Esta tese é um estudo sobre a relação entre Estado e os ilegalismos nas margens da República Federativa do Brasil e na República Oriental do Uruguai, tendo como recorte empírico a fronteira de Santana do Livramento (BR) e Rivera (UY). O objeto de investigação busca construir uma análise sociológica da fronteira, rompendo com a metodologia nacionalista que envolve conceitos como criminalidade, violência e faixa de fronteira. Para tanto, propõe-se uma análise de como os Estados, brasileiro e uruguaio, operam em suas margens, por meio do triângulo de dispositivos foucaultianos: Soberania, Disciplina e Governo, no intuito de compreender em que medida as práticas e discursos se aproximam e se afastam nesse processo, buscando evidenciar outras fronteiras possíveis nas margens dos Estados, desdobramentos do encontro/separação entre as Soberanias e as Dinâmicas Sociais desses países. Dessa forma, verifica-se que os costumes em comum e a economia de fronteira diferenciam tolerâncias na gestão entre o que é legal e ilegal, e o que é moral e imoral, criando um Mercado Fronteiriço, onde os limites estatais se expandem e as linhas demarcatórias se redesenham pela vida em comum. / This thesis is a study of the relationship between the state and illegal acts on the margins of the Federative Republic of Brazil and the Eastern Republic of Uruguay, having as an empirical object the border towns of Santana do Livramento (BR) and Rivera (UY). This investigation seeks to build a sociological analysis of the border, breaking with the nationalist methodology that involves concepts such as crime, violence and border areas. In order to do that, we propose an analysis of how these states Brazil and Uruguay operate on their borders, through Foucault\'s devices: Sovereignty, Discipline and Government, in order to understand to what extent the practices and discourses approach and distance themselves from this process, in an attempt to evidence other possible borders along country lines, outcomes of the meeting/separation between Sovereignty and Social Dynamics of these countries. Thus, we verify that the borders common customs and economy differentiate tolerances in the management of what is legal and illegal and what is moral and immoral, creating a Border Market, in which state limits are expanded and boundary lines are redesigned by the common life.

La présente dissertation a pour objectif d'analyser l'incidence de la Fédération Anarchiste Uruguayenne (FAU) dans les luttes sociales en Uruguay des années 1968 à 1973. Fondée en 1956, la FAU s'est grandement inspirée d'anarchistes comme Malatesta et Bakounine, ainsi que de nombreuses expériences du mouvement ouvrier dans le pays, comme se fût le cas avec les syndicats autonomes et les groupements de solidarités. Entrée dans la clandestinité aux côtés d'autres organisations de gauche en décembre 1967, la FAU continua de développer une action politico-sociale consistante. Durant cette période, comprise par l'organisation comme une « dictature constitutionnelle », son champ d'influence s'est considérablement développé dans le mouvement syndical et étudiant, créant une importante organisation de masses, la Résistance Ouvrière Etudiante (ROE). La FAU fut aussi capable d'entraîner, sous le nom de la Tendance Combative, tout un pan de regroupements syndicaux qui soutenaient une opposition de gauche à la politique du Parti Communiste Uruguayen dans le mouvement syndical. Elle participa aussi activement au processus d'unification du mouvement syndical, qui culminera avec la création de la Convention Nationale des Travailleurs (CNT). En plus de monter une expression significative dans les luttes de masses, la FAU a aussi développé un petit, mais efficace, appareil armé, l'Organisation Populaire Révolutionnaire 33 Orientaux (OPR-33). Bien qu'elle revendiquait explicitement la lutte armée comme un moyen révolutionnaire, cette organisation n'est jamais tombée dans les thèses du foquisme, qui a tant influencé les organisations du continent, et a soutenu un projet de lutte armée articulée et par une organisation politique, avec une ligne de masses. La lutte armée était comprise, par conséquent, comme une expression d'auto-défense des luttes de masses. / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar a incidência da Federação Anarquista Uruguaia (FAU) nas lutas sociais do Uruguai entre os anos 1968-1973. Fundada em 1956, a FAU se alimentou de uma grande influência de anarquistas como Malatesta e Bakunin, além de inúmeras experiências do movimento operário no país, como foi o caso dos sindicatos autônomos e os grêmios solidários. Posta na clandestinidade junto a outras organizações de esquerda em dezembro de 1967, a FAU seguiu desenvolvendo uma consistente atuação político-social. Nesse período, compreendido pela organização enquanto uma “ditadura constitucional”, ampliou de forma considerável seu raio de influência no movimento sindical e estudantil, conformando uma importante organização de massas, a Resistencia Obrero Estudiantil (ROE) além de impulsionar um campo de agrupações sindicais que sustentavam uma oposição de esquerda à política do Partido Comunista Uruguaio no movimento sindical, a Tendencia Combativa. Também participou ativamente no processo de unificação do movimento sindical, que culmina na conformação da Convención Nacional de Trabajadores (CNT). Além de galgar uma significativa expressão nas lutas de massas, a FAU também desenvolveu um pequeno, embora eficaz, aparato armado, a Organización Popular Revolucionaria 33 Orientales (OPR-33). Apesar de reivindicar expressamente a luta armada como via revolucionária, esta organização não abarcou nas teses do foquismo, que tanto influenciaram organizações no continente, sustentando um projeto de luta armada articulado e dirigido por uma organização política, com incidência de massas. A luta armada era compreendida, portanto, enquanto uma expressão de auto defesa e impulso das lutas de massas. / Este trabajo tiene como objetivo el análisis de la incidencia de la Federação Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) en las luchas sociales de Uruguay entre los años 1968-1973. Fundada en 1956, la FAU se alimentó de una gran influencia de anarquistas como Malatesta y Bakunin, además de inúmeras experiencias del movimiento obrero en el país, como fue el caso de los sindicatos autónomos y los gremios solidarios. Puesta en la clandestinidad junto a otras organizaciones de la izquierda revolucionaria en diciembre de 1967, la FAU siguió desarrolando una consistente actuación político-social. En este periodo, comprendido por la organización mientras una “dictadura constitucional”, se amplió de forma considerable su rayo de influencia en el movimiento sindical y estudantil, conformando una importante organización de masas, la Resistencia Obrero Estudiantil (ROE) además de impulsar un campo de agrupaciones sindicales que sostenian una oposición de izquierda a la política de Partido Comunista Uruguaio en el movimiento sindical, la Tendencia Combativa. También participó activamente en el proceso de unificación del movimiento sindical, que culmina en la conformación de la Convención Nacional de Trabajadores (CNT). Además de lograr una significativa expresión en las lutas de masas, la FAU también desarrolló un pequeño, pero eficaz, aparato armado, la Organización Popular Revolucionaria 33 Orientales (OPR-33). Aunque reivindicara expresamente la lucha armada como vía revolucionaria, esta organización no abarcó en las tesis del foquismo, que tanto influyeron organizaciones en el continente, sosteniendo un proyecto de lucha armada articulado y dirigido por una organización política, con incidencia de masas. La lucha armada era comprendida, por lo tanto, como una expresión de auto defensa y impulso de las luchas de masas.

Esta investigação se propõe a analisar a prática do crime de sequestro e escravização de cidadãos negros livres uruguaios conduzidos à força para o território brasileiro, assim como a manutenção ilegal da condição de cativo dos que viveram em solo oriental por vontade de seus senhores e foram trazidos de volta ao Império do Brasil. A partir da constatação de que essas ações se intensificaram na segunda metade do século XIX, a pesquisa tem por objetivo explicitar os mecanismos de funcionamento e logística dessa atividade ilegal, relacionados ao novo quadro conjuntural que então se inaugurava. Nesse sentido o texto foi estruturado em quatro eixos que se complementam e ao mesmo tempo oferecem uma visão da temática em diferentes níveis. O primeiro trata das repercussões internacionais do problema em conexão ao conflito de interesses vivenciados no ambiente doméstico de cada país, de forma a problematizar as relações entre o tenso ambiente de disputas regionais e as específicas questões bilaterais envolvendo Brasil e Uruguai. No segundo eixo o foco se fixou sobre as condições de legalidade / ilegalidade das escravizações, com atenção especial para a questão da definição e legitimação da nacionalidade de um indivíduo, que em diversos casos determinou legalmente seu estatuto de liberdade ou escravidão. O terceiro eixo partiu da análise de um importante grupo documental - os mapas estatísticos sobre os casos de escravização ilegal – para propor a sistematização de dados sobre tais crimes, dando visibilidade a aspectos ligados a forma de ocorrência, às providências no sentido de combater essa atividade e às características das vítimas. O último eixo se utiliza de alguns casos ocorridos com o intuito de identificar as principais rotas do tráfico e as peculiaridades destas ações criminosas, investindo especialmente nas questões locais decorrentes e na atividade dos agentes consulares uruguaios no sentido de impedir o prosseguimento dessas ações, libertar seus concidadãos e punir os responsáveis. Para este trabalho foram selecionadas fontes primárias de diversas áreas de procedência: processos-crime, inquéritos policiais, leis uruguaias e brasileiras relativas à escravidão, notas diplomáticas, acordos e tratados assinados entre Brasil e Uruguai, pronunciamentos na Assembleia Legislativa da Província rio-grandense, jornais da época – com destaque para a extensa e importante documentação do Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores do Uruguai obtida junto ao Archivo General de la Nación de Montevidéu. / This research aims at analyzing the practice of kidnapping and enslavement of free black Uruguayan citizens forced to go to the Brazilian territory and the illegal continuing of the captive condition of those returned to the Brazilian Empire after living in Oriental territory in the interest of their lords. Following evidence that these actions were intensified in the second half of the nineteenth century, the research objective is to clarify the mechanisms and logistics of this illegal activity as related to the then recent onset of a new conjuncture. In this sense the text was structured around four intertwined axes which offer a thematic view in different levels. The first treats the international repercussions of the problem as related to the conflict of interests, occurring in the domestic setting of each country, troubling the relationships in the strained ambiance of regional disputes and the specific bilateral issues involving Brazil and Uruguay. The second axis focuses on the legal/illegal condition of enslavement with special attention to the question of the definition and the granting of the nationality of an individual which often legally determined his status of free man or slave. The third axis relies on the analysis of an important document set – the statistical maps of the illegal enslavement – to propose the systematization of the data on those crimes to shed light on aspects relating to the form of occurrence, the actions to fight this activity and the characteristics of the victims. The last axis uses some cases for the purpose of identifying the main routes of the traffic and the peculiarities of those criminal actions with special attention to the local resulting issues and to the activity of the Uruguayan consular agents to impede the continuation of these actions, to free their citizens and punish those responsible. To this end, various primary sources of different origins were selected: criminal prosecutions, police inquires, Uruguayan and Brazilian laws relating to slavery, diplomatic notes, accords and treaties signed by Brazil and Uruguay, statements of the Legislative Assembly of the Province of Rio Grande do Sul, historic newspapers – with emphasis on the extensive and important documentation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Uruguay acquired from the General Archives of the Nation in Montevideo.

Esta tese é um estudo sobre a relação entre Estado e os ilegalismos nas margens da República Federativa do Brasil e na República Oriental do Uruguai, tendo como recorte empírico a fronteira de Santana do Livramento (BR) e Rivera (UY). O objeto de investigação busca construir uma análise sociológica da fronteira, rompendo com a metodologia nacionalista que envolve conceitos como criminalidade, violência e faixa de fronteira. Para tanto, propõe-se uma análise de como os Estados, brasileiro e uruguaio, operam em suas margens, por meio do triângulo de dispositivos foucaultianos: Soberania, Disciplina e Governo, no intuito de compreender em que medida as práticas e discursos se aproximam e se afastam nesse processo, buscando evidenciar outras fronteiras possíveis nas margens dos Estados, desdobramentos do encontro/separação entre as Soberanias e as Dinâmicas Sociais desses países. Dessa forma, verifica-se que os costumes em comum e a economia de fronteira diferenciam tolerâncias na gestão entre o que é legal e ilegal, e o que é moral e imoral, criando um Mercado Fronteiriço, onde os limites estatais se expandem e as linhas demarcatórias se redesenham pela vida em comum. / This thesis is a study of the relationship between the state and illegal acts on the margins of the Federative Republic of Brazil and the Eastern Republic of Uruguay, having as an empirical object the border towns of Santana do Livramento (BR) and Rivera (UY). This investigation seeks to build a sociological analysis of the border, breaking with the nationalist methodology that involves concepts such as crime, violence and border areas. In order to do that, we propose an analysis of how these states Brazil and Uruguay operate on their borders, through Foucault\'s devices: Sovereignty, Discipline and Government, in order to understand to what extent the practices and discourses approach and distance themselves from this process, in an attempt to evidence other possible borders along country lines, outcomes of the meeting/separation between Sovereignty and Social Dynamics of these countries. Thus, we verify that the borders common customs and economy differentiate tolerances in the management of what is legal and illegal and what is moral and immoral, creating a Border Market, in which state limits are expanded and boundary lines are redesigned by the common life.

En los últimos años América Latina ha estado viviendo un fenómeno político nuevo, han llegado al poder coaliciones progresistas, compuestas en parte por grupos políticos o personas que en los años sesenta y setenta fueron revolucionarios. Lo que desde una perspectiva histórica llama la atención es la construcción política que estos gobiernos han ido consolidando en el último lustro, como un fenómeno propio del momento actual de la historia política y social de nuestro continente. América del Sur y en particular el Cono Sur viven un momento de mucha expectación, o escéptica o esperanzada, por la cantidad de gobiernos progresistas y/o de izquierda que le dan carácter a la coyuntura actual: Rafael Correa (Ecuador), Hugo Chávez (Venezuela), Alan García (Perú), Evo Morales (Bolivia), Michelle Bachelet (Chile), Cristina Fernández (Argentina), Tabaré Vásquez (Uruguay), Luiz Inácio Lula (Brasil), Fernando Lugo (Paraguay). Uno de los mayores desafíos para estos gobiernos es cómo asumir su administración en el contexto actual de hegemonía neoliberal ideológica (y económica) a nivel mundial, que se caracteriza por la aparente y pretendida unidireccionalidad de los procesos históricos.

According to Porter (1990), there are certain characteristics of a country that allow its industries to create and sustain competitive advantage, or prevent them from doing so. The objective of this study was to identify and compare the sources of competitive advantage or disadvantage for the Uruguayan and New Zealand beef industries. To accomplish these objectives, Porter’s Diamond Framework was selected as the theoretical framework to assess the competitive advantage of nations. Two case studies “the Beef Industry in Uruguay” and “the Beef Industry in New Zealand” were carried out. The information was obtained from secondary sources and open-ended interviews to key informants in both countries. Uruguay and New Zealand possess observable similarities, such as size, population, similar farmland area, and an economy based on agriculture with low levels of subsidies and trade regulations. In addition, the industries in both countries target the international market. Considering beef production, these countries produce beef based on pastures; hence, they have similar seasonal fluctuations in slaughter and in the product offered into the market. These similarities make these countries interesting to compare. On the other hand, Uruguay and New Zealand have differences. They are in different stages of economic development, and have cultural, sociological and educational differences. The beef industry is the most important economic activity in Uruguay, as can be illustrated by the resources allocated in this sector and in the volume and value of exported beef. In New Zealand, the beef industry is less important; however, it constitutes an excellent complementary activity for sheep and dairy productions. Both beef industries also have differences in their levels of productivity, stock compositions, stock categories, age of slaughtered animals, sanitary status, and locations in relation to markets. This suggests different sources of competitive advantage. The results show that the Uruguayan beef industry has a weaker diamond than its New Zealand counterpart does. However, the industry in Uruguay has been increasing the use of resources in comparison to other pastoral activities such as dairy and sheep. In contrast, the New Zealand beef industry, despite having a stronger diamond than the Uruguayan beef industry, has a secondary role behind the sheep and dairy industry. There are two clear limitations for the Uruguayan beef industry. First, the performance of the primary sector is poor. Second, the Uruguayan exported beef receives a lower price than the New Zealand product, and has difficulties for gaining access to certain markets. These two characteristics were identified as the most dissimilar for both industries. The selected research design and theoretical framework were adequate to accomplish the objectives. Although most of Porter’s findings were not supported in this study, using the framework allowed the development of an exhaustive analysis of the possible factors affecting the sources of competitive advantage in both industries. Comparing diamonds in different countries has not been done before; therefore, this research provides empirical evidence of the advantages and disadvantages of using this framework for international comparisons. Finally, the information presented in this research did not intend to suggest possible strategies or policies to increase the competitiveness of both industries. However, the results are likely to provide useful information for further studies in these industries.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves p. i-xxxii) Pt. 1. Is there a link between the problem with agriculture under GATT rules and policy choice under GATT rules? -- pt. 2. The economic and political significance of distinctions between policy instruments -- pt. 3. The application of the pre-Uruguay Round GATT to agriculture -- pt. 4. The Uruguay Round rules on agriculture -- pt. 5. The thesis and its importance Seeks an answer to the legal difficulties in applying GATT to agriculture

關稅貿易總協定 (General Agreement of Tariffs and Trade，簡稱 GATT )，為國際間規範與對外貿易之重要協定，其締約國迄今已有一一０ 國左右，而其整個貿易量亦超過全球貿易量之90% 。換言之，GATT於今日 國際貿易中心所佔之地位，實不容忽視。關稅減讓為GATT的重要原則之一 。GATT自成立以來，為達成關稅減讓旨，前後歷經四時餘年，共舉行過八 次回合談判，其成果為將二次世界大戰後高達百分之四十的平均實質關稅 稅率，降至百分之四。本論文主旨在研究GATT本身對關稅之規範，包含： 關稅減讓之分類(一般關稅減讓談判、加入關稅減讓談判、再談判) ；關 稅減讓之模式 (提出要求再商討逐項減讓方式、線型公式、調和公式)； 關稅減讓之原則(互惠原則、最惠國原則、多邊貿易談判原則、安定性與 彈性之賦予 )；關稅減讓之條文分析(GATT一般規定第二條：關稅減讓表 、第二八條：再談判、第二八條之一：一般關稅談判、第三三條：加入談 判) 。烏拉圭回合為GATT最近一次所舉辦之多邊貿易談判，而依據GATT秘 書處於1994年 4月對烏拉圭回合之關稅減讓談判的最終結果報告為：工業 品關稅受約束程度為99% ，農業品在將非關稅措施轉為關稅化後，其關稅 受約束程度為100%，零對零關稅後免稅比率由20% 上升至43% 。我國乃經 濟強國，但仍未躋升於GATT的行列中，故於1990年1 月1 日申請加入GATT 。然而，入關後我國首先將面臨關稅減讓之窘境，因為關稅減讓勢必使國 內產業受到衝擊。政府日後必須提出完整的進口救濟以幫助廠商渡過難關 ，以共進未來國際經濟舞臺。

In just over a decade, soybean production in Uruguay emerged from almost non-existence to second most important export product. The extraordinary rapid soybean expansion is often referred to as representing changes that go far beyond the mere substitution of one agrarian activity for another, but evolved into a broad societal concern. Accordingly, the soybean expansion has not only been debated in national media, but among NGO’s, firms, scholars, farmers, political parties as well as within broad sectors of the state apparatus. Although the views expressed are allegedly about the soybean expansion, they are found to reflect much deeper values and assumptions about what is good, appropriate and desirable. All this ultimately represents discordant alternative visions and paths of development. This dissertation outlines and analyzes the dynamics of different, complementary and competing views on the soybean expansion in Uruguay between 2002 and 2013. These have in turn been related to wider debates about “development” of longer historical roots within the social sciences. Rather than exclusively relying on the mediatized accounts expressed in the public debate, often posed in a rather superficial and antagonistic way in accordance to some media logic, this study has made intensive use of in-depth interviews. This has allowed for deeper, more complex and nuanced accounts, as well as made possible to include voices that were only indirectly “represented” in the public debate. The main agreements and disagreements expressed in relation to the soybean expansion have been outlined, described, situated and explored. While constant contingency and unfixity are acknowledged, three main broader competing world-views, or discourses, have also been identified. These are discerned through the analysis of patterns of regularities in the articulations about the soybean expansion. The first is labelled “agro-ecology discourse”, reflecting anti-capitalist notions and centered in values of local autonomy and justice. The other is labelled “pro-market discourse”, reflecting market faith and centered in values of growth, dynamism and meritocracy. The third is labelled “pro-public regulation discourse”, reflecting beliefs in development intervention and centered in values of progress and upgrading. / FORMAS - 2006-2246 "The soybean chain in contemporary agro-food globalization: challenges for a sustainable agro-food system"

Includes bibliographical references (leaves p. i-xxxii) / xxi, [778], xxxii p. ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Seeks an answer to the legal difficulties in applying GATT to agriculture / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Law, 2000