The preoccupation in the past decades with theorizing radicalization in order to prevent violent extremism has left deradicalization undertheorized. As the number of returning Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) is expected to increase as a result of the anticipated military and intelligence advancement on terrorism, the reintegration imperative stresses the urgency to develop comprehensive reintegration and deradicalization strategies. This study seeks to contribute to filling the research deficit begging for empirical data informed by FTFs’ experiences of, and challenges in, reintegration, through qualitative interviews with returning FTFs in Kwale County, Kenya; a county producing a relative majority of Kenyan recruits to Al Shabaab who are now offered amnesty on return to their county of origin. The Life Psychology framework, which assumes an inherent human strive to obtain a good life, i.e. life embeddedness, is adopted for the analysis. The study finds that returnees commit to reintegration in the absence of other alternatives, due to economic incentives and longing for acceptance. It confirms that the process requires the societal motivation in facilitation, but will fail without the sustained commitment of the returning FTF. The study further establishes that returning FTFs are not able to obtain a flow in life embeddedness, which would indicate inability to reintegrate. Yet, many of the interviewed returning FTFs express the contrary, which challenges the concept of life embeddedness as an indicator for reintegration. The study further challenges the general assumption that deradicalization is a precondition for reintegration, as it finds that radicalized individuals are able to reintegrate into communities of origin without deserting held radical beliefs, if those communities share radical sentiments. This study contributes to filling the deficit in empirical data, which when advanced will work to avert security threats posed by returning FTFs and enable utilizing the potential of the phenomenon to counter violent extremism.

The aim of this study was to examine what judicial and profession related obstacles and difficulties that arise due to the role that social services have in preventing radicalization and violent extremism and what views social service workers and managers have regarding their involvement in this work. Specifically, the aim of the paper was to explore the understanding social services professionals have about the phenomenon that is radicalization and violent extremism and how this impacts the service they provide to individuals. Furthermore, the study wanted to investigate what methods and actions are carried out in order to detect and prevent individuals from becoming radicalized. Six separate semi-structured interviews were carried out consisting of four social services workers and two managers. The participants were selected from four different municipalities. After conducting the interviews four main themes regarding radicalization and violent extremism were identified, namely; understanding and reasoning, preventive and active measures, obstacles and difficulties, social services in a changing world. New institutionalism theory was applied to the result in order to improve the understanding of the role social services have regarding this issue. The studies main findings were that social workers and managers view radicalization as a process. This process can be carried out alone or as a member of a group. Radicalized individuals are hard to detect and therefore social services struggle to identify them. Fieldwork officers working together with school personnel have the best chance of detecting radicalization at an early stage. There is no method especially adapted to radicalization and violent extremism being used by the social services. Many participants describe being uncertain as to what their role should be with directives and regulations leaving room for interpretation and misunderstanding.

This research paper aims to examine how local boroughs in the South suburbs of Stockholm work with matters relating to radicalism and violent extremism with roots in white power environments and Islam. The paper will look at the different challenges faced by the local Boroughs in tackling the problems in the future. The empirical material that forms the basis of this paper have been collected through semi structured interviews with local coordinators employed by three different boroughs within the South suburbs of Stockholm. The theoretical framework of the study is formed by a typological model that comprises different kinds of crime prevention exercises with backgrounds in superordinate values. The empirical material has been analyzed in relation to crime prevention as a societal phenomenon depending on what preventive method has been given the timely aspect related to primary, secondary or tertiary prevention. Results show that radicalism and violent extremism are phenomenon with substantial complexity, according to all participating coordinators, white power environments tend to be significantly more violent in their behaviour and serves as the primary local threat whereas activities relating to radical Islam is more limited. The coordinators speak about the necessity to work for an inclusive society rather than controlling which risks stigmatizing the individuals who could be considered in an already weak and resource scarce situations. The study show that the boroughs dominant prevention mechanisms are formed of structural and socialization prevention methods rather than effective reduction and/or controlling prevention. / Denna studie syftar till att undersöka hur kommuner i Stockholm söderort arbetar med frågor som rör sig kring radikalisering och våldsbejakande extremism rörande vit makt-miljöer och islamistisk extremism samt vilka utmaningar som deltagande kommuner uppger föreligga i framtiden. Det empiriska underlag som studien innefattas av är inhämtat genom semi-strukturella intervjuer med samordnare inom tre olika kommuner i Stockholm söderort.   Studiens teoretiska ramverk utgörs delvis av olika typer av en typologisk modell som innefattar olika typer av brottspreventiva åtgärder och hur dessa typer utgörs med bakgrund av olika överordnade värden. Studiens empiriska material är analyserat i anknytning till brottsprevention som samhällsfenomen i sig samt vilket avseende som preventiva åtgärder utgör i relation till insatsens tidsaspekt-primär/sekundär/tertiär prevention.   Studiens resultat redogör att radikalisering och våldsbejakande extremism är ett komplext fenomen. Samtliga samordnare som deltagit i studien poängterar för vit makt-miljöer som den våldsbejakande miljö som utgör det primära hotet i kommunerna samt att vetskapen gällande aktiviteter av islamistiska extremist-miljöer är mer begränsad. Samordnarna belyser nödvändigheten att arbeta för ett inkluderande samhälle som ska förebygga utanförskap snarare än kontrollutövande insatser som riskerar att stigmatisera individer som redan är i en resurssvag position.   Studien visar på att kommuners dominerande preventionsåtgärder utgörs av struktur och- socialisationsåtgärder snarare än effektiviseringsåtgärder och/eller kontrollåtgärder.

The purpose of this study is to contribute to a greater knowledge and understanding of violent discourses within the Far Right community with emphasizes on online violent content. The study has, by analyzing the narrative, identified four discursive strategies used by the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR) in order to legitimize violence. By studying three texts in the time span of fifteen years published by the organization, the ambition is to identify a change in the discourse of violence.   Today’s society is greatly influenced by the presence of the Internet. The rise of populist political parties in European and American counties etc. has lead to discussions regarding the cause of this phenomenon. A reoccurring debate is if the Internet is to blame for this, since it is accessible for most people, with non-or little legislative control regarding credibility. What can be stated for a fact, however, is that these forces are once again gaining more support and power. Due to this, finding explanations for this turn of event, which is updated to the society that we live in now is of importance. In order to understand this phenomenon the study has examined the Far Right organization the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR). In the empirical part of the thesis four themes of violent discourses were identified; the enemies, the threat, family politics and women’s role in society and community-building processes. The four discursive strategies identified are in accordance with the chosen methodological framework, namely, critical discourse analysis. Aforementioned discursive strategies and analysis questions which, framed the empirical material, were analysed through the lenses of Norman Fairclough’s theory three-dimensional conception of discourse. In the discourses, amongst other things, it could be identified that the discourses had indeed become more violent.

Syftet med denna undersökning har varit att undersöka och analysera hur arbetet mot våldsbejakande extremism bedrivs i Gävleborgs län och vilka utmaningar som finns kopplat till ett sådant arbete. Studien gjordes genom nyckelpersonsintervjuer. Resultatet visade att arbetet mot våldsbejakande extremism precis har påbörjats i vissa kommuner medan andra inte har inlett ett sådant specifikt arbete. Flertalet kommuner avvaktar med att formulera en lokal handlingsplan i väntan på regionala direktiv.   Kommunerna i Gävleborgs län anser att förebyggande arbete ska bedrivas i enighet med de nationella rekommendationerna och genom att fortsätta befintliga demokratifrämjande och förebyggande arbete.   Utmaningar som framträdde gällande det lokala arbetet mot våldsbejakande extremism var bland andra osäkerhet, vilken verkade vara kopplad till kunskapsbrist om våldsbejakande extremism och till rådande samhällsdebatt. Till viss del fanns också en osäkerhet kopplad till lagstiftning gällande främst sekretess och personlig integritet. Därtill framstod olika aspekter av samordning som centrala utmaningar.

A content analysis of "Islamic State" (IS) propaganda material released around the movement's proclamation of a Caliphate in 2014, this study is an attempt at analysing ways in which presented arguments express a coherent narrative of symbolic meaning. Using Robert Benford & David Snow's ideas on the so-called three core framing tasks as a clarifying template, I discuss ways in which the analysed material argues for the legitimacy and relevance of the IS movement. IS propagandists argue that the Muslim umma is under attack, and that Muslims need to unite under a common authority that can protect their religion, restore their strength, and counteract their humiliation. The IS Caliphate is presented as a hopeful sign, but is in need of committed recruits who are willing to sacrifice for what is presented as the greater good. As the analysed propaganda is particularly focused on this latter (motivational) aspect of the narrative, it focuses extensively on formulating arguments that reinforce it. I hold that many of these arguments can be traced back to what can be described as appeals to virtues like sincerity, authenticity, and truthfulness – and that all of these are also used to argue for the credibility of the IS Caliphate as an Islamic authority. Arguing that this Caliphate will serve the role of an aiding sword of Islam, it is furthermore presented as a necessary and vigorous structure aimed at protecting "truth" and at eradicating "falsehood".

This paper sought to examine conspiracy theory (CT) use across three types of groups: radical violent extremists (RVE), non-violent extremists, and moderates. Using the theory of significance quest, or the desire for one’s life to have meaning (Kruglanski, Chen, Dechesne, Fishman, & Orehek, 2009), I sought to determine whether RVE groups were more likely to use CTs, invoke need for cognitive closure (NFCC) via the use of time pressure, elicit anomie, and promote significance quest through violence than the other groups. Using text analysis software, I pulled passages from six groups – two from each level of extremism - that had conspiratorial language and then coded for the variables described above. RVE groups were significantly more likely than the other groups to use CTs and invoke NFCC through time pressure but were less likely than non-violent groups to elicit anomie. In addition, RVE groups were more likely to promote significance gain through action, but not significance restoration or prevention of significance loss. Implications of the findings are discussed.

I svenska skolan har lärare ett uppdrag att arbeta förebyggande mot “våldsbejakande” extremism. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur lärare ser på sin roll att arbeta med detta samt hur de menar att deras arbetssituation påverkar deras möjlighet att bemöta extrema åsikter hos elever. Empirin utgörs av sex semistrukturerade intervjuer med gymnasielärare från Stockholmsområdet. Dessa har sedan analyserats utifrån Lipskys teori om gräsrotsbyråkrater som diskuterar lärares arbetssituation, vilken kännetecknas av balans mellan kontroll och frihet (Lipsky 2010). Studiens resultat visar att lärarna upplever det svårt att bemöta extrema åsikter på grund av otydliga direktiv från organisation samt otillräckliga resurser bland annat i form av tidsbrist. De försöker återta kontrollen genom att exempelvis förenkla arbetsuppgifter och hänvisa arbetsuppgifter vidare till en annan instans. Lärarna arbetar utifrån en ambition att bemöta extrema åsikter genom respektfulla samtal. Detta misslyckades dock stundtals, då lärarna upplever brist på tid och verktyg i kombination med krav att hantera extrema åsikter från organisationen. Detta resulterar i att lärarna låter bli att bemöta åsikter alternativt att lärarna, trots ambitionen att bemöta genom samtal, tillgriper tillsägningar och uppfostrande metoder. Lärares arbetssituation har således stor påverkan på deras möjlighet att arbeta mot “våldsbejakande” extremism hos elever. / Teachers in Sweden have an obligation by law to prevent violent extremism. This study aims to examine how teachers experience their work in violent extremism prevention. Our study serves as a window to an understanding of how teachers’ work situation affects their ability to prevent students’ expressing extreme opinions. The empirical data from six interviews with sixth form teachers has been analysed through the lens of Lipsky’s theory on street-level bureaucrats (2010). Street-level bureaucrats are workers such as nurses, police officers and teachers - teachers being the focus of this study. Their work is characterised by a degree of discretion in their power to exercise control over the services they provide to recipients such as students (ibid). The study has mainly shown that teachers experience difficulties managing students’ extreme opinions due to inadequate resources and vague organisational expectations. In order to retake control teachers tend to develop patterns of simplifications in their work duties and referring responsibilities to others. Despite the teachers’ ambition to tackle extreme opinions through respectful conversation, they sometimes fail due to a lack of resources such as time and support, resorting to reprimands. Thus, the teachers role as a street-level bureaucrat has a high impact on their ability to work with violent extremism prevention.

right assailants within the past five years. The thesis uses David Rapoport's seminal theory political pressures. Therefore, using Rapoport's measurement criteria, the project focuses on methods empirical analysis, the thesis contends that the data's common themes and patterns fulfil Rapoport's distinctive wave conditions within the phenomenon's international nature, the American and European experiences. Therefore, in satisfying Rapoport's conditions and

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