Notre thèse analyse les liens entre renforcement de la hiérarchisation au travail et modalités de résistances à un statut subalterne. Nous avons étudié, par le biais d’une enquête par entretien en France et en Belgique, un espace de travail en constant renouvellement :le commerce de détail en boutique dans le secteur du prêt à porter. Les travaux sociologiques sur la précarisation des statuts d’emploi ont été peu centrés sur les rapports de travail qui existent dans ce type d’entreprises dont l’un des critères déterminant reste le nombre limité de salariés dont une majorité de jeunes femmes. Le passage d’un commerce indépendant à un commerce de « boutiques de masse » rationalisé a induit une transformation des conditions d’encadrement. Du petit patron indépendant on passe au manager salarié. Cette nouvelle relation patronale, invisible, entraîne un renouvellement des modes de domination davantage fondés sur la compétition marchande justifiant une flexibilité temporelle et spatiale, et une disponibilité permanente. L’observation comparative des situations d’employé-e-s a permis de dégager des processus sociaux communs de résistance à une discipline de boutique, qui prenaient plusieurs formes selon l’expérience et les modalités des échanges réciproques au travail. La formation du processus conflictuel résulte de deux dynamiques de socialisation salariale, l’une individuelle, conduisant à la revendication de droits, et l’autre, intersubjective, productrice d’une représentation de possibilités d’agir social sur la précarité du statut au travail.<p><p>Titre en Anglais<p><p>Inferiorized work status and “salarial” conflict. Store employees in France and Belgium<p><p><p>RESUMÉ DE LA THÈSE EN ANGLAIS<p><p> Our dissertation aimed at showing the links between the strengthening of the establishment of hierarchy at work and the modes of resistance to a subaltern status. We studied a constantly renewing working space in France and Belgium: retail trade stores (ready-to-wear). Sociology works on the increasing lack of job security rarely investigated the work relations in these particular types of structures, in which the limited number of employees is a deciding characteristic, in particular young women. The passage from an independent trade to a rationalized « mass stores » trade lead to a transformation of the framing conditions. There has been a change from the small boss to the salaried manager. This new and invisible relation to the employer leads to a renewal of the modes of domination now based more on the market competition justifying a temporal and space flexibility, and permanent. The comparative observation of the situations of employees in France and Belgium allowed us to shed light on shared social processes of resistance to the store discipline, which take different shapes depending on the experience and the modes of reciprocal exchange at work. The development of the conflict process ensues from two dynamics of socialization ;one is an individual one that leads to a capacity to claim rights ;and one is an intersubjective, producing a representation of possible social act to the precarious status. <p><p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Notre thèse analyse le rapport entre pratiques sociales d’intégration d’immigrés, modèles d’installation et processus de transformation de la morphologie urbaine dans deux études de cas qui se prêtent à une comparaison stimulante. D’un côté, nous avons le cas de l’émigration italienne interne vers un pole industriel de la banlieue métropolitaine milanaise (Sesto San Giovanni); de l’autre côté, celui de l’émigration italienne internationale dans une agglomération des bassins miniers wallons (La Louvière). Il s’agit de deux contextes d’insertion fort différents du point de vue de la morphologie sociale et de l’organisation territoriale, qui profilent des espaces hybrides entre rural et urbain en profonde et rapide transformation, à cause des flux massifs de la main d’œuvre immigrée. Ces différences nous permettent de mettre à l’épreuve de l’analyse comparée les conceptions sociologiques et les parcours historiques de l’intégration, du tissu sociale qui en est à la base, de la citoyenneté, de la construction d’identités collectives, afin de dépasser les dichotomies stéréotypées entre rural/urbain, tradition/modernité, intégration/conflit, migration interne/internationale. <p>La thèse développe une analyse parallèle des deux études de cas en suivant un fil argumentatif unitaire, qui s’ouvre avec une enquête sur les flux migratoires et les contextes d’accueil des migrations. Dans les deux premiers chapitres nous avons analysé le contexte économique, social et territorial dans lequel s’inscrivent les processus migratoires. Pour le cas belge, nous avons analysé le cycle de l’industrie charbonnière, le processus de dépopulation de la Wallonie et les mécanismes qui règlent les flux, c'est-à-dire une migration contractée par les deux gouvernements. En ce qui concerne le cas milanais, nous avons tracé les contours de la très rapide urbanisation, qui a conduit toute une série de communes limitrophes à Milan à entrer dans l’orbite métropolitaine et à se qualifier comme des pôles périphériques.<p>Après avoir tracé les contours du cadre général, nous avons fait face, dans la deuxième partie, à la question plus spécifique du logement et des formes d’installations. Pour le cas louviérois, nous avons reconstruit les conditions de logement et la très difficile confrontation des premiers immigrés avec le monde du travail charbonnier, l’absence d’une initiative publique dans le secteur du logement jusqu’en 1954, faiblement compensé par l’initiative patronale, et la phase suivante des années 1950, qui a mené à la stabilisation des immigrés dans la région. De Sesto San Giovanni nous avons reconstruit la transition complexe vers la périphérie métropolitaine, à partir des installations rurales jusqu’aux politiques publiques locales et nationales de construction de grands ensembles, en soulignant comment cette intervention urbanistique était au centre d’un débat très vif sur l’aménagement du territoire, qui a débouché sur la création d’institutions administratives régionales. Dans la dernière partie de la recherche nous avons plutôt approfondi les aspects sociaux et culturels des parcours d’installation et d’intégration dans les deux tissus urbains. C’est en cette partie que nous avons utilisé davantage les sources orales, afin d’analyser les perceptions de soi, les mécanismes de construction de l’identité sociale et donc tous les changements que la migration, le rencontre avec la ville et l’industrie ont entraîné dans les organisations familiales, dans les perspectives de vie, les aspirations et les projets des migrants. À partir de l’analyse de ces parcours, dans le chapitre conclusif nous avons interrogé quelques catégories historiques et sociologiques classiques des études migratoires: d’abord le sens d’appartenance à la communauté d’origine et le développement d’un sens d’identité nationale, ensuite le processus de formation d’une solidarité de classe, qui dans les deux contextes a pris des formes sensiblement distinctes surtout par rapport aux différences dans la mémoire de l’expérience migratoire.<p> / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis looks at literature by two South Asian, diasporic writers, Jhumpa Lahiri and Monica Ali, as a space where creative, cross-­cultural and independent identities for diasporic women might be created. The central claim of the thesis is that diasporic migration affects South Asian women in particular ways. The most positive outcome is that these women adopt new trans-­border identities but that these remain shaped by class, culture and gender. Hence a working class milieu such as the one depicted by Monica Ali, leads to an immigrant, ghetto-­ised, community-­based identity, located solely in the land of adoption, with return or travel to the homeland no longer possible. However, the milieu imagined in Jhumpa Lahiri’s text, a middle-class, suburban environment, creates a solitary, transnational identity, lived between countries, where travel between the land of birth and the land of adoption remains accessible. / English / M.A. (English)

À l'ère de la mondialisation, où la matrice capitaliste continue de dominer, la classification dans les groupes se définit encore en termes de classes, de genres et d'ethnicité. Les transformations causées par la mondialisation actuelle entraînent de nouveaux modes de production, qui à leur tour transforment les modes de définition et de régulation des populations. Le projet d'exploitation du Nord du Québec est un phénomène relativement récent; or, le processus de construction d'une classe sociale n'est pas un phénomène nouveau. La formation des classes sociales étant toujours en évolution, il semble aujourd'hui pertinent de réexaminer les facteurs économiques, sociologiques et historiques des caractéristiques théoriques nécessaires à la construction et à la représentation d'une classe sociale dont l'existence est liée à l'exploitation accrue des richesses naturelles, la classe ouvrière du Nord du Québec.

 À Fermont, dans le Nord du Québec, les compagnies minières emploient depuis 2011 une grande quantité de travailleurs québécois provenant de l'extérieur de la région, des travailleurs permanents non- résidents. Ainsi, la structure sociale construite sur la force de travailleurs locaux est aux prises avec de nouvelles dynamiques de mobilité sociale géographique. Au travail, les femmes et les autochtones sont aussi affectés par les relations des systèmes de pouvoir de la vie quotidienne, car les emplois de l'industrie minière et du domaine de la construction sont socialement et historiquement fondés sur des capitaux sociaux et culturels (blanc et homme). La classe ouvrière du Nord du Québec est redéfinit par son rapport à la migration géographique des travailleurs permanents non- résidents, par ses relations avec les minorités de genre et les minorités autochtones, relations qui engendrent une organisation sociale complexe et hétérogène. / In an increasingly globalized world, where the capitalist model is ubiquitous, the central question in the attempt at group classification concerns the link between the commercialization of a work force and the social stratification of the population in terms of class, gender, and ethnicity. The growing demands of globalization lead to new and innovative modes of production, which in turn transform the dynamics involved in defining and regulating populations. In current national affairs in Canada, this is best exemplified in the debate over the exploitation of Quebec's northern resources. The project to exploit Quebec's northern riches is a relatively recent phenomenon; the process whereby a social class is formed, however, is not. Given the vicissitudes of this process, it seems pertinent to reexamine the economic, sociological and historical elements which influenced the theoretical discourse on a social class whose existence is intrinsically linked with the exploitation of natural resources, namely the workers of northern Quebec. In Fermont, a town located in northern Quebec, mining companies have employed since 2011 a large number of workers coming from other regions of Quebec, known as permanent non-residents. Thus, the balance of the social structure maintained by the local workers is faced with new dynamics of social geographic mobility. In the workplace, women and Native Americans are also affected by the power relations at the interpersonal level in daily life owing to the fact that the jobs in the industrial mining sector and in construction are socially and historically founded on specific social and cultural traits (namely, white and male). The working class of northern Quebec is therefore redefined in its relationships to the permanent non-resident workers as well to its gender and indigenous minorities, relationships which will doubtless engender a complex and heterogeneous social structure.

Avec l'émergence de la révolution industrielle, les populations rurales se dirigèrent vers les centres industriels nouveaux. S'y constitua un nouveau peuple, le peuple ouvrier, s’entassant dans les villes et dans les banlieues autour des usines. Surgirent de terre autour des manufactures industrielles des habitations destinées à minimiser la distance entre les logements et les lieux de travail. S'y Avec l'émergence de la révolution industrielle, les populations rurales se dirigèrent vers les centres industriels tissèrent des structures sociales simples, aboutissant à une nouvelle forme de ville : la ville industrielle, dont la caractéristique la plus importante, avant la présence du milieu ouvrier, réside dans celle d’une usine ou d’une mine, pleine d'objets et d'inventions mécaniques et techniques. La présente recherche se propose pour but de présenter cette ville industrielle en tant que produit le plus typique du XIXe siècle, avec ses composants techniques et ses habitants ouvriers. La ville s'y envisage comme l'un des berceaux les plus importants des romans, ceux-ci allant jusqu'à la prendre comme support de leur intrigue. Sans négliger l’importance considérable de la machine dans le bouleversement de la vie quotidienne ni oublier que la révolution technique est portée et manifestée par elle, la thèse analyse à travers ces romans le rôle de ces objets bruyants et imposants, ses machines, dans la formation de la ville industrielle, aussi bien que dans la vie de ses habitants. L'étude se complète par un portrait des ouvriers, ces utilisateurs des machines et ces incarnations de la technique et de l’industrie, dans leur vie, leur travail et leurs habitudes. Avec la littérature du XIXe siècle et surtout le mouvement naturaliste, ce peuple se trouve pour la première fois considéré dans la monotonie quotidienne de son existence, dans ses petits drames, ses mœurs, sa mentalité. Apparaissent de la sorte les effets néfastes de l’industrialisation et du machinisme sur la vie de ces personnes, auxquels certains auteurs remédient par la création d'utopies. / With the emergence of the industrial revolution, country people moved to the new industrial centers. Through this movement appeared a new social class, the working class, crowding in the cities and also in the suburbs around the factories. To minimize the distance between the places of work and the residences, a lot habitations appear suddenly out of earth around industrial factories. In those areas, simple social structures were created leading to a new city shape: the industrial city whose main characteristic, before the setting of the working class, is the factory or the mine, places full of industrial items, mechanical inventions and techniques. The present research aims at introducing this industrial city as the most typical product of the nineteenth century through its technical components and its working class. The city is considered as one of the main element in the novel as far as becoming the basic and strong support of their intrigue. Without neglecting the substancial and amazing effect and the consequences of the machine in the daily life and without forgetting that the technical revolution is supported and materialized by the machine itself, the thesis analyses, through the studied novels, the role of those machines in the emergence of the industrial city as well as its effects in the daily life of the working class. The study is developed by a portrait of the working class, main users of the machines and a description of the technical and industrial incarnations in their lifes, their work and their habits. With the nineteenth century's literature and especially through the naturalist movement, this social class is for the first time analysed by considering its monotonous daily life, its little dramas, its manners and its mentality. Therefore the negative effects of the industrialization and of the mechanization on the working class appear in the literature, and some writers try to solve the problem by creating utopia.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:25:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HIS - Mayara S Mendes.pdf: 4028005 bytes, checksum: 2bd2228189015f79545c2c3c165df136 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-16 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This disssertation aimed at discussing religious conflicts and political relations in Pará between 1930 and 1941 against the political background of the events of the 1930 s and of the tenure of Dom Antônio de Almeida Lustosa as bishop of Pará. In this period, some priests have positioned themselves against the political status quo, taking some attitudes that pleased neither the political bosses nor the local catholic hierarchy, which provoked a censure on them. Involved with electoral lawsuits or defalcation of catholic property, Father José Maria do Lago, Father José Foulquier, Father Leandro Pinheiro and Father Alcides Paranhos were forced to rethink their sacerdotal behavior towards society. Working with different kinds of official documents and newspapers, this work discusses the actions of such religious men and the positions and actions of the Catholic Church and of the local Governments concerning these attitudes, which were classified, by some politicians of that time, as petty politics. / Esta dissertação procurou discutir os conflitos religiosos e as relações políticas no Pará entre 1930 e 1941, tendo como cenário político os acontecimentos de 30 e o bispado de Dom Antônio de Almeida Lustosa. Nesse período, percebemos que alguns padres se posicionaram contra a estrutura política vigente, tomando atitudes que não agradaram nem aos dirigentes políticos, nem os superiores católicos paraenses, o que os levou a uma censura religiosa. Envolvidos com processos eleitorais ou desvio de patrimônio católico, Padre José Maria do Lago, Padre José Foulquier, Padre Leandro Pinheiro e Padre Alcides Paranhos foram forçados a repensarem seu comportamento enquanto sacerdotes diante à sociedade. Trabalhando com ofícios, correspondências, atas episcopais, circulares, cartas pastorais e jornais da época, o trabalho discute as ações destes religiosos e a posição e ação da Igreja católica e da Interventoria locais diante de tais atitudes, consideradas, por políticos da época, de politiqueiras.

From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.

Au croisement de la sociologie des classes populaires et de la sociologie urbaine et du logement, cette thèse porte sur l’une des formes de logements non ordinaires qui a connu un développement massif en France dans les territoires ruraux et périurbains au cours de ces dernières années : le camping résidentiel. Combinant immersion ethnographique dans plusieurs campings de la région parisienne, entretiens, archives et statistiques, elle montre l’existence d’une véritable stratification interne à cet habitat, eu égard à l’hétérogénéité des situations résidentielles, des trajectoires, des ressources, des expériences et des styles de vie des habitants. Le camping résidentiel est de fait apparu comme remplissant trois grandes fonctions sociales segmentant la population qui le pratique : il peut représenter une alternative à la maison individuelle inaccessible, figurer un déclassement subjectif et objectif ou encore s’apparenter à une solution qui pallie la pénurie de logement abordable et évite le dénuement extrême de la rue. Inscrite dans une approche à la fois contextualiste et dispositionnaliste des manières d’habiter, la thèse rapporte ces trois fonctions du camping – qui constituent également trois styles de vie distincts – aux caractéristiques particulières de cette forme d’habitat non ordinaire mais aussi à des ressources, des trajectoires et des socialisations résidentielles différentes articulées à des dispositions populaires relativement homogènes. Elle identifie enfin les causes, les dynamiques et les conséquences des pratiques de délogement en documentant « de l’intérieur » un cas de fermeture de terrain de camping, exemple de concrétisation du risque associé au statut juridique de cet habitat. / This thesis finds itself at the intersection of the sociology of the working classes and urban sociology, with a special interest in housing. It focuses on one of the forms of non-ordinary housing that has seen massive development in France in recent years: residential camping. Combining an ethnographic immersion in several campsites in the Paris region, interviews, archives and statistics, it shows the existence of a real internal stratification within this habitat, taking into account the heterogeneity of residential situations, trajectories, resources, experiences and lifestyles of the inhabitants. Residential camping has in fact emerged as fulfilling three major social functions which segment the population that practices it: it may represent an alternative to the inaccessible single-family home, or stand as a subjective and objective downgrading or even be a solution that makes up for the shortage of affordable housing, thus preventing the extreme destitution of living in the streets. Illustrating a dispositionalist-contextualist approach to ways of living, the thesis connects these three functions of camping - which also constitute three distinct lifestyles - with the particular characteristics of this unusual form of housing. It also links it to different resources, trajectories and forms of residential socialisation corresponding to relatively homogeneous popular dispositions. Finally, it identifies the causes, dynamics and consequences of eviction practices by documenting "from the inside" the case of a campground closure, an example of the risk involved in the legal status of this habitat.

<p>The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors?</p><p>The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition.</p><p>The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed.</p><p>Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors.</p><p>Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.</p>

Bengt Lidforss (1868–1913) was professor of botany between 1910 and 1913. But after the turn of the century he also emerged as a charismatic leader within the Swedish working-class movement. He became one of its foremost publicists. In the social democratic newspaper Arbetet in Malmö he wrote about natural sciences but also about political, philosophical and literary issues. As a literary critic Lidforss was the keenest protector of the Scanian literary school, and his struggle for Ola Hansson and Vilhelm Ekelund has made its mark in Swedish literary history, as have his contributions in favour of Gustaf Fröding and August Strindberg, culminating in the polemic articles during the Strindberg Feud (1910–11). Skönhetsdyrkare och socialdemokrat. Studier i Bengt Lidforss litteraturkritiska gärning (Worshipper of Beauty And Social Democrat. Studies in Bengt Lidforss’ Achievement As A Literary Critic) emphasises the paradoxic combination of Lidforss’ fundamentally socialist views and a strong belief in art. To him art was not isolated from society but quite the contrary; a significant factor in the changing of society. The new socialistic human being should be ennobled by arts instead of emasculated by religion. With the help of Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of “field”, it is shown how Lidforss, by attacking leading middle-class newspapers and publicists, created for himself and Arbetet a constantly stronger position within the field of journalism. Within the field of literary criticism he attacked the middle-class critics, and thus participated in associating Strindberg and Fröding as well as the young Scanian writers with the working-class movement. Lidforss’ literary taste was seen as an alternative to middle-class taste and the worshipping of beauty thereby became fashionable among socialists. The fact that one finds sympathies not only for symbolism but also for decadent descriptions with Lidforss the socialist, has to do with the fact that the descriptions of the discomfort of the heroes revealed the disadvantages of the capitalist society. Nevertheless Lidforss’ issued warnings against programmatic pessimism, since he was of the opinion that literature should strengthen people in their struggle. When it came to the plight of the human being under capitalism he was a pessimist, but he believed the stronger in a future socialist society. The terms for the artists would be more tolerable in such a society, he prophesied. He admitted that revolutionary poetry could be useful but was of the opinion that the quality of art would lessen if it consciously served politics. The revolutionary poetry he praised in his reviews was poetry he found genuine and coming from the heart. He did not favour pronounced tendencies, but he liked to use poetry in a political context. / Bengt Lidforss (1868–1913) var botaniker, men också publicist och socialist. Skandalomsusad och färgstark har han porträtterats av ett stort antal skönlitterära författare, allt ifrån August Strindberg till Inger Alfvén. Hans mångsidiga medarbetarskap i Arbetet hjälpte tidningen fram till en uppmärksammad position. I denna bok skildras hans kamp för en ledande position också inom det litterära fältet. Lidforss var en skönhetsdyrkare av stora mått men samtidigt socialdemokrat. Detta ledde till att han stred på många kulturella arenor – inte bara mot kritiker, författare, och Svenska Akademien, utan också mot inflytelserika män inom kyrka och politik. Skönhetsdyrkare och socialdemokrat ger oss oväntade svar på vad dessa bataljer handlade om och vi får möta Lidforss samtida giganter som Fredrik Böök, Vilhelm Ekelund, Albert Engström, Verner von Heidenstam, Oscar Levertin, August Strindberg med flera.