablerade och outsiders. De flesta av de analyserade artiklarna lyfte fram en solidaritet i mottagandet av ukrainska flyktingar och generaliserade dem i termer av "ukrainare". Syriska flyktingar porträtterades i stället i relation till hot och generaliserades i termer av "flyktingar". Framställningarna av syriska flyktingar visade på kulturella skillnader jämfört med Sverige där framställningen av ukrainska flyktingar i stället visade på kulturella likheter där en större acceptans för flyktingar från Europa synliggjordes. Med hjälp av en kritisk diskursanalys och vald teori kunde vi komma fram till en slutsats; syriska flyktingar framställs i vårt analyserade material annorlunda än ukrainska flyktingar, baserat på nationellt ursprung och religion. / In 2015, tens of thousands of Syrians were forced to flee to Sweden to escape the civil war in Syria. In 2022, Ukraine was invaded by Russia, forcing Ukrainians to flee to Sweden. The purpose of this study is to use a critical discourse analysis to examine Swedish newspaper's representations of Syrian refugees and Ukrainian refugees. The focus has been on language and how its forms of application are linked to power and social differences in society. A total of 20 articles made up the material for the analysis, which were taken from Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter. Five articles per refugee group and newspaper. The articles about Syrian refugees are from 2015 and the articles about Ukrainian refugees are from 2022. A coding process was carried out to identify patterns in the articles. The patterns were then analyzed from the concept of power based on Foucault's power theory, Franzén’s power triangle and the concepts established and outsiders.  Most of the analyzed articles highlighted a solidarity in the reception of Ukrainian refugees and generalized them in terms of “Ukrainians”. Syrian refugees were instead portrayed in relation to threat and generalized in terms of “refugees”. The portrayals of Syrian refugees showed cultural differences compared to Sweden. The portrayals of Ukrainian refugees showed cultural similarities, revealing a greater acceptance of refugees from Europe. With the help of a critical discourse analysis and selected theory, we were able to conclude; Syrian refugees, in our analyzed material, are presented differently than Ukrainian refugees, based on national origin and religion.

The aim of this research paper was to examine and understand how Russia contributed to be exacerbating the situation in Syria, leading it from peaceful protests demanding freedom, justice, and a better social and economic life, to a devastating civil war that took and displaced the lives of millions around the world. It seeks to answer why Russia chose to militarily engage in the conflict that began on March 15, 2011. The thesis explores Russian´s methodology in exerting influence and navigating global power structures becomes apparent. The theoretical framework includes realism to analyze Russian´s intentions, with elements of self-interest, balance of power, and security dilemma. Additionally, social constructivism is used to illustrate how identities and norms influenced the course of events.    In conclusion, the thesis determines that Russia viewed the crisis as an opportunity to benefit its own interests and increase its power. There are many other significant geopolitical actors, including the USA, China, Turkey, and Iran, that have a history of utilizing international crises to advance their own strategic goals. Despite the actions of these countries, the focus remains on Russia.

This essay presents and discusses John Rawls’s ‘The Law of Peoples’ and it’s ability to be used in practice. The theory’s ability to judge right and wrongful actions in liberal intervention is tested when applied to the current conflict in Syria, and is used to evaluate the actions made by the liberal state France, during its involvement in the crisis. The essay will discuss shortcomings in the theory, and possible solutions to these and will also come to discuss central ideas in the theory and the liberal ism. Other writers such as Michael Doyle and Simon Caney are discussed and presented more briefly. The essay will argue that the theory in The Law of Peoples is not sufficient to alone evaluate the conflict it is applied upon, and therefore not comprehensive enough to be used in practice without adjustments.

Notre recherche interroge les modalités selon lesquelles une pratique artistique peut constituer un vecteur de contestation en contexte autoritaire. Elle se situe à l’intersection de deux aires de questionnement. D’une part, elle examine les multiples rapports qu’un monde de l’art peut entretenir avec un monde politique, éclairant les enjeux politiques qui traversent un champ cinématographique fortement dépendant de l’État, ainsi que les pratiques contestataires spécifiques qui y ont court. D’autre part, elle explore des formes de contestation qui se déploient à la marge d’un espace politique verrouillé, mettant au jour certains mécanismes de l’autoritarisme observés dans les négociations, arrangements et conflits entre acteurs du monde cinématographique et acteurs de l’appareil bureaucratique et étatique. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons comment les relations sociales qui se tissent autour de l’organisation et du fonctionnement de la production cinématographique polarisent et réfractent certaines pratiques et enjeux spécifiques au champ politique tout en les reformulant. Nous plaçons ensuite l’analyse au cœur des films afin de repérer et de décrire, à partir des différents procédés propres au langage cinématographique, des thématiques, des catégories et des objets qui relèvent du politique, sur lesquels les cinéastes posent un regard critique, alors même que l’expression d’une opinion contestataire dans l’espace public s’avère problématique / Our research investigates how an artistic activity can also be a vehicle for contention within an authoritarian context. It relies at the crossroad of two areas of questioning. On the one hand, we explore the various interactions between an art world and a political world, shedding light on the political logics at stake in a cinematographic field greatly dependent upon the state, as well as on the contentious practices emerging from this particular configuration. On the other hand, we scrutinize contention expressed at the margin of a locked political space, unveiling some mechanisms of authoritarianism produced by negotiations, arrangements and conflicts between actors belonging to the cinematographic world and actors of the bureaucratic apparatus. At first, we examine how the social relationships woven around the organization and the functioning of film production polarize and refract practices and issues proper to the political field while reformulating them. Then we shift the focus of our analysis on the very heart of the films to locate and describe, from the specific tools of the film language, subjects, categorizations and objects dealing with politics, upon which filmmakers cast a critical eye, whereas contentious expression in the public sphere proves to be problematic