This licentiate thesis describes and analyses the modern history of the socio-technical systems for urban water supply and sanitation in East Africa with focus on Uganda and Kenya. The key objective of the thesis is to evaluate to what extent the historic processes frame and influence the water and sanitation services sectors in these countries today. The theoretical approach combines the Large Technical Systems approach from the discipline of History of Technology with New Institutional Economics. Throughout, urban water and sanitation service systems are regarded as socio-technical systems, where institutions, organisation and technology all interact. The thesis consists of three separate articles and a synthesis in the form of a framework narrative. The first article provides a discussion of the theoretical framework with special focus on the application of Public Goods theory to urban water and sanitation. The second article describes the establishment of the large-scale systems for water supply and sanitation in Kampala, Uganda in the period 1920-1950. The third article focuses on the politics of urban water supply in Kenya with emphasis on the period 1900-1990. The main findings in this thesis are that the socio-technical systems for urban water and sanitation evolve over long periods of time and are associated with inertia that makes these systems change slowly. The systems were established in the colonial period to mainly respond to the needs and preferences of a wealthy minority and a technological paradigm evolved based on capital-intensive and large-scale technology. Attempts to expand services to all citizens in the post-colonial period under this paradigm were not sustainable due to changes in the social, political and economic environment while incentives for technological change were largely absent. History thus frames decisions in the public sphere even today, through technological and institutional inertia. Knowing the history of these socio-technical systems is therefore important, in order to understand key sector constraints, and for developing more sustainable service provision. / <p>QC 20101122</p>

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[pt] Em 1917, músicos da Banda do Corpo de Bombeiros do Rio de Janeiro apresentaram o hino Soldado do Fogo. Os versos celebravam a sagrada missão destes voluntários que não temem da morte na sua batalha contra incêndios horrorosos e dantescos. A letra do hino condensava uma narrativa que, desde meados do século XIX, havia sido forjada institucionalmente, na intenção de consolidar o caráter heroico de integrantes comprometidos com a tarefa de proteger a vida e a propriedade, ainda que para isso tenham que perder a própria vida, com o cumprimento do seu dever. Essa versão idealizada do lugar social do bombeiro, elaborada e reelaborada pela Corporação, será questionada nesta tese em três argumentos principais. Primeiramente, através da análise das formas de recrutamento e do perfil dos agentes nos níveis mais baixos da hierarquia institucional, revelando dinâmicas relacionadas aos mundos de trabalho e aos conflitos laborais na virada do século XIX para o XX, que contrastam com a imagem de um voluntário empenhado no ofício de se sacrificar pela missão. Em segundo lugar, aponta para o Corpo de Bombeiros como uma instituição menos coesa do que aquela imaginada por seus comandantes, em grande medida fraturada por hierarquias e distinções que separavam, por exemplo, uma maioria de trabalhadores pobres dos militares de alta patente do Exército brasileiro. Por fim, a tese revela os limites de atuação dos bombeiros na execução das suas atribuições: seja pelas precárias condições de trabalho, seja pela carência de equipamentos à sua disposição. Enfim, esta pesquisa traz à tona um universo de trabalhadores lutando contra muito mais do que incêndios: por salários, condições de trabalho e possibilidades de ascensão social. / [en] In 1917, the Rio de Janeiro Fire Department official band performed the new hymn praising the Corporation: Fire Soldiers. The lyrics celebrated the sacred mission of those volunteer workers who did not fear death when in battles against the most awful and horrid fires. The verses condensed a narrative that had been institutionally forged since the mid-nineteenth century, aiming at consolidating the heroic character of its corps engaged with the task of protecting life and property as a duty to be fulfilled even if losing their lives while doing it. That ideal version of the firefighter s social place, elaborated and re-elaborated by the Corporation, will be questioned in this thesis in three main arguments. First of all, based on the analysis of the forms of recruitment and on the profile of the agents within the lower hierarchical levels, the study will reveal the dynamics related to different work spheres as well as occupational tensions by the turn of the 19th to the 20th century, which do not fit the image of a volunteer brigade ready to sacrifice life for the cause. Also, the research presents a Fire Department as less cogent than that ideal imagined by its commanders, greatly caused by distinctions and hierarchies that separated a great majority of poor workers from the high ranking officials in the Brazilian Army. Finally, the thesis reveals the limitations on firefighting attributions, due to very precarious working conditions or to lack of adequate equipment. The research also brings to the main stage a whole new universe of workers fighting not only a great number of fires but also for salaries, work conditions, and the possibility of social climbing.

De svenska städerna har genom tiderna planerats på olika sätt och olika visioner och mål har styrt städernas utformning. Under 1600-talet stod städernas handel i fokus och städerna planerades på ett schematiskt sätt med tullar i flera väderstreck. Städer som var viktiga för landets försvar utformades med befästningar i utkanterna. Under stormaktstiden anlade staten många nya städer, man anlade dem på strategiska lägen för försvar, styrning och administration. Under 1800-talet hade folk tröttnat på att de schematiska städerna brann ner och för att undvika det började man anlägga breda gator som skulle förhindra spridning över gata. Under 1800-talet började också järnvägar anläggas i många städer och stadsbefolkningen ökade. Fler offentliga byggnader byggdes i monumental stil och städerna gjordes representativa – järnvägen var stadens framsida och kvarteren runt järnvägen smyckades extra. Industrierna började på slutet av 1800-talet etablera sig i städerna och stadsbefolkningen ökade ytterligare – miljön blev väldigt dålig till följd. Förutom den dåliga miljön var trångboddhet och bostadsbrist ett stort problem. 1874 infördes en ny byggnadsstadga som kom att bli väldigt viktig. Under 1900-talet började staten ta större ansvar för det sociala och bostadspolitiken fick stort fokus. Staten ville lösa 1800-talets problem och genom en omfattande bostadspolitisk reform lyckades man med det. Lånesubventioner som satte krav på byggnadsutformningen, nya möjligheter att detaljreglera marken och en rationell stadsplanering gjorde att man 1970 hade byggt bort bostadsbristen, trångboddheten och höjt bostadsstandarden för hela den svenska befolkningen. Genom tiden har andra länder inspirerat och påverkat hur de politiska vindarna har blåst, hur stadsplanerarnas visioner har sett ut och hur regleringarna har utformats. Målet har alltid varit att skapa en god stad och lösa problemen som de tidigare idealen skapat. Krig, invandring, utvandring och ekonomiska kriser utom och inom Sverige har också skapat problem som behövt lösas genom politik, stadsplanering och regleringar. / The cities of Sweden have been planned differently during different times in history, following different methods, visions and goals for the cities. During the 17th century the main focus was on trading and therefore the cities were planned on the basis of that, resulting in a simple way with tolls around the city. Cities of great importance for the defence were equipped with fortification on the outskirts. Many cities were founded during this era, not spontaneously, but for defending and were therefore placed in strategic ways. The King had plans of expanding the kingdom and to be able to do so it would require cities for regulating and administrating purposes. During the 19th century people were tired of seeing the schematic cities burning down and to avoid that boulevards were laid to prevent fires from spreading. It was also during this period that railways were laid in many cities. More and more public buildings were built in a monumental style and the cities were made representative – railroads would serve as the front of the city and the neighbourhoods surrounding the railroad would be adorned with lavish designs. Furthermore, industries were established during this time consequently leading to a larger population and also a degraded environment.  During the 20th century the government started taking a larger responsibility for social and housing policies. The government wanted to solve the problems of the previous century and was able to do so after implementing extensive reforms. Subsidized loans implemented by the government putting constraints on building designs, new opportunities of detail control and a rational urban planning made it possible to eradicate most of the problems encountered during the 19th century by the mid-1900s and thereby raising the standard of housing. During the ages other countries have inspired and affected the political situation and also the visions of urban planners resulting in the way regulations have been designed. The goal has always been to create a good city. Wars, immigration, emigration and economic crises within and outside of Sweden have also been causes of issues that have been solved through politics, urban planning and regulations.

This study discusses how motion picture spectatorship practices in Brooklyn developed separately from that of any other urban center in the United States between 1893 and 1928. Often overshadowed by Manhattan's glamorous cultural districts, Brooklyn's cultural arbiters adopted the motion picture as a means of asserting a sense of independence from the other New York boroughs. This argument is reinforced by focusing on the motion picture's ascendancy as one of the first forms of mass entertainment to be disseminated throughout New York City in congruence with the Borough of Brooklyn's rapid urbanization. In many significant areas Brooklyn's relationship with the motion picture was largely unique from anywhere else in New York. These differences are best illuminated through several key examples ranging from the manner in which Brooklyn's political and religious authorities enforced film censorship to discussing how the motion picture was exhibited and the way theaters proliferated throughout the borough Lastly this work will address the ways in which members of the Brooklyn community influenced the production practices of the films made at several Brooklyn-based film studios. Ultimately this work sets out to explain how an independent community was able to determine its own form of cultural expression through its relationship with mass entertainment.

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Si l’impact des Montréalaises dans la sphère publique sur les plans social et politique est bien connu, leurs actions sur le plan urbain le sont moins. Au tournant du XXe siècle, ces femmes, travaillant au sein de la Fédération nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste (FNSJB) et du Montreal Local Council of Women (MLCW), usent de leur agentivité afin de justifier leurs interventions sur la matière urbaine. Suivant la théorie des sphères séparées, elles justifient leur place et leur utilité dans la sphère publique en s’appuyant sur leurs qualités maternelles « naturelles », en tant que gardiennes et ménagères du foyer. Les femmes de Montréal utilisent également les idéologies réformiste et nationaliste qu’elles jumèlent au maternalisme. C’est dans ce contexte qu’il se produit un glissement de la maison à la ville, où elles envisagent l’urbain, par sa matière, comme une maison pour les habitant.es de Montréal. Les projets qu’elles mettent en place ou auxquels elles participent en témoignent. Elles ouvrent des hôpitaux et des écoles et veillent à rendre disponible du logement pour la population vulnérable, à travers des foyers, des orphelinats et autres institutions. Elles veulent aussi rendre leur ville belle et propre, notamment en créant un réseau de parcs et de terrains de jeux, en gardant à l’œil les loisirs « immoraux » et en agissant sur la propreté et l’hygiène. Ces projets, qui sont autant de façons d’intervenir dans et sur l’urbain, témoignent de leurs préoccupations idéologiques, mais aussi du type de ville qu’elles veulent faire naître. Bien qu’inévitablement leur identité collective en tant que femmes blanches de l’élite les mène à poser un regard situé sur les autres Montréalaises et ainsi à mettre en place des projets qui peuvent nuire à ces dernières, la ville qu’elles envisagent est plus à l’écoute des besoins de la population. Elles parviennent ainsi à se doter d’un pouvoir sur la matière urbaine, pouvoir à la fois reconnu par la population qui bénéficie de leurs services, par les autres organisations réformistes et masculines, et même par les autorités municipales. En somme, leurs interventions sur la matière transforment non seulement le visage de la ville, mais aussi la manière dont la ville est pensée. / Although the role of Montreal women in enacting social and political change is well known, their impact on the urban landscape has not garnered enough attention. At the turn of the twentieth century, these women, working within the Fédération nationale Saint-Jean-Baptiste (FNSJB) and the Montreal Local Council of Women (MLCW), used their agency to justify interventions in urban matters. Influenced by the separate spheres doctrine, they defend their place and usefulness in the public sphere through their “natural” maternal qualities, as guardians and housekeepers of the home. Montreal women combine this maternalism with reformism and nationalism. In this context, a slip from house to city takes place, where, through materiality, the urban becomes a home for the city’s inhabitants. The projects that they create or participate in demonstrate this. They open schools and hospitals and work to make decent lodgings accessible for the city’s population, through homes, orphanages, and other institutions. They also work to beautify, clean and make their city a better place to live in, most notably through the creation of a network of parks and playgrounds, the surveillance of “immoral” leisure establishments, and by promoting urban cleanliness and hygiene. These projects that impact the built environment not only underline their ideological inclinations, but also the type of city that they envision. Although their collective identity as elite white women influences their view of other Montreal women, leading them to pursue projects that can have negative effects on the latter, the city they envision is one that is more in tune to the needs of the population. They ultimately succeed in securing for themselves power over urban matter, power that is both recognized by the people who benefit from their projects, but also by men in reformist organizations, and even in municipal government. Thus, their interventions on urban matter not only transform the city, but also the way we think of the city.

The dissertation examines African American Freemasons throughout the South during the Jim Crow era. The secret nature of Prince Hall Affiliated Freemasonry (PHA) has hidden the contribution and activism of the organization and its members. I argue the organization is part of a web of networks that fought for civil and human rights for African Americans. Through PHA, members are cultivated into leaders, activists, businessmen; over the years, the members have created an initiatic identity that connected them to the African American community and humanity. The significance of my study is that I analyze PHA through a womanist lens and argue the organization has a diarchal gender relationship that allows women and men to take on leadership and activist roles that differed from the normative gender relationship of their time.

<p>This dissertation deals with the period bridging the era of extreme housing shortages in Stockholm on the eve of industrialisation and the much admired programmes of housing provision that followed after the second world war, when Stockholm district Vällingby became an example for underground railway-serviced ”new towns”. It is argued that important changes were made in the housing and town planning policy in Stockholm in this period that paved the way for the successful ensuing period. Foremost among these changes was the uniquely developed practice of municipal leaseholding with the help of site leasehold rights (<i>Erbbaurecht</i>).</p><p>The study is informed by recent developments in Foucauldian social research, which go under the heading ’governmentality’. Developments within urban planning are understood as different solutions to the problem of urban order. To a large extent, urban and housing policies changed during the period from direct interventions into the lives of inhabitants connected to a liberal understanding of housing provision, to the building of a disciplinary city, and the conduct of ’governmental’ power, building on increased activity on behalf of the local state to provide housing and the integration and co-operation of large collectives. Municipal leaseholding was a fundamental means for the implementation of this policy.</p><p>When the new policies were introduced, they were limited to the outer parts of the city and administered by special administrative bodies. This administrative and spatial separation was largely upheld throughout the period, and represented as the parallel building of a ’social’ outer city, while things in the inner ’mercantile’ city proceeded more or less as before. This separation was founded in a radical difference in land holding policy: while sites in the inner city were privatised and sold at market values, land in the outer city was mostly leasehold land, distributed according to administrative – and thus politically decided – priorities.</p><p>These differences were also understood and acknowledged by the inhabitants. Thorough studies of the local press and the organisational life of the southern parts of the outer city reveals that the local identity was tightly connected with the representations connected to the different land holding systems. Inhabitants in the south-western parts of the city, which in this period was still largely built on private sites, displayed a spatial understanding built on the contradictions between centre and periphery. The inhabitants living on leaseholding sites, however, showed a clear understanding of their position as members of model communities, tightly connected to the policy of the municipal administration. The organisations on leaseholding sites also displayed a deep co-operation with the administration. As the analyses of election results show, the inhabitants also seemed to have felt a greater degree of integration with the society at large, than people living in other parts of the city. The leaseholding system in Stockholm has persisted until today and has been one of the strongest in the world, although the local neo-liberal politicians are currently disposing it off.</p>