„Weshalb gibt es keine NATO in Südostasien?“ – mit dieser Frage wird darauf verwiesen, dass die USA mit dem Beginn des Kalten Krieges auf dem amerikanischen Kontinent, in Europa, im Südpazifik, in Südostasien und im Mittleren Osten sicherheitspolitische Bündnisse etablierten, dass diese jedoch im Hinblick auf ihre Reichweite und bindende Kraft, ihre strukturelle Ausgestaltung und vor allem die im Bündnisvertrag eingegangenen Verpflichtungen gegenüber den Bündnispartnern höchst unterschiedlich waren. Während die USA im Rahmen des Nordatlantikpaktes (NATO) und des Vertrags über die Organisation der Amerikanischen Staaten (OAS) bereit waren, weitgehende Verpflichtungen einzugehen, war ihre Einbindung im pazifischen Raum im Bündnis mit Australien und Neuseeland (ANZUS) bzw. in Südostasien (SEATO) weit weniger verbindlich. Dem Bagdad-Pakt im Mittleren Osten, den sie zwar mitinitiierten, traten sie schließlich formal nicht bei. Innerhalb dieser Arbeit wird nachgewiesen, dass die bisherigen Allianztheorien diese unterschiedliche Politikkonzeption nicht erfassen können, da sie kulturelle Faktoren zu wenig berücksichtigen. Desweiteren wird aufgezeigt, dass die US-Allianzpolitik nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg von eben solchen kulturellen Faktoren wesentlich geprägt wurden, wobei insbesondere der Einfluss einer kollektiven Identität basierend auf Vorstellungen einer Überlegenheit der weißen Rasse, dem „White-supremacy-thinking“, in den Vordergrund gestellt wird. / „Why is there no NATO in South East Asia?“ – this question leads to an interesting observation. With begin of the Cold War, the United States were eager to build a chain of various alliance systems in the different region of the world. Their basic intention for developing this policy strategy was on the one hand to contain a further expansion of the communist block under leadership of the Soviet Union and on the other hand to bind the participating nations closer to themselves. In this way, in not even a decade there came into existence the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organization of American States (OAS), the Australien-New Zealand-United States Pact (ANZUS), the South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and the Baghdad-Pact. But it is remakrable that although all these alliances were founded by the United States with similar intentions, their institutional design, their scope and the treaties itself differed a lot. While the United States, for example, were willing to enter into broad commitments within the NATO, they were much more hesitant to do the same within the SEATO. This work argues that traditional theories concerning alliances are not able to explain these different approaches because they neglect cultural factors as important variable. It is shown that cultural considerations played a preeminent role in the decision making process in the United States and that these cultural considerations were still heavily based on racially stereotypical thinking and the belief on „White Supremacy“.

The What If Collection is a visual narrative that confronts white supremacy, the social, economic, and political ideology used to subjugate black civilization via colonial rule and enslavement in history and via structural racism today. Many white people have been socialized into a racial illiteracy that fosters white supremacy. This racial illiteracy fails to realize and understand the destructive effects of Western dominance on the rest of the world, particularly on past and present Africa and her diaspora. In response, utilizing discursive design, the collection constructs a counter-story that depicts a shift in the power structure in which the white oppressor is placed in the historical experience of the black oppressed. Moving forward from the past, a contemporary society is visualized where black people are the dominant force.

This study explores the complex relationship between radical right rhetoric and the genre of apocalyptic rhetoric. The radical right consists of the White Nationalist and Patriot movements, two common "hate group" movements in the United States. The Klanwatch (1998d) explains that the number of hate groups in the United States grew by 20 percent in 1997. They attribute much of this growth to the movement's use of the Internet. Although these hate groups are highly diverse, Christian Identity is a common theology to which many members of the radical right adhere.This study analyzes two artifacts representational of Christian Identity rhetoric. These artifacts were found on the Web site of the Northwest Kinsmen, a radical right group from the Pacific Northwest. Christian Identity is a "pseudo-Christian" theology that claims that white Christians are the true Israelites and that Jews are actually "children of Satan." Christian Identity followers believe that there will be a racial war (i.e., racial apocalypse) in which white Christians will triumph over the forces of evil (Abanes, 1996).This study utilizes the rhetorical method of generic criticism to determine that the Christian Identity rhetoric present on the Northwest Kinsmen's Web site is apocalyptic rhetoric. Generic theory, the theoretical foundation of this study, argues that rhetorical genres have common situational, substantive, and stylistic features and a common "organizing principle" that unifies the genre. Therefore, this study compares the key features of apocalyptic rhetoric to the Northwest Kinsmen artifacts. Through this study, a greater understanding of the social reality, beliefs, attitudes, and values of the radical right, Christian Identity rhetors is obtained.This study discovers that the Christian Identity rhetoric found on the Northwest Kinsmen's Web site is apocalyptic rhetoric. This study illustrates that these Christian Identity rhetors believe that they are living in a chaotic world of inexplicable problems. Through apocalyptic rhetoric, the rhetors help explain the "crises" facing the audience and therefore restore order in their lives. Specifically, this study shows how these apocalyptic rhetors utilize conspiracy theories to restore order. Additionally, it illustrates how the rhetorical strategies associated with apocalyptic rhetoric (i.e., typology, transfer, and style and language) are used to enhance the credibility of the rhetor and the legitimacy of even the most racist assertions. Finally, this study provides insight into the use of the Internet by radical right groups. / Department of Speech Communication

History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

No description available.

This thesis mobilizes the concept of “colonial entanglement” to emphasize the deep complexity and unpredictability of Indigenous and non-Indigenous relationships within what is now known as the Banff-Bow Valley. Responding to various literatures—including Indigenous Studies, Settler Colonial Studies, Political Theory, and Canadian Politics—I posit that the concept of colonial entanglements offers a parallax view of contexts, such as the Banff-Bow Valley, and events like the Buffalo Reintroduction Project. Not only does such a concept reveal how Indigenous nations— both human and non-human—are targeted by the racializing and gendered entanglements of colonizing regimes that seek to break up and replace them, but it also shows how these nations continue to persist and resist despite colonizing efforts to achieve otherwise. In other words, colonial entanglements compel one to also consider how nations like the Ĩyãħé Nakoda also exert influence on other Indigenous and non-Indigenous life in the Banff-Bow Valley—albeit, in different ways and to different degrees. After unpacking the concept in the first chapter, I use colonial entanglement to show how colonizing regimes and their expansionist modes of relationship react to the Indigenous nations they become entangled with. Using the signing of Treaty 7 and the establishment of a national park in Banff, I reveal how the Canadian state seeks to erect colonizing regimes of property that cater to capital as they transit the Banff-Bow Valley by ‘breaking up’ and ‘breaking from’ Indigenous nations and their expansive modes of relationship. Next, I consider how such reactionary violence is continually justified and legitimated through the articulation and reiteration of state of nature fictions that rely on notions of wilderness and tropes of Indigeneity to delegitimize the enduring presence of Indigenous nations. Specifically, I look at the Indian Act, the prohibition of hunting in the Park, and the Banff Indian Days festival to show how state of nature fictions articulate a supposed transition from a “past state of nature” to a contemporary “state of (dis)possession” entangled with white supremacist and heteropatriarchal forms of power. In doing so, these fictions make and reproduce colonial subjects who buy into and support colonizing violence and breakage that disproportionately targets those Indigenous to place. In the final chapter, I turn to focus on the Buffalo Reintroduction Project. Here, I consider how the project presents contemporary opportunities for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people to support and/or disrupt colonizing states of (dis)possession and the state of nature fictions they rely on, while also considering the project’s potential for a politics oriented towards expansive modes of relationship revolving around principles of decolonization and anti-colonial internationalism. / Graduate

No description available.

Racial Contract fait partie de ces livres pionniers qui ont permis aux théories critiques de la race de faire leur entrée en philosophie politique. Dans cette analyse libérale des inégalités raciales, Charles W. Mills propose de prendre la suprématie blanche comme outil conceptuel pour décrire et expliquer les problèmes liés à la race aux États-Unis. Le potentiel émancipatoire de cette approche subversive chez les personnes racisées noires n’a pas été étudié. Dans ce mémoire, après avoir comparé diverses conceptions de la notion de « race », nous examinons la façon dont Mills articule les concepts de « suprématie blanche » et d’« épistémologie de l’ignorance » afin d’expliquer les injustices raciales. Finalement, nous explorons la théorie de la résistance de Shannon Sullivan afin d’évaluer sa compatibilité avec la théorie descriptive de Mills. En fin d’analyse, nous estimons qu’une philosophie de la résistance aurait avantage à se tourner vers des théories critiques de la race autres que celle de Mills, telles que celle de W.E.B. Du Bois afin d’avoir un concept de l’individu racisé noir qui rend compte de son agentivité et donc de sa capacité à résister. Nous soutenons aussi que le concept de « suprématie blanche », tel que développé par Mills, est un outil théorique cohérent, valide et potentiellement utile à l’élaboration d’une philosophie de la résistance noire. Enfin, même si sa portée est plutôt restreinte, nous considérons que l’apport des « traîtres de la race » tel que Shannon Sullivan dans une philosophie de la résistance peut potentiellement être positif. / Racial Contract is one of the pioneering books that brought critical race theories into political philosophy. In this liberal analysis of racial inequalities, Charles W. Mills proposes to use white supremacy as a conceptual tool to describe and explain race-related problems in the United States. However, the emancipatory potential of this subversive approach among "black" people has not been studied. In this master thesis, after comparing various conceptions of "race", we examine how Mills articulates the concepts of "white supremacy" and "epistemology of ignorance" to explain racial injustices. Finally, we explore Shannon Sullivan's theory of resistance to assess its compatibility with Mills' descriptive theory. In the end, we believe that a philosophy of resistance would benefit from turning to critical theories of race other than that of Mills, such as W.E.B. Du Bois, in order to have a concept of the "black" individual that accounts for his or her agentivity and thus his or her capacity to resist. We also argue that the concept of "white supremacy", as developed by Mills, is a coherent, valid and potentially useful theoretical tool for the development of a philosophy of black resistance. Finally, even if its scope is rather limited, we consider that the contribution of "race traitors" such as Shannon Sullivan to a philosophy of resistance can potentially be positive.

Syftet med föreliggande studie är att utföra en bilderboksanalys av hur mångkulturalitet representeras i sex nutida barnböcker utgivna år 2019–2021 för att uppmärksamma och i förlängningen motverka den vithetsnorm som till stor del präglar vår kultur. Den teoretiker som främst legat till grund för studien är Robin DiAngelo som skriver om vit överhöghet och hur den ligger till grund för rasism i samhället. Resultatet har visat att de sex undersökta böckerna i relativt liten utsträckning bryter vithetsnormen. Vidare har resultatet visat att det framträder vithetsnorm i samtliga böcker då de flesta karaktärer med högutbildning och status är vita.

According to current U.S. labor statistics, Black male executives are underrepresented in every major industry in the United States. Common impediments preventing Black males from occupying executive positions include workplace white supremacy, biculturalism, repressive structures, and disparate career development. Using critical race theory as a framework, this basic qualitative study investigated the experiences of eight male executives, five Black and three white, from various industries to understand their perceptions and perspectives on race and racism, and examined their workplace lived experiences to study why there are not more Black males in the e-suite. Moreover, strategies to increase Black male representation in executive leadership positions were explored. The results of this study indicated white supremacy and norms are ubiquitous and dominant in the workplace. Consequently, this prevailing workplace ideology determines an organization’s culture, policies and practices, and, altogether, trigger traumas for Black males. Black male participants associated many of their workplace experiences with traumas in the forms of white favoritism, marginalization, stereotyping, microinvalidation, and compulsive assimilation. As a coping mechanism, they found support and organizational belonging through social networking in peer relationships and affinity groups, but their white counterparts almost exclusively used networking for career advancement.5 An emergent strategy from this study to increase Black male representation in the e-suite was the notion of a designed relationship model between aspiring Black male executives and equity-minded white male executives. However, because scholarship concerning career barriers impeding Black males from executive leadership positions is limited, future research is required to better understand the relationship between their workplace traumas and their underrepresentation.