Master of Science / Department of Clinical Sciences / David S. Hodgson / Peste des petits ruminants (PPR) is an economically important and highly contagious disease of sheep and goats. It is characterized by enteritis, stomatitis, pneumonia, and discharge from the nose and eyes. This report contains a review of PPR and its epidemiology in Afghanistan and other PPR- endemic countries followed by recommendations for dealing disease in Afghanistan. Studies showed that PPR is still endemic in Afghanistan’s neighboring countries including Pakistan, Iran, Tajikistan, and China. From January of 2009 to January of 2010, 852 outbreaks of PPR were reported to the OIE from 24 different countries. However, this study focuses on Afghanistan and some neighboring countries (Iran, Tajikistan). Animal clinics and Veterinary Field Units (VFUs) reported 7,741 cases of PPR from 2008 to 2009 in different parts of Afghanistan. A study by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in 2009 showed that PPR is endemic in various parts of Afghanistan. Seroprevalence of PPR varied from 0% in Kapisa to 48% in Herat province of Afghanistan. The last chapter of this report includes recommendations and guidelines regarding prevention and eradication of PPR from Afghanistan. These recommendations could help improve animal health and the economy of Afghanistan in the future.

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Democracy promotion is a key objective in both US and EU foreign development policy. The study attempts to provide a better understanding of both actors democracy promotion in Afghanistan. The US and the EU are perceived to have different approaches regarding democracy promotion. Therefor the study examines if US used top-down and EU bottom-up approaches respective coercive and persuasive methods. Approaches used by actors are examined in the study regarding democracy promotion in the case of Afghanistan. It is a case study with qualitative text analysis and the theories used are top-down and bottom up channels of democracy, and persuasive and stick methods. The survey has looked at the both actors’ commitment in Afghanistan during period of 2001-2014. The result shows that the US and EU have more similarities than differences in the case of Afghanistan and actors have combined both top-down and bottom-approaches in promotion of democracy and focused on cooperation and partnership.

Afghanistan a country affected by decades of war and invasions has been subject of democratization and state-building of foreign donors post-2001. Despite the efforts of international community for improvements of state institutions, the country is and has been located at the bottom corruption indexes for many years. This essay tries to understand and explain why Afghanistan has been at the bottom line of corruption despite external actor’s vast democracy aid and building of effective state institutions. The case study of Afghanistan with qualitative method and descriptive text analysis examine causes of corruption in Afghanistan. The materials consist of both statistical data in terms of surveys and scientific literature to provide explanations of corruption in Afghanistan. The analytical framework of the study is based on previous research where formal institutions with focus on political system and informal institutions with focus on clientelism, patronage and neopatrimonialism, are used to explain the empirical data. The findings are that corruption is endemic in Afghanistan, occurring at all sectors of the government and the main reason is the defective political structure along with patronage and clientelistic networks and a state that rest on neo-patrimonialism.

This study explores borderlands as a function of the imposition of the post-colonial state upon primary structures of identity, polity and social organisation which may be sub-state, national or trans-state in nature. This imposition, particularly in the postcolonial experience of Asia, manifests itself in incongruence between identities of nation and state, between authority and legitimacy, and between beliefs and systems, each of which is most acutely demonstrated in the dynamic borderlands where the competition for influence between non-state and state centres of political gravity is played out. The instability in borderlands is a product of the re-territorialisation of pre-state primary structures, and the state's efforts in accommodating, assimilating or suppressing these structures through a combination of militarisation, providing opportunities for greater political enfranchisement, and the structure of trans-borderland economic flows. The Pashtun tribes of the Afghan borderland between Pakistan and Afghanistan are exhibiting a resurgence of autonomy from the state, as part of the re-territorialisation of the primary substructure of Pakhtunkhwa that underlies southern Afghanistan and north-western Pakistan. This phenomenon is localised, tribally driven, and replicated across the entirety of Pakhtunkhwa. It is a product of the pashtunwali mandated autonomy of zai from which every kor, killi and khel derives its security, and through the protection of which each is able to raise its nang, and is able to realise its position within the larger clan or tribe. Other examples of competition between postcolonial states and primary structures are the Kurdish experience in south-eastern Turkey and the experience of the Arab state. While manifesting significant peculiarities, all three cases - the Kurds, the Arabs and the Pashtuns - demonstrate that the current configuration of the postcolonial state system in Asia is a fragile construction, imposed upon enduring, pre-state primary structures which are resurgent through competition with the state.

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This thesis is a portion of a novel manuscript. The novel is tentatively titled The Quiet Near the End of Our World. These 20 chapters introduce the readers to the four main characters: Mir Hamza Khan, Isaiah Khost, Toor Jan, and Daniel Bing. The machinations of Mir Hamza Khan result in a school attack in a rural village in Afghanistan that wounds Toor Jan. Toor Jan is admitted to an American hospital where he meets intelligence operative, Daniel Bing. Dan decides to use Toor Jan as a spy to bring Mir Hamza Khan to justice for the attacks but must first navigate the wishes of his commander Isaiah Khost. The four men collide in an explosive conflict where none of them are safe.

This dissertation is an attempt to solve a puzzle: how and why did the poor, remote and isolated country of Afghanistan become a site of international Muslim aspiration and imagination in the early 20^th century? To answer this question, the dissertation focuses on the creation of ‘place’ - of Afghanistan in conceptual and material terms - out of the movement through ‘space’ of Afghan and Muslim travellers, and the inscriptions of such movement in texts. Through such a study, the dissertation argues that Afghanistan’s emergence as imperial counter-space and practical base for Muslims was the product of new physical and intellectual interactions amongst Afghan and Muslim travellers, powered by new technologies of steam and print. Such an argument resituates Afghanistan in connection to larger transformations taking place elsewhere. It thus marks an attempt to write late 19^th and early 20^th century Afghanistan back into global history. At the same time as drawing Afghanistan into that larger global story, however, the dissertation stresses the distinctiveness of the ‘Muslim turn’ to Afghanistan: how many of these new physical and intellectual movements relied on older physical or imagined connections with ‘the land of the Afghans’; how other movements offered strikingly original visions of what Afghanistan was and could be; how the Afghan court fostered and encouraged such movements through its particularist policies; how Afghanistan’s seemingly remote location, on the peripheries of the religious heartlands of the Middle East and the political and economic centres of western imperialism, made it such a prominent and attractive focus of Muslim interest and action. By plotting the inter-connections of Afghan and Muslim travellers over a forty-year period, the dissertation charts how Afghanistan grew to become one of the great hopes of the Muslim world. At the same time, the dissertation charts the growing gap between the idealized representation of Afghanistan and its reality. Finally, it illustrates how the ‘Muslim turn’ to Afghanistan ended in disillusionment and disaster, on Afghanistan’s plains.

This study focuses on female entrepreneurship in Afghanistan as a relatively new phenomenon in the country. It captures women entrepreneurs’ lived experiences and investigates their motivations, the factors affecting their businesses, the challenges they face, and their survival strategies. It also explores entrepreneurship's impacts on women’s lives, particularly affecting their ascribed gender roles and contributions to social transformation. The findings of this research, based on qualitative interviews with 19 female entrepreneurs in Afghanistan, suggest that female entrepreneurship could be an effective way of involving women in social and economic development. This thesis also contributes to women’s empowerment and increases job opportunities for other women. It also has the potential to address women’s previously unmet needs. I argue that in conservative societies, entrepreneurship brings about social change by normalizing women’s presence in the public sphere, particularly in business, and therefore it should be supported and promoted.

The purpose of this study is to analyze how six Afghans perceive the practice of their religion after a time interval in Sweden and if their religious practice has changed. I refer to how the informants have exercised their religion in their home country based on food and drink rules as well as prayer and mosque visits, and compare how the exercise looks like in Sweden after three years. I used qualitative semi-structured interviews with a hermeneutic approach. The result showed that all informants experienced that their practice of religion has changed after the time interval in Sweden: it had diminished or decreased altogether, and religion was no longer a key factor in the informants' lives. The underlying factors for this were because the informants had lived in a country and society where religious practice was not something selectable and where factors such as school, education and economy were lower down on the list and religion in the first place. The organized and institutionalized religion that exists in Afghanistan and which is transferred from one generation to another, especially from older relatives and family, is something that the informants do not find in Sweden. In Sweden, religion is something that loses importance and religion is a private matter. It turns out that the informants feel free here in Sweden and that even though they belong to a minority group just like in their home country, they want to belong to a majority and adapt their religious practice to a post-modern society.