The dissertation identifies and analyzes metamorphosis of the US foreign security policy in the 21st century. The main aim is also to identify whether the United States entered a new era with the attacks of 9/11 and whether so called the Bush doctrine was an appropriate reaction to the global terrorism. The thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter describes the US security strategies since WWII. In the second chapter, foreign security policy of George W. Bush and its metamorphosis is analyzed. The last chapter is devoted to the security strategies of Barack Obama.

Francis Fukuyama s’est fait connaître aux yeux du grand public à la fin des années 1980 et au début des années 1990, suite à sa célèbre thèse controversée de « la fin de l’histoire ». Érigé comme un parfait défenseur du modèle politique et économique libéral occidental, le politologue fut régulièrement associé au néoconservatisme américain, cela jusqu’à sa rupture clairement affichée au milieu des années 2000. Si Fukuyama dénonce alors la vision « agressive » de la génération post-Guerre froide du mouvement en politique étrangère, on s’aperçoit par ailleurs également, avant cette période, de l’existence de certaines divergences avec les premiers néoconservateurs, notamment en politique intérieure. Dès lors, on peut s’interroger sur la place réelle qu’occupe l’auteur de « la fin de l’histoire » au sein du néoconservatisme américain. À ce titre, nous défendons la thèse selon laquelle l’œuvre fukuyamienne, loin d’être marginale, incarne au contraire pleinement le socle intellectuel du néoconservatisme. Preuve, au-delà de la diversité indéniable, d’une unité idéologique plus large au sein du courant. / Francis Fukuyama became known in the eyes of the general public in the late 1980s and early 1990s, following his famous controversial “End of History” thesis. Perceived as a perfect defender of the Western liberal political and economic model, the political scientist was regularly associated with American neoconservatism, until its break clearly displayed in the mid-2000s. If Fukuyama denounces the “aggressive” vision of the post-Cold War generation in foreign policy, we also notice, before this period, the existence of some divergences with the first neoconservatives, particularly in domestic policy. Consequently, one may question the real place occupied by the author of “The End of History” in American neoconservatism. As such, we defend the thesis that the Fukuyamian work, far from being marginal, fully embodies the intellectual base of neoconservatism. This is proof, beyond the undeniable diversity, of a broader ideological unity within the current.

<p>This dissertation examines the (critical) security effects that US Foreign Policy, and in particular the War on Terror (WOT), has had on East and Southeast Asia. This dissertation also articulates an innovative critical security approach that requires a post-structuralism based in Stephen K. White’s notion of “weak ontology,” and further demands a historically and geographically contingent method of immanent critique that allows us to grapple with the politics and ethics of actually occurring security logics. <em>As</em> a form of immanent critique rooted in a weak ontological understanding of critical security, this dissertation asks- and answers- the following question(s): What can a critical security analysis tell us about security/insecurity that a more conventional realist-based security analysis cannot? And more specifically, what can a critical security analysis tell us about the impact that the WOT has had on both state and non-state actors in East and Southeast Asia? In other words, <em>operating as an immanent critique</em> in the context of empirical examples in East and Southeast Asia, this dissertation demonstrates that forms of insecurity were constructed and/or abetted by the WOT itself, understood as a hegemonic security narrative, and that these forms of insecurity occurred in concert with the practice of traditional forms of state-centric security.</p> <p>This dissertation contributes to scholarship in two significant ways. First, it seeks to remedy the relative paucity of <em>critical</em> security analyses focused on East Asia and Southeast Asia. Second, this dissertation demonstrates- using the weak ontological immanent critique approach that it outlines- that a deconstructive critical security analysis based in post-structuralist commitments need not be anathema to engagements with pragmatic problems and security issues, nor should it have to preclude the possibility of enacting the politics and ethics that are required to theorize alternative security logics.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

[pt] Esta dissertação tem como foco principal a investigação das variáveis domésticas que contribuíram para conformar a política externa dos Estados Unidos em relação a Cuba no primeiro mandato do presidente Bill Clinton, entre os anos de 1993 e 1996. O argumento apresentado aqui é que a continuidade do padrão de hostilidades que caracterizou o relacionamento entre Washington e Havana durante os anos da guerra fria se deveu, principalmente, à mobilização política de uma influente parcela da comunidade cubano- americana. Este segmento, que está concentrado em sua maior parte no estado da Flórida, soube aproveitar o acesso que o sistema americano garante aos grupos que visam a influenciar as políticas públicas naquele país. Por meio de uma análise que combina a observação da ação política dos atores sociais envolvidos com a questão cubana nos Estados Unidos e dos mecanismos institucionais que os traduzem em estímulos para a formulação da política externa americana, este trabalho procura estabelecer a relação entre dinâmica política doméstica e a diplomacia dos Estados Unidos para Cuba. / [en] This dissertation has its focus in the investigation of the domestic variables that contributed to shape the american foreign policy towards Cuba in the first term of Cintons administration, from 1993 to 1996. The argument presented here is that the continuity of the animosity pattern that distinguished the relationship between Washington and Havana during the Cold War, is due to the political mobilization of a powerful portion of the cuban-american community. That segment, wich its major part is established in Florida, knew how to deal with the opportunities that the american political system grant to social groups that try to influence the policy-making process in the United States. This analysis combines the observation of the political action of social agents involved with the cuban politcs and the institutional machinery that translates it into stimuli to the american policy-making process, and try to establish the relation between the domestic policy and the american diplomacy to Cuba.

L’histoire de la mission évangélique américaine et de son influence sur la politique américaine au Moyen-Orient depuis le début du XIXe siècle demeure largement méconnue du grand public. Pourtant, les missionnaires ont fortement contribué à l’ouverture de leur pays au monde et à son positionnement comme acteur majeur de la scène internationale. Dans les provinces ottomanes, leurs apports en matière d’éducation, de santé, de culture et d’action sociale furent souvent plus significatifs que leurs résultats en matière d’évangélisation. En partant du postulat que l’influence des missions chrétiennes sur les choix politiques reste relative au cours de l’histoire, notre thèse entend distinguer la responsabilité des missionnaires et des leaders religieux du rôle joué par Washington dans l’apparition des crises et des conflits qui secouent le Moyen-Orient et le monde arabo-musulman. Elle examine les causes de l’échec à évangéliser massivement et à implanter les valeurs laïques et démocratiques. Elle souligne également les ambivalences et les divergences qui traversent le protestantisme américain, les attitudes, les représentations et les pratiques des évangéliques et du gouvernement américain à l’égard de l’islam, d’Israël, des nations arabes et musulmanes. / The history of the American Evangelical Mission and its influence on American policy in the Middle East, since the beginning of the nineteenth century, remains largely unknown to the general public. However, protestant missionaries have greatly contributed to the opening of their country to the world and to its status as a major player on the international scene. In the Ottoman provinces, their contributions to education, health, culture and social action were often more significant than their results in terms of evangelization. On the assumption that the influence of Christian missions on political choices remains relative in the course of history, our thesis seeks to distinguish the responsibility of missionaries from the political role played by Washington in the emergence of crises and conflicts that shake up the Middle East and the Arab-Muslim World. It examines the reasons for the failure of massive evangelization and implementation of democratic and secular values. It also highlights the ambivalences and divergences that cross American Protestantism, the attitudes, representations and practices of Evangelicals and American government towards Islam, Israel, the Arab and Muslim nations.

The Bush administration was at the transition period of the world order: from cold war toward post-cold war era. During this period, many significant international events happened, which caused the structural change of international polictis. The purpose of this thesis is aimed at analysising the foreign policy desision making from 1989 to 1992. Through the building of decision making model, the author try to argure that the policy making pattern and process in this period has its features, and these factors influence the shape of American foreign policy.In this thesis, the author builded up the decision making model of Bush era. In order to test the model, the author put 8 cases to test the model. These cases are: the reunification of Germany; Beyond Containment; Tainanman Square case; the invasion of Panama; Gulf crisis; New World Order; the collapse of USSR; and Yogoslavia case.At the end, the author conclude that the foreign policy decision making is highly concentric, and personal factors influence much on the foreign policy decision making. The rule " Presidential dominant" still exist. Due to President Bush's foreign policy experience, the decision making was mainly made in the white house.

American policy towards European integration process has always seemed equivocal: on one hand it actively supported and encouraged the process, but on the other hand it tried to contain some specific European ambitions and steer the process in a desirable direction. The objective of the thesis is to offer a possible explanation of the long-term US policy towards the European integration and European region in general. The dissertation presents a hypothesis that the American policy towards Europe since the Second World War until current times can be explained within the theorethical concept of "regional hegemony strategy". The concept builds on neorealist and neoliberal interpretations of hegemony, which are applied to the process of formulation of American grand strategy. It identifies a set of independent variables effecting the resulting strategy and operationalizes the expected strategy into particular goals. The empirical part of the dissertation then tests the established hyphothesis in two ways. In the first part it analyzes the identified independent variables and tests the causality betwen their historical evolution and evolution of the American grand strategy, especially in relation to the European region. In the consequent parts, it focuses on the American policy towards the European integration...

Les approches psychologiques connaissent un essor dans l’étude des relations internationales. Elles sont essentielles dans l’étude du processus cognitif des leaders, qui est central à la prise de décisions en politique étrangère. Notre recherche porte sur l’axe d’engagement choisi par les États-Unis envers les alliés, de l’unilatéralisme au multilatéralisme, dans l’adoption des politiques étrangères et s’il est déterminé par la vision du monde des présidents. Parmi les politiques étrangères américaines adoptées entre 2001 et 2013, nous retenons les plus significatives en termes de multilatéralisme, afin de construire la variable dépendante. Le cadre théorique utilisé, le code opérationnel, propose l’analyse du schéma cognitif de leaders à l’aide d’une étude de contenu de leurs écrits et de leurs discours. Cette théorie énonce que la vision du monde inhérente à un leader influence le comportement et les décisions du gouvernement dans les relations internationales. Cette étude examinera les discours relatifs à la politique étrangère américaine prononcés lors des mandats de George W. Bush et lors du premier mandat de Barack Obama en tentant de comparer empiriquement les résultats de leur code opérationnel à leur degré de multilatéralisme avéré dans leurs décisions. Nos résultats ne montrent pas de liens directs entre la vision du monde des présidents et l’axe d’engagement adopté en politique extérieure. Nous en concluons que la méthode d’analyse quantitative ne nous permet pas de déceler de changements concrets entre les mandats des présidents. Nous proposons alors d'autres explications concurrentes comme la théorie des élites ou l’ordre international libéral qui pourraient mieux répondre à notre problématique. / Cognitive theories are increasingly recognized in international relations studies. They are necessary in the study of a leader's cognitive process which is central to foreign policy decision-making. This study focuses on the axis of commitment the United States has adopted towards allies, from unilateralist to multilateralist, and analyzes if it is influenced by the president’s worldview. American foreign policies adopted between 2001-2013 are selected according to their relevance to multilateralism to construct the dependent variable. Our theoretical framework is the operational code, which allows an evaluation of the cognitive scheme according to public and private content discourse analysis. This theory suggests that the president’s worldview has an impact on government's behaviour and decisions making within international relations. This research is based on George W. Bush’s foreign policy speeches during his two mandates and on Barack Obama’s first mandate speeches, seeking to empirically compare their operational codes to the levels of multilateralism resulting from their decisions. Our findings cannot establish a direct link between the president's worldview and their position on the foreign policy commitment axis. We conclude that our quantitative analysis method is not adapted to illustrate a tangible change between the president's mandates. Therefore, we suggest alternative explanations such as the elite theory and the liberal international order which could better answer our research question.

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