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This paper deals with village history around millstone quarry Eastern Utsjö in Malung, Sweden, in the hope of finding deposits that could date the quarry, in that the quarry in the current situation is dated only by the millstone fragments outside the resort. My purpose was to conduct a discussion on the quarry alone can be dated by deposits outside the resort. I have used FMIS RAÄ:s fornsök and a lot of literature to identify village history. The results showed that it is not possible to date the millstone quarry from village history, but through deposits outside the resort of Malung, which have been found around Mälardalen, Sweden through archaeological excavations, and derived from the millstone quarry Eastern Utsjö, can put an age on the quarry.

This dissertation tells the tale of al-Mahalla al-Kubra during the transition from handloom crafts to the mechanized textile industry and from a local community to a battleground for the nationalist cause in the first half of the twentieth century. By exploring the relationships between culture, politics, and modern industrialization and how subaltern groups shaped their local experiences of modernity in a setting remote from the central government and the cosmopolitan culture of Cairo and Alexandria, it unpacks the social history of men and women, artisans and workers, notables and fitiwwat who were situated between national capitalism and foreign domination. The goal is to write the history of the society from the bottom up and to write a history that is an alternative to the already established histories of nationalism and colonialism. It provides a historical reconstruction and analysis of the process of assimilation undergone by the recruited peasants into urban industrial life and explores the various ways in which they and the Mahallawiyya negotiated living together and dealt with their mutual hostility on an everyday basis. Identity is the core question in this process of assimilation. Did modern, horizontal class relations actually replace traditional, vertical communal and patronage relations? To what extent did the traditional social institutions help or hinder the process of adapting to forms of social life associated with modern industry? I argue that both vertical class and horizontal communal relations co-existed and sometimes competed. In that fluid dynamic, individuals and groups acted and interacted depending on their socio-economic status, communal commitments, conjuncture or the way that a given situation developed, and a shared, often contested, discourse. / text

Although there have been numerous studies of individual cities or groups of cities, there has never been a study of the urbanism of the Roman world as a whole, meaning that we have been poorly informed not only about the number of cities and how they were distributed and changed over time, but also about their sizes and populations, monumentality, and civic status. This thesis provides a new account of the urbanism of the Roman world between 100 B.C. and A.D. 300. To do so, it draws on a combination of textual sources and archaeological material to provide a new catalogue of cities, calculates new estimates of their areas and uses a range of population densities to estimate their populations, and brings together available information about their monumentality and civic status for the first time. This evidence demonstrates that, although there were relatively few cities, many had considerable sizes and populations, substantial amounts of monumentality, and held various kinds of civic status. This indicates that there was significant economic growth in this period, including both extensive and intensive economic growth, which resulted from an influx of wealth through conquest and the intrinsic changes that came with Roman rule (including the expansion of urbanism). This evidence also suggests that there was a system that was characterised by areas of intense urban demand, which were met through an efficient system for the extraction of necessity and luxury goods from immediate hinterlands and an effective system for bringing these items from further afield. The disruption of these links seems to have put this system under considerable strain towards the end of this period and may have been sufficient to cause its ultimate collapse. This appears to have been in marked contrast to the medieval and early modern periods, when urbanism was more able to respond to changes in supply and demand.

Au XIXe siècle, les sœurs hospitalières sont au cœur du système de soin parisien. L’identité et les activités sociales de ces femmes qui partagent un engagement religieux et un apostolat soignant auprès des pauvres de la capitale sont analysées dans cette thèse. La vocation, fruit d’un choix entre les jeunes femmes et l’institution, est une voie d’émancipation dans l’espace public et le monde du travail, mais qui leur permet aussi de s’affirmer comme individu en sapant l’autorité paternelle et en légitimant l’expression d’un désir. Chevilles ouvrières du système de santé publique et figures de la charité privée, les sœurs en accompagnent la croissance. Le soin aux pauvres et leur dévouement justifient la reconnaissance de leur utilité sociale devant l’urgence d’une société confrontée à une pauvreté massive et aux effets contrastés du processus de déchristianisation. Paradoxalement, la laïcisation conforterait leur présence dans le dispositif charitable et soignant de la capitale. Les sœurs se forment à certaines exigences médicales et cherchent à maintenir un « écart chrétien » dans le monde. Le soin des sœurs participe ainsi à la médicalisation de la société mais reste une stratégie de reconquête religieuse. Leur apostolat révèlerait que la demande sociale de santé et de religion reposerait sur un souci de soi et un besoin plus vaste d’attention. Mais ce « souci de soi » est aussi, pour les sœurs, une voie fonctionnelle et harmonieuse de réconcilier les volets religieux et profane de leur mission. Dès lors, les sœurs peuvent s’adapter à la modernité en articulant les préoccupations du siècle avec une exigence spirituelle. / In the nineteenth century, sisters of charity were at the core of the Parisian health system. This thesis analyses the identity and the social activities of these women who shared a religious commitment and a caring apostolate towards the poor of Paris. Vocation, which resulted from a choice by young women and the religious institution, was a way for these women to find a place in public space and in the workplace. It enabled them to assert themselves as individuals, undermining paternal authority and legitimating the expression of a desire. Cornerstones of the public health system and figures of charity, the nuns accompanied the growth of both. Their care of the poor and their devotion justified their claim to be recognised as socially useful in a context where French society was confronted by the new problem of widespread poverty and by the countervailing effects of dechristianization. Paradoxically, republican secularization would confirm their presence in the capital’s caring and charitable system. The sisters undertook training to new medical standards at the same times as they tried to maintain a ‘Christian singularity’ in the world. The care that the sisters provided played a role in the medicalization of society but nonetheless remained part of a strategy of religious reconquest. Their apostolate would reveal that society’s health and religious needs rested on a ‘care of the self’ and a need for attention. This ’care of the self’ was also a way for the nuns to reconcile the lay and religious aspects of their mission. Thus, sisters of charity could adapt themselves to modernity by articulating worldly preoccupations with a spiritual imperative.

L’efficience des représentations à l’oeuvre dans les dynamiques sociospatiales et leur cristallisation à travers une forte imagerie constituent à notre sens un objet de recherche fécond pour comprendre le fait urbain. Notre réflexion porte sur l’imagerie de deux quartiers à Annaba, Kouba et Les Allemands, respectivement représentatifs des ensembles collectifs réalisés dans le cadre du Plan de Constantine en 1958 et des ZHUN dans les années 1980. Les constructions identitaires qui y sont attachées sont largement liées à l’histoire urbaine et aux conditions de leur peuplement, le premier abrite majoritairement des cadres, des techniciens, le second reflète une sorte de proximité spatiale entre le même type de population et des sinistrés provenant des bidonvilles et de la médina. Ainsi, nous considérons que saisir l’imagerie contrastée caractérisant ces espaces, permettrait d’accéder aux logiques à la base, tant des actions urbaines initiées par les pouvoirs publics, que des modes d’appropriation des populations de ces quartiers, à travers leur itinéraire résidentiel, leurs mobilités, leurs usages, leurs interactions sociales et leurs relations à la ville. / The efficiency of the representations to work in the dynamic socio-space ones and their crystallization through a strong imagery constitute with our direction a fertile object of research to understand the urban fact. Our reflection relates to the imagery of two districts to Annaba, Kouba and the Allemands, respectively representative of the collective units carried out within the framework of the Plan of Constantine in 1958 and the ZHUN in the years 1980. Identity constructions which are attached there are largely related to the urban history and in the conditions of their settlement, the first shelters mainly executives, technicians, the second reflects a kind of space proximity between the same type of population and the disaster victim coming from the slums and medina. Thus, we consider that to seize the contrasted imagery characterizing these spaces, would give access logics the base, as well of the urban actions initiated by the authorities, as modes of appropriation of the populations of these districts through their residential route, their mobilities, their uses, their social interactions and their relations at the city.

La loi du 19 juin 1851 qui étatise la police de Lyon marque une rupture majeure dans l’histoire du maintien de l’ordre en France. Depuis la Révolution française, les maires ont en effet été chargés de la police dans toutes les communes françaises, Paris exceptée. À partir de 1851, Lyon fait donc figure d’exception. Parce qu’elle s’est signalée par ses colères récurrentes depuis la fin du XVIIIe siècle, qu’elle est considérée comme la capitale du sud-est de la France et que sa population apparaît unanimement comme rétive à toute forme de domination, elle passe pour une cité rebelle. Dans le contexte d’un « Printemps des peuples » marqué par les soulèvements réguliers des partisans de la République démocratique et sociale, en juin 1848 puis en juin 1849, Lyon devient aux yeux des autorités, le quartier général de tous ceux qui veulent renverser l’ordre social en France voire en Europe. Or, durant cette période, la police lyonnaise donne chaque jour les preuves d’une défaillance complète face à la criminalité et à la délinquance, malgré une réorganisation générale tentée à l’automne 1848. En réaction, le pouvoir parisien place progressivement Lyon « hors du droit commun ». La ville et ses faubourgs sont d’abord privés de leurs gardes nationales en juillet 1848, lesquelles ne seront jamais réorganisées, à la différence des autres municipalités, car elles sont perçues, entre Rhône et Saône, comme peu sûres, faibles face à l’émeute et promptes à se retourner contre l’armée et la police. Le 15 juin 1849, une nouvelle insurrection éclate à Lyon. Réprimée par l’armée, elle enclenche la réforme générale de l’organisation administrative et policière de la ville et des faubourgs. Dans l’immédiat, Lyon et les cinq départements de la 6e division militaire sont placés et maintenus en état de siège. Tentée une première fois à l’automne 1849, la réforme aboutit avec la loi du 19 juin 1851. Désormais, Lyon jouit d’une police étatisée, aux mains d’un préfet du Rhône devenu préfet de police, agissant dans une nouvelle entité administrative, l’agglomération lyonnaise, qui regroupe une douzaine de communes et faubourgs. Le décret du 24 mars 1852 fait aboutir cette réforme, en supprimant le maire et en attribuant ses fonctions au préfet, en annexant les communes suburbaines et en divisant la ville en cinq arrondissements. Sur le plan policier, les services sont réorganisés jusqu’en 1854, sur la base des modèles parisien, londonien et genevois. La police d’État lyonnaise traverse le Second Empire et devient le modèle à partir duquel les polices des préfectures de plus de 40 000 habitants sont étatisées en 1855. Cette pérennité de la police d’État ne doit pourtant pas dissimuler une contestation permanente de son existence au cours des années 1860, au Corps législatif puis au Conseil général du Rhône. Les élus républicains demandent en effet la restitution à Lyon d’une municipalité élue, prélude au retour de la ville dans le « droit commun » sur le plan policier. Progressivement, la surveillance politique de l’agglomération s’avère difficile à assurer et les effectifs policiers apparaissent insuffisants. C’est néanmoins la défaite de Sedan qui aura raison de la police d’État. La République proclamée, la municipalité lyonnaise tout juste recomposée reprend immédiatement la direction du maintien de l’ordre le 4 septembre 1870 / The law of 19th June 1851 which establishes state control over the police of Lyon marks a major break in the history of urban policing in France. Since the French Revolution, mayors were in charged of the police in all the French municipalities, Paris excepted. From 1851, Lyon thus became an exception. Because it differenced itself by its recurring revolts since the end of the XVIIIth century, because it is considered as the capital of the southeast-part of France and because its population appeared unanimously as refusing any kind of domination, it was considered as a rebel city. During the "people’s spring" marked by the regular uprisings of the partisans of the democratic and social Republic, in June, 1848 then in June, 1849, Lyon became for the authorities, the headquarters of all those who wanted to turn upside down social order in France and even in Europe. Yet, during this period, the police of Lyon gave daily proofs of a total failure to fight criminality, in spite of a general reorganization tempted in autumn 1848.In reaction, the Parisian power gradually put Lyon "outside the common law". The city and its suburbs were firstly deprived of their national guards in July 1848, unlike the other municipalities, because its guards were perceived, between the Rhône and the Saône, as weak in front of riots and quick to turn around against the army and the police. On June 15th 1849, a new uprising burst in Lyon. Repressed by the army, it engaged the general reform of the administrative and police organization of the city and the suburbs. Lyon and the five departments of the 6th military division had immediately been are placed and maintained under state of siege. Firstly tried in autumn 1849, the reform succeeded with the law of 19th June 1851. From then on, Lyon had a state-controlled police, in the hands of the prefect of the Rhône who became a prefect of police, acting in a new administrative entity, the Lyon agglomeration, which included a dozen municipalities and suburbs. The decree of March 24th, 1852 made this reform succeed, by suppressing the mayor and by attributing its functions to the prefect, by annexing the suburban municipalities and by dividing the city into five districts. On the police plan, services were reorganized until 1854, on the basis of the models of Paris, London and Geneva.The State police of Lyon crossed the Second Empire and became the model from which the polices of the prefectures of more than 40 000 inhabitants passed under state control in 1855. Nevertheless, the State police is contested during the 1860s, in the Legislative Corps and the General Council of the Rhône. The republican asked for the restoration of an elected municipality in Lyon, seen as the first step of the return of the city in the police "common law". Gradually, political surveillance of the urban space became increasingly difficult, and the police staff seemed insufficient. Nevertheless, it was the defeat of Sedan that would mark the end of the State police. Once the Republic had been proclaimed, the municipality of Lyon just recomposed took back immediately the direction of the police on September 4th, 1870.

L'objectif de la thèse est de saisir, pour Rome en tant que capitale européenne de la musique, et dans la continuité des récents travaux historiques sur les capitales culturelles, les modalités et les temporalités d'une profonde transformation des milieux musicaux et des conditions sociales et culturelles de l'exercice de la musique au cours du XVIIIe siècle, phénomène qui a accompagné l'évolution des styles et des goûts musicaux en Europe. La recherche est centrée sur l'étude des « métiers de la musique » : elle analyse les lieux et institutions d'exercice, les pratiques observables dans chacun d'eux, en prenant en compte leurs singularités comme leurs imbrications ou porosités, ainsi que le déroulement des carrières, à partir d'évaluations quantitatives comme de la reconstitution de parcours individuels. Elle vise, grâce à des archives variées (archives de la Congrégation de Sainte-Cécile, archives privées des grandes familles aristocratiques, archives notariales, archives paroissiales, archives des chapelles et des théâtres), à appréhender les conditions sociales des musiciens, en s'attachant aux revenus, aux hiérarchies, aux protections et aux mobilités. Au cours du XVIIIe siècle, on assiste à une recomposition du paysage musical romain. Bien que la désaffection pour la musique sacrée fragilise le marché musical urbain, Rome reste l'un des principaux foyers musicaux européens. La ville se convertit progressivement, mais avec succès, à la musique profane, en particulier à l'opéra, ce qui conduit à modifier non seulement l'offre musicale, mais aussi l'organisation de la profession. / The aim of this thesis is to catch how and when musical circles as well as social and cultural conditions in musical practice deeply changed in Rome - as the European capital of music- during the 18th century ; and that, as part of the recent historical work on cultural capitals. This phenomenon went hand in hand with the evolution of musical styles and tastes in Europe.The research is based on the study of "musical professions": it is an analysis of the places and institutions in which music was practised, the different practices with their peculiarities as well as their abilities to mingle together. It also analyses how careers develop, using quantitative assessments and records of individual careers.It aims, thanks to various archives (from the Congregation of St Cecily, great aristocratic families, notary offices, parishes, choirs and theatres) at understanding the living conditions of the musicians: incomes, hierarchy, protections, mobility. It has been necessary to study the social network and the family environment of the musicians, as well as their relations with other people, and their professional environment. During the 18th century, a reshaping of the Roman musical landscape can be observed. In spite of the declining interest for sacred music, which weakens the market of music in town, Rome remains one of the most important musical places in Europe. The town slowly but successfully converts itself to secular music, and more especially to opera music; and this leads to a change, not only in musical offers, but also the organization of the profession. / Lo scopo della tesi è di capire, per Roma capitale musicale europea, nella continuità dei recenti lavori storici sulle capitale culturali, le modalità e le temporalità di una profonda trasformazione dei “milieux” musicali e delle condizioni sociali e culturali della prassi musicale nel corso del Settecento, fenomeno che ha accompagnato l’evoluzione dei stili e dei gusti musicali in Europa. La ricerca s’incentra sullo studio degli “mestieri della musica”: analizza i luoghi, le istituzioni legate alla musica e la prassi osservabile in ciascuna di loro, tenendo in conto la loro singolarità, i loro intrecci o le loro porosità, lo sviluppo delle carriere, a partire da valutazioni quantitative e dalla ricostituzione di percorsi individuali. Grazie all’analisi di vari archivi (archivi della Congregazione di Santa Cecilia, archivi privati di grandi famiglie aristocratiche, archivi notarili, archivi parocchiali, archivi di cappelle musicali e di teatri), mira a comprendere le condizioni sociali dei musicisti, facendo riferimento ai redditi, alle gerarchie, alle protezioni e alle mobilità. E’ stato necessario interrogare le rete sociali e l’entourage familiale, relazionale e professionale dei musicisti, localizzare i luoghi di residenza nel tessuto urbano e studiare le realtà istituzionali, economiche e sociali che facevano da sfondo alla loro vita professionale. L’adattamento degli individui o delle famiglie di musicisti alle diverse offerte e risorse della città, le dinamiche d’inserimento nel “mercato musicale” e la società urbana, sono stati al cuore di questa riflessione. Il discorso è partito, per quanto possibile, dalle prassi all’interno di questi mestieri, predendo in conto le loro singolarità. E’ quindi stato studiato l’insieme della comunità musicale nelle sue diverse componenti e i suoi multipli aspetti. Nel corso del Settecento, si assiste ad una ricomposizione del paesaggio musicale romano. Anche se la disaffezione per la musica sacra rende fragile il mercato musicale urbano, Roma rimane uno dei principali centri musicali europei. La città si convertì, progressivamente ma con successo, alla musica profana, in particolare all’opera, questo condusse a modificare non soltanto l’offerta musicale ma anche l’organizzazione della professione.

À partir de deux opérations d’agrandissement de ville au XVIIe siècle (Aix en 1646, Marseille en 1666), cette recherche vise à comprendre les modalités concrètes de production de l’espace urbain sous l’Ancien Régime, à la fois au plan humain et matériel. Cette étude débute au ras du sol, à l’échelle la plus fine de la matérialité urbaine, à savoir le parcellaire. À partir d’une réflexion croisée autour des droits du sols et du marche de l’immobilier, l’enjeu ici est de mieux comprendre le poids des structures et des mécanismes juridiques privés dans les processus de fabrique de la ville. Changeant d’échelle d’analyse, un ensemble d’interrogations liées au domaine de l'économie du bâtiment permet de mettre en évidence les modalités économiques, sociales et juridiques qui entourent les chantiers de la construction. Le but ici est à la fois de dégager les règles cadrant l'activité constructive, et de déterminer les contours de la pratique des individus dans ce domaine. Cet axe induit une réflexion autour de la structuration à la fin du XVIIe siècle d’un ordre public constructif. Enfin, cette recherche aborde dans un troisième temps l’espace urbain dans son ensemble le plus vaste, à la fois sur le plan matériel et administratif. À partir des cadres politiques et institutionnels sollicités et déployés pour mener à bien ces opérations, c’est la question de l’intégration et de la gestion de ces nouveaux espaces à l'ordre urbain existant qui nous préoccupe. / From two city expansion operations in the seventeenth century (Aix in 1646, Marseille in 1666), this research aims to understand the practical arrangements for production of urban space under the old regime, both in human terms and equipment.This study begins at ground level at the finest scale of urban materiality, the plot. From a cross-reflection on the rights of the land and property market, the challenge here is to understand the weight of structures and private legal mechanisms in urban process.Changing scale of analysis, a set of questions related to the building of the economy domain allows to highlight the economic, social and legal conditions surrounding the sites of construction. The goal here is both to identify the rules framing constructive activity and to determine the contours of the practice of individuals in this area. This axis induces a reflection on the structuration of a constructive public order at the end of the seventeenth century.Finally, this research addresses urban space in its larger whole, both hardware and administratively. From the institutional and public frameworks to carry out these operations, the issue of integration and management of these new spaces to the existing urban order came up.

La thèse porte sur les processus de transition énergétique urbaine et leur caractère multi-niveaux. Sachant que les processus de transition ne peuvent être pensés indépendamment du contexte local dans lequel ils évoluent et qu’ils se construisent en interaction avec les autres niveaux d’action, leur compréhension appelle une analyse multi-niveaux, mettant en lumière les articulations en jeu entre les échelles de décision et d'action. La première partie montre que le caractère systémique et transversal des enjeux climat-énergie complexifie les processus de gouvernance et participe à leur reconfiguration à toutes les échelles d’action, remettant en question les cadres conceptuels et les champs disciplinaires conventionnels. Les deuxième et troisième parties mobilisent des études de cas contrastées, Munich et Bristol. Cette analyse révèle un choc des modèles de transition, entre Bristol, privilégiant une stratégie de décentralisation et de résilience énergétique, portée par la municipalité, les communautés énergétiques et les acteurs industriels, et Munich, adoptant une stratégie de délocalisation de la production d’électricité et d’internationalisation des activités de la régie municipale d’énergie (SWM) – 7ème géant allemand. On observe à l’échelle locale et non sans paradoxe une inversion des dynamiques et des modèles énergétiques nationaux. Le centralisme britannique agit comme une contrainte structurante sur la stratégie décentralisée de Bristol ; tandis qu'à Munich, l’Energiewende est un catalyseur pour la stratégie industrielle délocalisée de la SWM, qui devient en retour un acteur majeur de la transition fédérale au vu de son envergure. / The PhD addresses the processes of urban energy transition and their multi-level dimension. Given that these processes cannot be considered independently from the local context in which they apply and that they are built in interaction with the other levels of action, understanding them calls for a multi-level analysis to shed light the articulations between the different scales of decision and action. The first part shows that the systemic and cross-cutting nature of the climate-energy issues makes governance processes more complex and contributes to their reorganization at all scales of action by questioning the standard conceptual frameworks and disciplinary fields. The second and third parts develop mixed case studies, Munich and Bristol. This analysis reveals a contrast in the transition models, between Bristol, which favors a strategy of decentralization and energy resilience supported by the municipality, the energy communities and the industrial actors, and Munich, which adopts a strategy organized around the relocation of electricity generation and the internationalization of activities of the municipal energy company (SWM) – 7th largest German producer. A reversal of the dynamics and national models of energy is paradoxically observed between the national and the local scales. The UK centralism acts as a structural constraint for the decentralized strategy of Bristol, in Munich, the EnergieWende is a driver for the industrial and delocalized strategy of the SWM, which becomes a major player in the federal transition given its scale.