Au début des années 1920, la ville de Montréal se retrouve dans une situation assez unique. À l’époque, les États-Unis et toutes les provinces canadiennes à l’exception du Québec ont adopté la prohibition de la vente d’alcool. Mais même au Québec, environ la moitié de la population de la province est alors touchée par des prohibitions locales (votées au niveau municipal), des prohibitions qui ont largement perduré tout au long de la période à l’étude. Durant cette ère de prohibition de l’alcool nord-américaine, Montréal est la plus grande ville, et une des seules sur le continent non régie par une loi sur la prohibition. C’est aussi celle qui dispose des lois les plus libérales envers l’alcool des deux côtés du 49ème parallèle grâce à la création de la Commission des Liqueurs de Québec (CLQ), le premier système de contrôle gouvernemental de l’alcool en Amérique du Nord. C’est dans ce contexte que Montréal devient une rare oasis dans un continent assoiffé et le plus grand cobaye du modèle de contrôle gouvernemental de l’alcool. Ce mémoire examine les impacts de cette conjoncture sur le développement de cette ville, de son industrie touristique, de sa vie nocturne et de sa réputation. En premier lieu, le mémoire présente une mise en contexte de la situation aux États-Unis, au Canada et au Québec afin de faire ressortir le caractère unique de Montréal pendant cette période. En deuxième lieu, l’essor du tourisme dit « de liqueur » et de la vie nocturne montréalaise, à la fois légale et illicite, est exploré. En dernier lieu, le mémoire met au jour l’impact que cette conjoncture a eu sur la construction de la réputation de la ville à travers l’examen des écrits des anti- et pro-prohibitionnistes qui ont chacun propagé des visions idéalisées et démonisées de cette ville « bien arrosée », ainsi que des documents associés à l’essor du tourisme, tels que les chansons, les guides touristiques et les récits de voyage, qui, pour leur part, ont présenté un image plus romancée de la métropole et associée à un refuge festif de la prohibition. Malgré leurs différences, ces trois visions de Montréal l’ont néanmoins associée à la liberté, que ce soit une liberté ordonnée, dangereuse ou bien émancipatrice. Ainsi, à partir de l’expérience de la prohibition et du tourisme de liqueur, Montréal devient connue comme une ville « ouverte », dans ses acceptions à la fois positives et négatives. / At the beginning of the 1920s, the city of Montreal found itself in a rather unique situation. At the time, the United States and every Canadian province with the exception of Quebec had adopted prohibition of alcohol. Yet even in Quebec, about half of the population of the province was under local prohibitions (voted at the municipal level) since the beginning of the 20th century, prohibitions which persisted for the most part throughout the period under study. During this era of prohibition of alcohol in North America, Montreal was the largest city, and one of the only on the continent, not under prohibition. It was also the city living under the most liberal alcohol laws on both sides of 49th parallel thanks to the creation of the Quebec Liquor Commission (QLC), the first system of government control of alcohol in North America. Thus, Montreal became a rare oasis in a continent left parched by prohibition and the largest guinea pig of the government control model. This thesis examines the impacts of this conjuncture on the development of the city, specifically of its tourism industry, its nightlife, and its reputation. The thesis begins with a contextualization of prohibition in the United States, in Canada and in Quebec in order to reveal the uniqueness of Montréal during this period. Next, the rapid expansion of « liquor tourism » as well as the city’s nightlife, both legal and illicit, are explored. Lastly, this thesis explores the impact that this conjuncture had on the construction of the city’s reputation throughout the writings of anti- and pro-prohibitionists, who propagated both idealised and demonised views of the city, as well as the documents associated with the tourism boom, such as songs, tourist guides and travel writing, which presented a more romanticized vision of the city as a festive refuge from prohibition. Despite their differences, these three visions all associated Montreal with liberty, whether it is one that is well managed by the government, dangerous and out of control, or emancipating. Thus, through the era of prohibition and the phenomenon of liquor tourism, Montreal came to be known as an “open” city, in both a positive and a negative sense.

Cette étude s’intéresse au village de squatters de Roc-d’Or, surnommé Putainville, qui apparaît en 1936 avant d’être détruit par le gouvernement provincial au milieu des années 1940. Notre but est de comprendre pourquoi cette agglomération, qui est érigée illégalement sur les terrains gouvernementaux et qui est réputée pour être un important foyer de déviance, est relativement tolérée pendant une décennie avant que les résidences soient détruites ou déménagées à Malartic. D’abord, nous expliquons pourquoi cette agglomération, sans reconnaissance légale et dans laquelle les résidents ne sont pas propriétaires des terrains sur lesquels leurs bâtiments sont érigés, apparaît en Abitibi-Témiscamingue au début des années 1930. Ensuite, nous nous intéressons à l’aspect physique et à la population de Roc-d’Or. Le taux de masculinité, la mobilité, la diversité d’emploi et l’origine ethnique des résidents sont analysés. De plus, nous nous penchons sur la mauvaise réputation de Putainville : autant le contrôle judiciaire que la présence du monde interlope sont étudiés. Finalement, comme les mœurs légères des résidents et l’influence du curé de Malartic sont souvent considérées comme étant à l’origine de la décision d’éliminer ce village, nous évaluons la pertinence de cette croyance et nous déterminons si d’autres motifs, notamment monétaire ou politique, sont aussi entrés en ligne de compte. / This research is about the squatters’ village of Roc-d'Or nicknamed Putainville. It was established in 1936 and demolished by the Québec government in the mid 1940. Our objective is to learn why this town with a lawless reputation that was built on the government fields has been tolerated for a decade even if it was considered as illegal by the authority and to learn why all the buildings were destroyed or moved to Malartic. First of all, we will explain why this village without any legal status was built in the 1930s and why all the people who have lived in Roc-d'Or were not owners of their field. After that, the memoires will focus on the geographical and architectural aspect and on the population of Roc-d'Or. We'll explore the gender rate, the mobility of the people, the different kinds of jobs we found in Roc-d'Or and the ethnical origins of the inhabitants. Furthermore in this research, it will be about how was the reputation of the town. We will develop about the judicial intervention and the underworld. Finally, the last part of this dissertation will look at the idea that Roc-d'Or was shut down by the clerical authorities due to the deviant behavior, or we will try to see if it's a myth.

En l’espace d’une décennie, Montréal s’est durablement transformée. Du milieu des années 1950, où elle représente une ville développée certes, mais dépourvue d'autoroutes, à 1967, année de l’Exposition universelle, la métropole du Québec confirme son choix du tout-à-l’automobile. Le développement autoroutier qu’elle réalise à cette époque doit alors être en mesure de répondre aux besoins de la société à court comme à long terme. Ce réseau perdure toujours de nos jours. Nous souhaitons décomposer la trame de cette période mouvementée afin de comprendre comment Montréal a pu adopter cette orientation aussi rapidement. Il est question d’aborder les éléments ayant permis de centraliser le thème de la circulation à Montréal. La réponse des autorités et la volonté de planifier la ville à long terme nous conduisent ensuite à une réalisation accélérée d’un réseau autoroutier métropolitain d’envergure dont l’échangeur Turcot représente l’aboutissement en 1967. Cette étude permet de mieux examiner l’histoire de ce projet autoroutier majeur qui a constitué un des symboles forts de la modernisation de Montréal et du Québec. L’échangeur Turcot construit dans les années 1960 est le fruit d’une conjoncture particulière, correspondant à des besoins et des attentes tout autre que ceux qui prévalent actuellement. Nous concluons ainsi en nous questionnant sur la construction actuelle du nouvel échangeur Turcot, et en affirmant qu’elle ne correspond peut-être pas aux besoins d’une métropole du XXIe siècle. / Within a decade, Montréal was permanently transformed. From the mid-1950s, where it represented a developed city but was devoid of highways, to 1967, the year of the World Expo, Québec confirmed that its priority was the automobile. The motorway development realized at that time had to meet the short and long term needs of its society. This network still exists today. It is necessary to analyze this time period to understand how Montréal adopted such a policy so rapidly. This thesis addresses the postwar elements central to Montréal’s policies which focused and brought to the forefront the theme of traffic circulation in the metropolis. The authorities' response to traffic, and their will to plan the city according to long-term needs, provoked a major metropolitan highway development that reached its pinnacle in 1967 with the accomplishment of the Turcot Interchange. Built in the 1960s, the Turcot Interchange was the result of a particular economic situation, a manifestation of the era’s needs and expectations. The analysis conducted in this thesis provides a thorough examination of the history of this major highway project, which was a strong symbol of Montréal and Québec’s modernization scheme. In recent years, this infrastructure project has been back in the limelight as projects for a new Turcot Interchange commenced in 2007, marking the second act of this space's revitalization and modernization. However, does this renewed Turcot Interchange correspond adequately to the needs of a modern twenty-first century metropolis?

Durant les années 1950, les autorités municipales, sous la pression du département de la police, ont demandé le déboisement d’une section du parc du Mont-Royal. Cette section, communément appelée la « Jungle » et principalement composée de broussailles, de buissons et d’arbres, était fréquentée par une clientèle considérée comme indésirable. Cette dernière comprenait, essentiellement, des alcooliques, des voyous, des pervers, et, surtout, des homosexuels. Leur éradication s’est alors déployée selon un plan en trois étapes qui avait pour objectif de simplifier les techniques de surveillance utilisées par le département de la police. D’abord, une augmentation de l’éclairage, puis, le déboisement de la « Jungle », et, finalement, la construction d’une route, aujourd’hui connue sous le nom de Camillien-Houde. Le parc devenait ainsi plus accessible et plus sécuritaire. Les coupes, que l’on a appelées les « coupes de la moralité », ont eu un effet considérable sur l’environnement et la composition écologique du parc, donnant, entre autres, aux Montréalais, l’impression que le parc était devenu chauve (ce qui lui conféra d’ailleurs le surnom de Mont Chauve). Les transformations du parc du Mont-Royal n’étaient cependant pas limitées à sa Jungle. En fait, des modifications furent aussi mises en application dans d’autres sections considérées comme sous-développées. La métamorphose du parc et de sa « Jungle » était un acte de développement caractéristique de l’ère moderniste de la planification du Montréal d’après-guerre. La re-planification du parc du Mont-Royal témoigne ainsi d’une volonté sans bornes des autorités d’instaurer la moralité et la modernité dans la ville, volonté qui aura pour conséquence d’altérer la composition écologique du parc. C’est ce qui sera à l’origine d’une campagne nommée « Save-the-Mountain Movement », qui a cherché à empêcher la modernisation de l’espace et milité pour la réhabilitation du parc en tant que boisé paisible. / During the 1950s, the municipal authorities, under pressure from the Police Department, called for the clearing of a section of Mount Royal Park—the so-called “Jungle” (composed mainly of undergrowth, bushes, and trees)—where a community of undesirable Park patrons had established themselves. This cohort of undesirables was understood as being composed mainly of alcoholics, thugs, perverts and most importantly homosexuals. Their eradication was undertaken through a threefold plan which would simplify the techniques of surveillance used by the Police Department; this would be achieved through (1) increased lighting, (2) clearing the Jungle, (3) construction of a roadway, now known as the Camillien-Houde roadway, thus making the Park more accessible and safe. The cuts, known as the Morality Cuts, had a lasting effect on the environmental and ecological composition of the Park, with the immediate repercussion of “balding” the Park, thereby giving it the nickname of Mount Baldy. Yet Mount Royal Park’s transformation was not limited to its Jungle. In fact, the transformation was undertaken in a number of the Park’s sections which were deemed undeveloped. The development Mount Royal Park and of its Jungle were therefore acts of development, under the umbrella of Montréal’s modernist postwar planning. Indeed, the re-planning of Mount Royal Park testifies to the unbounded will of the authorities to instill morality and modernity within the city, going to lengths that ultimately altered the ecological composition of the Park. This would in the end lead to an all out campaign named the Save-the-Mountain Movement, which sought to end the modernist encroachment of this space and rehabilitate the Park as a wooded and tranquil environment.

Civil rights commemorative boulevards are an increasingly important method of framing African American community revitalization and persistent historical inequities. Often underlying planning efforts to revitalize segregated African American neighborhoods, these boulevards are one important change mechanism for realizing equitable development and challenging structural racism. This thesis demonstrates the central importance of these commemorative boulevards in framing redevelopment and maintaining community resolve during the long struggle for revitalization

Cette thèse de doctorat s’intéresse à une question peu étudiée par l’historiographie de la Chine moderne et pourtant fondamentale pour la compréhension de l’impérialisme dans l’histoire de la Chine moderne. En s’inscrivant à la croisée de trois chantiers historiographiques, connexes, mais distincts, l’histoire urbaine, l’histoire des empires et l’histoire des forces de l’ordre, elle cherche à mettre en lumière la circulation des techniques et des savoirs de l’État moderne comme « statecraft » au niveau de la ville entre les empires européens et l’État chinois. Son objet central est la question de la défense et du maintien de l’ordre public dans la Concession française comme révélateur à la fois des relations entre les autorités françaises et locales, des tensions éventuelles entre les empires, de la hiérarchisation administrative de l’Empire français sur place, et la répartition du pouvoir de commandement militaire entre autorités civiles et militaires, dans le but d’éclairer la mise en place de l’administration municipale de Shanghai avant l’installation de la municipalité de Kuomintang en 1927 à trois niveaux. Comment les rapports existent-ils entre les trois municipalités au sein de la ville? Comment les autorités françaises construisent-elles une administration de la sécurité sur place? Enfin, comment cette administration de la sécurité répond-elle aux défis de la guerre et du conflit militaire ? / This doctoral thesis focuses on a question that has been little studied by the historiography of modern China but that is nevertheless fundamental to the understanding of imperialism in the modern history of this nation. By positioning itself at the intersection of three historiographical camps that are connected and yet distinct—urban history, the history of empires, and the history of the forces of law and order—this thesis will seek to emphasise the idea that the circulation of the skills and knowledge-base of a modern state were an example of “statecraft” within the city of Shanghai, which occupied an intermediary position between the European empires and the Chinese state. The primary focus of the thesis is the issue of defence and the maintenance of public order in the French Concession of Shanghai as being indicative of the relations that existed between the French and local authorities, the possible tensions between the empires, the administrative hierarchy of the French Empire on the ground, and the distribution of the power of military command between the civil and military authorities. The objective is to shed light on the shaping of the municipal administration of Shanghai before the establishment of the Kuomintang municipal authority in 1927 on three levels: what form did relations between the three municipalities within the city take? How did the French authorities build a security administration on the ground? Lastly, how did this security administration respond to the challenges of war and military conflict?

Trata do espaço público como referência material na institucionalização das relações de poder. Aborda as alterações da paisagem urbana central da cidade de Jaboticabal a partir da instalação do regime Republicano (1889-1930), que gradativamente alterou o foco da ação política do meio rural para o ambiente da cidade. O seqüente incremento do modo de vida urbano suscitou transformações na organização das estruturas de poder com conseqüências diretas na concepção de cidade, enquanto artefato e enquanto locus de transmissão de mensagens. Essa situação gerou transformações e, paradoxalmente, permitiu permanências. No âmbito local, isso significou diversas disputas pelos espaços centrais da cidade, no que tange sua propriedade, administração, usos e significados. As implicações diretas remetem-se à organização das construções na região central, com destaque à praça e ao edifício da igreja, assim como os processos de remodelação relacionados a estes espaços. A câmara é, nesse sentido, agente de difusão dos projetos nacionais e a praça central, elemento espacial escolhido como recorte da pesquisa, o veículo portador das mensagens necessárias à fundamentação dessa nova ordem centrada na propagação do ideário de construção da nação brasileira. A discussão, no entanto, atravessa outra faceta do campo da administração da cidade, quando se soma aos valores simbólicos mencionados, as demandas concretas por infra-estrutura, situação inerente a um sistema urbano em expansão. Paralelamente, a adesão ao modo de produção capitalista insere a região na dinâmica mundial de produção, consumo e divisão do trabalho. A manutenção da base agrária, centrada no cultivo do café, fornece os instrumentos para a atuação de uma autoridade local constituída por defensores da República fatalmente ligados à cafeicultura. Finalmente, a imprensa local, que se transforma no veículo portador dos diversos discursos, engendrando a materialização destes na urbes. Para tanto, propõe uma análise baseada na coerência entre os discursos de legitimação e o espaço efetivamente construído. À medida que o discurso precisa ser fiel ao contexto pesquisado, opta pela utilização de documentos primários: leis, artigos de jornais, atas, cartas e todo e qualquer material que expresse de forma direta a alocução dos atores envolvidos. Da mesma forma, utiliza o suporte fotográfico com a finalidade de entender a configuração dos espaços e edifícios frente aos dados proporcionados pelos documentos pesquisados. / This dissertation deals with power relations materialization into public spaces. It investigates the changes in Jaboticabals urban landscape after the instatement of the Republican Regime (1889-1930), which gradually altered the focus of political actions from rural to urban environment. The rise of the urban way of living triggered transformations on the power structures with direct consequences for the city idea, as artifact and as locus for symbolic messages. This circumstance of pressing changes paradoxically permitted a number of resistances. On the local sphere it meant de installment of several disputes for the citys central locations, in regard of its property, management, use and meanings. The direct implications refer to the downtowns hierarchy of buildings, with emphasis on the square and church, along with their renovation processes. In this sense, the town council is the dissemination agent of national projects, and the central square, our study object, the instrument to deliver the necessary messages to configure this new order based on the ideology of constructing the brazilian nation. This discussion, however, is another facet of city government deals that in addition to the mentioned symbolic values must be understood in a situation of concrete demands for infrastructure inherent to an urban expansion condition. Also, the accession of capitalist places the region in the world production, consumption and labor division dynamics. The persistence of the agrarian base, focused on coffee plantation, provide the tools for the act of local authorities made up of supporters of the Republic and inevitably linked to coffee production. Finally, the local press that becomes the vehicle of various speeches, engendered in the materialization of urban grounds. To that end, we propose an analysis based on consistency between the speeches of legitimacy and space effectively built. To the extent that the speech must be faithful to the search context, we opt for primary sources use: laws, newspaper articles, minutes, letters and any material that expresses in a direct address the goals of the actors involved. As well as the use of photographic medium in order to understand the configuration of spaces and buildings, resource that enables the comparison image and data.

Situé en plein cœur de Paris, le Sentier reconnu depuis la seconde moitié du XXe siècle comme le centre le plus actif du commerce international des tissus, s’est construit dans la continuité d’un ‘’Sentier ancien ‘’ qui trouve ses origines dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle. En nous appuyant sur les Almanachs du Commerce de Paris pour reconstruire l’infrastructure économique de cet espace, nous avons pu mettre en évidence les caractéristiques de cet ensemble originaire et plus particulièrement la croissante centralité du quartier Montmartre dans le commerce des tissus. Placé à la lisière des grands boulevards et des lieux de la « nouvelle modernité » parisienne, ce quartier était le véritable noyau central du commerce des tissus en gros, animé par un négoce important et solidement implanté dans les rues du Sentier, Saint-Fiacre et des Jeûneurs. Il s’agit prioritairement, au début du siècle, du commerce des articles de toiles de coton et des châles, rejoints à partir des années 1830, par la vente de dentelles, de tissus mérinos et de tissus de nouveautés.Dans notre recherche pour saisir l’ensemble des éléments à l’œuvre dans la construction identitaire de cet espace original, l’exploitation de diverses sources, telles que les sources cadastrales, la composition des listes électorales ou les archives notariales, nous ont permis de restituer une image précise de ces dynamiques, de dégager l’importance de cette sphère professionnelle et ses multiples conséquences sur l’espace physique et social de ce quartier. / Located in the very heart of Paris, the SENTIER which prevails in the second half of the 19th century as the most active center of the business of international trade of fabrics, built itself in the continuity of a " former SENTIER " which has its origins in the first half of the 19th century. Relying on the Almanachs of the Trade of Paris to reconstruct the economic infrastructure of this space, we were able to highlight the characteristics of this first socio-economic group and the increasing centrality of the Montmartre neighborhood in the trade of fabrics. Located at the edge of the places of the "new Parisian modernity ", this district became the central point of the wholesale fabrics trade, led by an important trade firmly established in the streets of the Sentier, Saint Fiacre and Jeuneurs. It mainly concerns, at the beginning of the century, the trade of articles of cotton cloths and shawls, joined from 1830s, by the sale of laces, merino fabrics and fashionable fabrics. In our search to seize all the elements in action in the identity construction of this original space, the exploitation of diverse sources, such as the cadastral sources, the composition of electoral rolls or the notarial archives, allowed us to restore a precise image of these dynamics to express the importance of this professional sphere and its multiple consequences on the physical and social space of this district.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HIS - Sandra Ricci.pdf: 569145 bytes, checksum: 30a4801dff599f56abc22fbfc514c67a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-20 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research deals with the participation that the engineers of the Polytechnic School of São Paulo had in the urban changes which the city of Sao Paulo went through in the first decades of the XXth century. It deals with dialoguing with the conceptions, diagnosis and proposals of the engineers for remodeling the city. It is highlighted that notions of civilizations, modernization and progress have become objectives to be achieved at any price in name of the conquest of an urban city . In the case of Sao Paulo, the foundation of the Polytechnic School in 1894 has strongly contributed for the city to receive a significant amount of professionals that have proposed themselves to the task to think about the urban problems and propose solutions for them. The foundation of Poly, as it became known, has meant to Sao Paulo the concrete possibility to have national professionals to present proposals for urban transformations. The first chapter of the essay gives an overall view of the Polytechnic School of Sao Paulo since its foundation, from the speech that involved its creation and its purpose and indicates engineers who have distinguished themselves by their action in the city by means of the exercise of public offices and the realization of their proposals. The Sao Paulo of the engineers is described through the proposition of urban interventions. It is discussed how the formation of engineers and their articulation with local powers was seen as strategic for the civilizing mission they were devoted to. The second chapter deals with the construction of the housings in Sao Paulo from what the engineers judged to be a model for hygienic housing, healthy and morally sound for the family and society. For such, they got involved in preparing norms, codes and regulations which, turned into law, with the pretension to propose a new concept of well living in Sao Paulo. The division of the city into perimeter zones supplements our comprehension about the different types of housing constructed in the same city, as well as the specifications by law that differentiated them according to the zone where the housing would be constructed. The third chapter departs from the observation of the city divided into zones and shows the discussions about the plans for Improvements to the City and which areas were target of major investment as opposed to others. Here the city is seen as stage of dispute for hegemonies of different social groups which used to conflict against each other. Out of the collision between different active social subjects the city is constructed, demolished and re-constructed again several times / Esta pesquisa trata da participação que os engenheiros formados na Escola Politécnica de São Paulo tiveram nas transformações urbanas pela qual a cidade de São Paulo passou nas primeiras décadas do século XX. Trata-se de dialogar com concepções, diagnósticos e propostas dos engenheiros para a remodelação da cidade. Destaca-se que noções de civilização, modernização e progresso tornaram-se objetivos a serem atingidos a qualquer preço em nome da conquista de uma cidade moderna . No caso de São Paulo a fundação da Escola Politécnica em 1894 contribuiu sobremaneira para que a cidade recebesse uma quantidade significativa de profissionais que se propuseram a tarefa de pensar os problemas urbanos e propor soluções para eles. A fundação da Poli, como ficou conhecida, significou para São Paulo a possibilidade concreta de ter profissionais nacionais para apresentar propostas de transformações urbanas. O primeiro capítulo da dissertação dá uma visão geral da Escola Politécnica de São Paulo desde a sua fundação, do discurso que envolveu sua criação e sua finalidade e ind ica engenheiros que se destacaram por sua atuação na cidade por meio do exercício de cargos públicos e da execução de suas propostas. A São Paulo dos engenheiros é descrita através da proposição de intervenções urbanas. Discute-se como a formação dos engenheiros e sua articulação com os poderes locais era vista como estratégia para a missão civilizadora de que estavam imbuídos. O segundo capítulo trata da construção das habitações em São Paulo a partir do que os engenheiros julgavam ser para a cidade o modelo de habitação higiênica, salubre e moralmente sadia para a família e a sociedade. Para tanto, trataram de elaborar normas, códigos e regulamentos que, tornados lei, com a pretensão de propor um novo conceito de bem morar em São Paulo. A divisão da cidade em zonas perimetrais complementa nossa compreensão acerca dos diferentes tipos de habitação construídas na mesma cidade, bem como das especificações em lei que se diferenciavam conforme a zona em que a habitação seria construída. O terceiro capítulo parte da observação da cidade dividida em zonas e mostra as discussões acerca dos planos de Melhoramentos da Capital e quais áreas eram alvo de maior investimento em detrimento de outras. Aqui a cidade é vista como palco de disputa por hegemonia de diferentes grupos sociais que conflitavam entre si. Do embate entre diferentes sujeitos sociais ativos a cidade é construída, demolida e reconstruída inúmeras vezes

La répartition spatiale des fonctions et des populations urbaines n’est pas due au hasard, elle peutmettre en évidence des inégalités qui interrogent nos sociétés démocratiques fondées avant tout sur leprincipe d’égalité. Celui-ci s’appuie sur les relations entre le « social » et le « spatial » qui consistentprincipalement à explorer les inégalités sociales dans les espaces urbains et ce qui est ressenti commeune injustice par les individus. Pour saisir ces dynamiques socio-spatiales, nous focalisons notrerecherche sur l’histoire urbaine de Besançon, Mulhouse et Strasbourg ainsi que sur les rapports entreles habitants et leur environnement résidentiel. À l’aide des grandes bases de données géo-localiséesde l’INSEE, nous étudions la distribution spatiale des ménages ainsi que son évolution sur une périodede près de vingt années (de 1990 à 2007). Par ailleurs, nous cherchons à observer les différents modesd’habiter des Bisontins, c’est-à-dire leurs stratégies résidentielles ainsi que leurs pratiques etreprésentations spatiales à l’aide d’enquêtes de terrain. Cette thèse s’appuie donc sur une doubleapproche : l’une macroscopique, historique et quantitative et l’autre microscopique et qualitative. Elleprésente finalement les structures socio-spatiales des zones d’étude et les trajectoires des quartiers(plus précisément des IRIS) afin de montrer les diverses tendances d’évolution (gentrification,paupérisation…) dans une optique comparative. Des facteurs d’évolution spécifiques apparaissentégalement en lien avec la localisation des villes d’étude ainsi qu’avec leurs fonctions urbaines etsociales, leur organisation interne et leur taille. Les enquêtes révèlent, pour leur part, plusieurs règlescomportementales qu’il s’agit de comparer compte tenu de la diversité sociale des quartiers. Cesinformations collectées à partir d’enquêtes sont plus subjectives, mais elles complètent les données desrecensements et leur donnent du sens. Au final, elles montrent que l’appartenance à un groupe sociospatialene détermine pas systématiquement les comportements résidentiels. / The spatial distribution of urban functions and populations is not random, this distribution canhighlight inequalities which call into question our democratic societies based on the principle ofequality. This principle is based on the relationship between the “social” and the “spatial” whichmainly consist in investigating social disparities in urban areas and what is perceived as an injustice byindividuals. To understand these socio-spatial dynamics, we focus our research on the urban history ofBesançon, Mulhouse and Strasbourg as well as the relations between the inhabitants and theirresidential environment. Using large geo-localized databases from INSEE, we study the spatialdistribution of households and its evolution over a period of nearly twenty years (1990-2007). Inaddition, we seek to observe the various ways of living of the residents of Besançon, that is to say theirresidential logics and their spatial practices and representations via field surveys. Thus, this thesis isbased on a double approach: the first one is macroscopic, historic and quantitative and the second oneis microscopic and qualitative. The study presents the socio-spatial structures of the studied cities andthe trajectories of districts (more exactly the IRIS: the smaller census area) in order to show thedifferent trends of evolution (gentrification, pauperisation...) in a comparative perspective. Specificfactors of evolution are also linked to the location of the studied cities as well as to their urban andsocial functions, their internal organisation and their size. The field surveys, for their part, revealseveral behavioural rules that we compare considering the social diversity of districts. Thisinformation collected from surveys is more subjective, but it completes the census data and gives themmeaning. Finally, we show that the membership of a socio-spatial group does not determinesystematically residential behaviours.